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WM. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of
flee in Utark's Brick Block Tioga St., Tunk
heeeeek, Pa.
GEO 9. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Tenkhoaooek, Pa. Office iu Stark's Brick
leek, Ttega street.
R.ffi. LITTLE, ATTORNEY AT LAW
Office ee Ttega street, Tunkhammek Pa.
Hffi. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON
* Newton Centre. Latere* County Pa.
ftorjiln: louse,
HARRISBUHG, I'ENNA.
The undersigned having lately purchased the
" BUIHLER HOUSE " pioperty, has already cora
meaeed tech alterations and improvements as will
reader this eld and popular House equal, if not supp
lier, to any Hetsl in the City of Hnrrisburg.
A eeatianaae* of th* public patronage is refpert
feUv seiisitod.
GEO J. BOLTON*
WALL'S HOTEL,
LATE AMERICAN HOUSE,
TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA
Tat! establishment has recently been refitted an
faranknd in the latest style Every attention
•til he given to the comfort and convenience of those
•he patronise the Houe
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprieter .
Tenkheaneek, September 11, 1861.
1H. -T. C. BECKEH .
PHYSICIAN A BURG HON,
"Weald reapectfally announce ta tha eitiienso f Wy
toing, that ha has located at Tankhannock where
fee will promptly attend to all calls in tha lina of
hie prefesaien.
| aT Will ha ft end at hema on Saturdays of
eaah week
NORTH BRANCH HOTEL,
MISHOPPBN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA
Wns. H. CORTRIGHT, Prop'r
K A TING resumed the proprietorship of the above
Betel, the undersigned will spare no effort to
VeaCer'the house an agreeable place ot sojourn for
•11 who may favor it with their custom
7 Wm II CCRTRIHIIT.
J was, 3rd, 1863
gfoaits fotfl,
Tr' BARTLET,
ILato el the Baaamano Hocss, ELMIRA, N Y
PROPRIETOR.
I L R * . ■
Tie MEANS HOTEL, i* onaoftne LARGEST
agjl RIST ARRANGED Houses in the country—lt
\% fitted np in the most modern and improved style,
aai ne pains are spared to make it a pleasant and
pgveegfele stopping-plaoe for all,
M. GILMAN,
AsM SILMAN, has parmanently located in Tunk-
* haaaetk Berungh, and respectfully tender* his
ptofhsrisnrl services to the eitisens of this place and
amandine cane try.
ALL Wwl WARRANTED, TO GIVE BATIS
' Q|r Offiee aver TnUon's Law Offioe, wear th a Pos
ll, IMI.
: JTTII ITTliri IAGEIGY
NDUCTID BY
harvk AND collinf
WASHINGTON, D, C*
ta order fe faciliate the prompt sd
nstmeak of Bennty, arrears of pay, Pensions and
ether Claims, die soldiers and other persons from
' the United States. The under
-f wed has mode 1 rrangsm-n'r with tha abovs firm
Yehen depkrisana and close proximity to, and daily
,'?% ereenrto with the department; as well aa the ear-
acquired by them, of the decisions
iyqneatlymeinf made, enables them to prnsecnte
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Janwafibly A* All pereons entitled, to claims of the
aJjrefeesri(Men ean hav them properly attended
• •hekbyHng e as and eatmatiac thans to my care
w HARVEY BICKLER,
' Aft* for Harry A Collins,
Jto gfA At% Jk ito A. lAkAk A Jto Au AA V
jgr? ppf By. <yy - fflg
■ ■ '-M<>• :
MANHOOD.
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Price One Dollar*
XT Cut this notice gut if you desire Dr Har
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some dealers who are unprincipled will rtcomend
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SOLD BY DRUGGISTS GENERALLY.
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vtaHfr-l
"TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RlGHT..—'Thomas Jefferson.
TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, MAY 17, 1865.
PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S RECORD.
Much anxiety ia felt to know what policy
will be pursued by th# new President, An
drew Johnson. In a speech to an Illinois
delegation on the 18th of April, 1865, be
said :
4, 1n regard to my future coarse, I will now
make no profession, an pledges. I have been
connected somewhat actively with pabjie
affairs, and to the history of my psst public
acts, which is familiar to you, I rejer for
'hose principles which have governed me
heretofore, and will guide me hereafter.
My opinione as to tha nature of popular
government, have long been cherished, and
constituted as I am, it is now too late ir life
for tne to change thein."
As he refers to his former principles as
those which are to guide him in future, we
quote from his speeches and voles in Con
cress, upon important questions, to show the
oublio what views he has entertained.
In lite Senate of the Utd ed States, May
21, 1860, the question being on the passage
-•f certain resolutions, a division being de
manded, the vote was tsk>-n on each one sep
arately. and we find him voting for each of
t'tose qu -ted hereunder :
Tne States Tttt and Independent Sover
eignties.
1. Resolved, That in the adoplion cf tne
Federal Constitution, the States adopting
the same acted severally as free and inde
pendent sovereignties, delegating a portion
■A their powers to be exercised by the Fed
eral Government lor the increased security of
••ach agamst dangers, domestic as wall as
• <r-ign ; and that any intermeddling by any
•ne <r inure States, or by a comb natiou of
heir cuit?n*, witb the domestic institutions
"f the others on any pretext 'whetcver, p<i
ttieal. moral, or religious, with the dt-aire to
neir disturbance or subversion, is in vtoia
ton of the Constitution, insulting to the
Mates so interfered with, endangers their
.eace and tranquility— objects tor which tin
Cou-titution was formed—and, by neecasar
consequence, tends to weaken and destroy
the Union itself.
Interference xcith Slavery in the States a
breach / faith.
2. Resolved, That negro slavery, as it ex
i-ts in fifteen States of this Union, composes
an important portion of their domestic ins i
tutions, inherited from our ancestors, and,
existing at the adoption of tha Constitution
which it in recognised as const ituting an
important element in the apportionment of
power among the S'atea, and that no chang
of opinion or feeling on the part of the n-n
-slavrholding Statu of the Union, 10 relation
to this institution, can justify them or their
cirtiens in open or covert attacks thereon,>
with a view to its overthrow, and that al
such attacks are in manifest violation of the
mutual and solemn pledge to protect and de
fend each other, gtsen by the States repec*
• ively on entering into the Constitutional
compact which formed 'he Union, and are a
a manifest breach of faith and a viola'inn of
the most si lemn obligations.
The Union rests on the Equality of the States
3. Resolved, That the Uni<o uf these
States rests <>n the equality of rights and
privileges among its members, and that it is
especially the duty of the Senate, which rep
resents the States in their sovereign capacity,
to resist all attempts to discriminate either
in relation to peraons or property in the ter
ritories—which are toe common possessions
of the United States—so as to give advanta
ges to the citizens of one S'ate which are
not equally allowed to those of every other
State,
Congress has no power over Slavery in the
Territories.
4. Resolved. That neither Congress nor a
Territorial Legislature, whether by direct
legislation, or legislation of an indirect and
unfriendly character, posseaa power to annul
••r impair be Constitutional right of any cit
izen of the United Sutea to take his slave
property into the common terrifies, and there
hold and enjoy the same while the territorial
condition remains.
Congrersional protection oj Slaves in the
Territories.
5. Resolved, That if experience should at
any time prove that the judicial and exequ
tive authority do not possess means to insure
an adeqaatn protection to constitutional right
in a territory, and if the territorial govern
ment should fail or refuse to provide the
necessary remedies for that purpose it will
be the duty of Congress to supply such defl.
ciengy within the limits of the Constitutional
power.
New States to be admitted with or without
Slavery as the People deHds.
6. Resolved, That the inhabitants of a
territory of the United States, wbtn they
rightfully form s a Constitution to be admit
ted as a State into the Union, may then, fr j
the first time—like the people of a State
when forming anew Constitution—decide
f r themselves, whether slavery as a dooms
tic ingfitution, shall be maintained or pro
hibited within their jurisd etion ; and li they
shall be received in o the Union, with or
without slavery, aa their Conatitution may
prescribe at the time ot their admission."
j J he provision af the Constitution in relation
\ to the condition of elaaes must be, carried
out. '
7. Resolved, Thst the pr vision of the
Constitution fur the rendition of fugitives
from service or labor, without the adoption
of which the Union* could not have been
formed ; and that the laws of 1798 and 1850,
which were enacted to secure its execution,
and tho main featuies of which being aimdar,
bear the impress of nearly seventy years
sanction by tha highes t judicial authority,
sb>nld be honestly end faithfully observed
and maintained by all who enjoy the beue
fits of our compact of Union; and that all
acta of individuals or of State Legislature to
defeat the purpoee or nullify the requirements
of that provision, and the laws made in pur
suance of it, are hostile in character, subver
sive of the Constitution, and revolutionary
in their effect.
There resolutions are eminently sound
doctrine; and if they had been the guide of
all those who aspire ! to eontrol our govern
ment its integrity end uuity could never
have been shaken. We except from our en
dorsement the stb. as its meaning may not
be clear ; also that part of the 4th which re
fers to authority of a territorial legislature.
We nex l quote from a speech made in the
Seuate after secssston had commenced.
February sth, 1861, Andrew Johnson said :
The General Government has no right to
coerce a State.
• e
I do not beliere the Fednrel Government
has the power to coerce a State ; for by the
eleventh amendment of the Constitution of
the United States it is expressly provided
thst you cannot put one of the States of this
Confederacy before one of the courts of the
country as a party. As a State, the Federal
Government has no power to coerca it; but
it is a member of thn compact to which it
agreed in common with the other States, snd
this G 'Vernrnent has the right to pass laws
snd to enforce those laws upon individuals'
within the limits of each State. While the'
one proposition is clear, the other is equally
so.
This G 'vernrnent can, by the Constitution
of the country, and by the laws enacted in
conformity with the Constitution operate up*
on individuals, and has the right and the
power, not to coe. ce a State, but to enforce
and execute the law upon individuals within
the limits o. a S'ate. I know that the term
"To coerce a S'atw" is used in an ad taptan
dum manner. It ia a sovereignty thst is to
he crushed ! How is a State in the Union 7
What is ber connection with it ? All the
connectiuii(he has with the other States is
that which is agreed upon in tba connection
between the States. Ido not know whether
you may consider it in the Union or out of
the Union, or whethtr you may consider it a
connection or a disconnection with the other
States ; but to the extent that a State nulli
fies or sets aside any provision of the Con
stitution, to thst extent it has dissolved its
connection and no more,
I think the Stages thst "have passed their
personal liberty bills, in violation of the Con
stitution of the United Slates, coining in con
flirt with the fugitive slave 'aw, to that ex
tent haw dinvolved their connection, and to
'hat extent it it rt-vcluti'in. But because
••me of the free Sta'es have pasned laws, vio
lation of the Constitution; because they have
to some extent, dissolved their connection
with this government, docs that justify us of
the South in following that bad example 1 -
Because thsy have passed personal liberty
bills, and have to that extent, violated the
compact which ia reciprocal, shall we turn
around, on tha other hand, and violate the
Constitution by coercing them to a compli
ance with it ?
Some of the above points are not clearly
•fated, and are questionable. He aeema to
denv the right of the Government to enforce
its laws in a State that chooses to nullify
them, and in this he is tresding upon danger
ous ground, where we cannot follow him
But he ia right in adveating tha power of the
G-reernment to enforce the law upon individ
uals in the Statea. He is wrong in stating
that when a State seta aside the Constitution
or a law, it to that extent dissolves its con
nection with the Gsvernment; for that is ad
mitting the whole theory of accession. He
is right in branding such acta, and "personal
liberty bills." as revolutionary; but vary
a'rangely says it would violate the Conetitu
xion to compel a compliance with it
We copy further;
7he Abolitionists are disunioniete.
But, Mr. President, recurring to what I
•aid yesterday, there are two parties in this
country that want to break up the Govern
ment, Who are they 1 The Milliflera pro
per of the South, the eeoeasioniets or disun
ionists, for I use them all aa synonymous
terms. There ie a portion of them who. per
ee, desire the disruption of tho Government
for purposes of their own aggrandizement.—
Who else is for breaking up this Government?
I refer to some bad men of the North. There
ia a set of men who are called Abolitionists,
and they want to break up the Government
They are disunioniete. They are nullifiere
Andrew Johnson speaks our views precise
ly: the Abolitionists have long been disun
ioniats ; and that spirit was freely menifested
all over the North, in 1856, when they struck
half tha States from the Flag of the Union,
and marched, in Montrose, and elsewhere
under the symbol of disunion. They are dis
untouists to dsy, in preference to the Union
under the Constitution, as formed and ad
vocated by Thomas Jefferson and Andrew
Johnson.
THE PEUPLE COULD SETTLE THE DIFEICTLTT
IF INFLUENCED BY POLITICIANS.
Bad men North say provoking things in
reference to the institutions of the South, and
bad tempered men cf the South say provok
ing and insulting things in return ; and so
goes on war of crimination and recrimination
;n reference to the two sections of the coun
ry, and the institutions peculiar to each.—
They become euraged and insulted, and then
they are denunciatory of each other; and
what is the result 1 The Ab< litionists, and
those who entertain their sentiments, abuse
men of the South, and men of the So uth abuse
them in return. They do not fight each oth
er ; but tbey become offended and enraged*
One is dissatisfied with the other. One is
insulted by the other ; and then, to seek re
venge, to gratify themselves, tkey both agree
to make war upon the Unionist never offen
ded or injured either.
I will remark, in this connection, that there
is a spirit in the country, which, if it does
uot exist to a very great extent in this Hall
does exist iu the great mass of the people
North and South, to do what is right ; and if
the question could be taken away from poli
ticians—if it could be taken away from the
Congress of the United States, and referred
to the great mass <>f the intelligent voting
population of the United States, they would
settle it without the slightest difficulty.
So saya Andrew Johnson; and so say we.—
Abolition agitation, abuse, and threats, pro
voked Southern retorts,threats and secession.
We agree with him that abolition was the
primary element that caused all our trouble
and war ; and that the people, if not inflamed
by fanatics could have averted danger, by just
concessions, even after secession began.
We continue to quote to show
HOW HE PROPOSED TO FIGHT TIIE BATTLE OF
TAE UNION.
In fighting this battle, I shall do it upon
the basis laid down by a portion of the peo
pie of my own State, in a large and very in- j
telligent meeting. A committee of the most
Intelligent men in the country roported, in
the shape of resolutions, to this meeting the
basis upon which I intend to fight this great
battle for our rights. hey reported this
resolution.
Resolved. That we deeply sympathiie with our
sister Southern States, and freely admit that there
, is good cause for dissatisfaction and complaint on
their part, on account of the recent election of see
tionel candidates to the Presidency and Vice Presi
dency of the United Scates ; yet we, as a portion of
I the people of a shareholding community, are not for
seceding or breaking up the Uuia n of tbeae States
unti 0 very fair and honorable means has been ex
hausted in trying to obtain, on the part of the non
slaveholding States a compliance with the spirit and
letter of the Constitution and all its guarantees *, —
and when this shall have been done, and the States
now in open rebellion against the laws of the United
States, in relusing to execute the fugitive slave law,
shall persist in their present unconstitutional course,
and the Federal Government shall fail or refuse to
execute the lews in good faith, it (tho Govrntr nt)
will not have accomplished the great design of its
creation, and will, therefore, in fact be a practical
dissolution, and all the States, as parties, be releas
ed from the compact which forms the Union.
The resolution would have led Andrew
Johnson into war an abolition administra
tion as surely as secession led Jeff Davis
'here, only "by another road. Instead of
breaking up thv Union by open secession, he
preferred to hold on and claim that the acts
of abolition rebels and the failure of the
Government to return fug'tive slaves, Ac*,
had dissolved the Union, and left the South
em s'a'es free to form a Southern Confeder
acy, just as they aid.
As negro equality is now fully becoming
a political issue, we copy from a speech of
Mr. Johnson in the Senate, Dec. 12,1850:
NEGROES NOT INCLUDED IN THE DECLARATION
Of INDEPENDENCE.
In the discussion on Thursday last, the
Senator from Illinois attempted to lay down
the doctrine of the Republican party, and to
give his construction of that docirine. In do
ing so he called our attention to ther plat
form, which, he says, is a mere reiteration of
the Declaration of Independence (at least,
that is his idea,) as it was formed by our fa
thers. To make myself intelligible snd dis
tinctly understood, I will read that portion of
the platform which he quoted :
Resolved, That with onr republican fathers, we
hold it to baa self-evident truth that a!l men are
endowed with the inalienable right of life, liberty,
and the pursuit of hippiness, and that the primary
object and ulterior design of our Federal Govern
ment is to grant these rights to all persons under its
excellent jurisdiction
At this discussion progressed, drawing de
ductions from this part of the platform, the
Senator seemed to think—that was the tenor
of his argument—that by reiterating the
Declaration of Independence in this platform
they fere embracing thedoctrinee laid down
by Mr, Jefferaon, and showing that he really
meant to include persons af color in the dec
laration, and that such waa the understand
ing of our revolutionary fathers, I know
that sometime# it has been said, and changes
have been rung on it, that Mr. Jefferaon, the
Aoetl t of Democracy and of Liberty, laid
TERMS aa.OO PBA ANWBM
down the doctrine that all mm were created
equal, and had certain inalienable rfgtitfc,thsf
among thoee were life, liberty and the far*-
suit of happiDcas. Now, it secmr to tne, that
a part}', an intelligent partT that understand*
all the doctrines and principle* of odr Gov
eminent, in this does great injustice to that
instrument and to the framers of the Consti
tution of the United States. When #a take
the Declaration' of Independence and connect
with it the circumstanoe* under which it waa
written, is there a man throughout the length
and breadth of this broad Republic who be
lieves for one instant that Mr. Jefieraon.When
be penned it, had the negro population io hie
mind ? Notwithstanding, he says that ' all
men are created equal, and that they are by
their Creator endowed with certain inaliena
ble rights, that amone these ate life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness," is there an in
telligent man throughout the whole country,
is a Senator, when he hair stripped himself of
all party prejudice, who will come forward
and say that he believes that Mr. Jefferson,
when he penned that paragraph of the Decla
ration of Independence, intened it toembraoe
the African population 1 h there
in the Senate who believes any snch thing 7
Is there any one who will stake hi* reputa
tion on the assertion that ia the correct in
terpretion of the Declaration of Indepen
dence ? There i not a man of rsapeetable
intelligence who will hazard his reputation
upon such an assertion. Why then indulgu
in this ad captanJum discussion ? Why try
to delude and deceive tbe great maas of the
people by intimating that Mr. Jefferaon
meant Africans'or the African race ? Bow
were we situated when Mr. Jefferson penned
the Declaration of Independence? Did he
not. own slaves ? Did not most of tbe person*
in the Congress which adopted the Declara
tion own slaves, and, after the Declaration
waa adopted, byway of giving a correct in
terpretation to it, what do we find ineorpor.
ated in the Constitution of the United State*
Were negroes then considered th* persons
who were embraced in the Declaration of In
dependence ? In fixing the representation,
slaves were regarded aa property, and only
three fifths of them were to be counted
clearly recognizing that they were one of th*
forms of property, and not persona intended
to be embraced in the Declaration of Inde
pendence, as contended by some. I think it
is clear.
What more was provided in the Constitu
tion of the United States, by war of giving a
clear construction to the Declaration of lode
|pt ndence ? It was provided that fugitive*
from labor should be restored to tbe Statee
from which thev escaped upon demand being
made. Does that look as if this description
of persons were embraced in the Declaration
of Independence, and were considered equal
to the white race ? It ia trident to my Qiind
and must be so to eveiybody else, that "Mr
Jefferson meant the while race, and north*
African race. The Constitution givetit that
interpretation. And his own acts, and those
of his associates, when they were framing tbe
Declaration of Independence, owning slavea,
and afterward passing laws and making wills
which provided for their regular descent aa
property, confirm it. Then it seems to me
that this does not avail the Senator much.
Very oound argument and juat conclusio
Negroes were not considered as citizens when
our Government was formed ; but as.an in
ferior and dependent race—just as Democrats
and white Republicans now hold them to be.
MR. JOHNSON NOT AN ALI.T OF SENATOR WADE
CT OHIO,
I am charged with being an ally of the
Senator from Ohio ! I, who, from my earli*
est infancy, or from the time I firat: compre
hended principle, down to the present timg,
have always stood battling for the same great
principles that I contend for now ! My peo
ple know me : they have tried me they
have tried me , and your little inuendoee and
your little insinuations will not them,
if even infuriated seceding Southern man darn
to intimate that I am an ally ofMr. Wade
The Senator charges me with being w an ally"
while he and the leaders of Abolitioßtyn are
uniting all their energies to break this glori
ous Union. Lan allv ! Thank €ted, lam
not in alliance with Giddings, with Phillips,
Garrison, and the long lilt of thoee who are
engaged in the work of destruction, and in
violation of the Constitution of the United
States.
Excellent! Let President Johnson tell
and show to tha country that he ia not in
alliance with those ablition fanatics end oth
ers who were and are enemiea of tho Consti
tution, and he will find that ell oonaervative
Union men are with him.
HE 18 OPPOSED TO SECESSION—ABOtITtOXIOTS
ARE DISUNIONIBTS.
In most that I shall say on this occasion, I
shall not differ very essentially from my
Southern friends. Tbe difference will con
sist, as I think, from what I have heard and
what I see published in th* various periodi
cals of the day, in the mode and manner by
which this great end is accomplished. Some
of our Southern friends think that accession
ia th* mode by which these end* can be ac
complished ; that if tbe Union cannot be pre
served in its spirit, by sec* < a ion they
those rights secured end perpetuus'* ,
h.y hm AM to obum
VOL. 4 NO. 40