3lndh Sramh Hcmmtdl.
HARVEY SICKLER, Proprietor.]
NEW SERIES,
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JACKSOK, Proprietor. [vln49tf]
HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON
• Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa.
EOTS. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW.
X Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Diick
Block, Tioga street.
WM. M.PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of
fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk
h.mnuek, Pa.
TITTLE & DEWITT, ATTORNEY'S AT
J LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock,
Pa.
It. R. LITTLE. J. HEWITT.
JV. SMITH, M. D , PHYSICIAN A SURGEON,
• Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo
crat Office, Tunkhannock, Pa.
HTLRVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY AT LAW
and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT - Of
fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan
nock Pa.
J. W. RIIOADS, 3VX. D.,
Graduate of the University of Penn'a.)
Respectfully offers his professional services to the
•itizons of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can be
found, when nut professionally engaged, either at his
Drug Store, or at his resideuce on Putnam Street.
DIL J. c. consEi.ms. HAYING LOCAT
ED AT THE BALLS, WILL promptly attend
all calls in the line of his profession—may be found
at Kramer's Hotel, when not professionally absent.
Falls, Oct. 10, IS6I.
DR. J. C. Id EC KKR rtTC o7T~
PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS,
Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy
■ing that have located at Tunkhannock wher
hey will promptly attend to all calls in the line of
neir prof ssion. May be found at his Drug Staro
when not professionally absent.
J"- CAREY, M. D.— (Graduate of the 3
• M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respectfully
announce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne
Counties, that be c mtinues his regular practice in the
various departments of his profession. May be found
at his office or residence, when not professionally ab-
Cpt
Particular attciitioti given to the treatment
Chronic Diseas.
entremorcland, Wyoming Co. Pa.—\2n2
WALL'S HOTEL,
UATE AMERICAN HOUSE/
TUN~K.IIAN"NOCK, WYOMING CO., PA.
THIS establishment has recently been refitted and
furnished in the latest style. Every attention
Will be given to the comfort and convenience of those
wio patronize the House.
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor.
Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861.
NORTH SEARCH HOTEL,
31ES HOP PEN, WYOMING COI'NTY, PA
Who. 11. COKTRIGIIT, PropT
HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above
Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to
lender the house an agreeable place of sojourn for
*ll who may favor it with their custom.
Win. II CCBTRIHUT.
June, 3rd, 1863
WIA'YNARD'S HOTEL,
TUN K H A NNOCK,
WYOMING COUNTY, PEXNA.
JOHN MAYSARD, Proprietor.
tJAVrXG taken the Hotel, in the Borough of
AA runkhauncck, recently occupied by Riley
o ■irner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share of
patronage. The House has boen thoroughly
fep Wrod, and the comforts and accomodations of a
irst class Hotel, wilf be found by all who may favor
* wth their custom. September 11, 1861.
M. OILMAN,
|\f GILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk-
I'l. hannock Borough, and respeotfully tenA rs his
professional services to the citiiens of thus place and
urrounding country.
ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS
FACTION.
ITIT Office over Tutton'B Law Office, wear th e Pos
Office.
Dec. 11, 1961.
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*•< l for sale at the Office of the " North Branch
*>o<srat." *
f IME FOR FARMERS, AS A FERTILIZE
for sal. at 1 - VERNOY'g.
Sept. 18. 1851.
ABOLITIONISM AND DISUNION.
THE MALIGN INFLUENCE OF SLAV
ERY AGITATION IN THE NORTH.
Views of Ex-Gevei nor Marcy in 1836.
DEFENSE OF STATE RIGHTS AND IN
DEPENDENCE.
Extract from Governor Marcy's message
to the Legislature of New York, in January,
1836:
Having concluded my remarks on the sub
jects in which our constituents have an im
mediate and exclusive interest, my sense of
duty will not permit me to abstain from pre
senting to you, at this time, some considera
tions arising frutn our federal relations.
This state is a member of a community of
republics, subject in many things to one gen
eral government, and bound together by po
litical ties that must not be sundered. This
relation gives us rights essential to our well
being, and'imposes on us duties equally es
sential to the well-being of our sister states.
As we value the immense advantages that
spring from this Union, so we should culti
vate the feelings and interests that give it
strength, and abstain from all practices that
tend to its dissolution. A lew individuals
in the Middle and Eastern States, acting on
mistaken motives of moral and religious du
ty, or some less justifiable principle, and dis
regarding their obligations which they owe
to their respective governments, have em
barked in an enterprise for abolishing domes
tic shivery in the Southern and South wes
tern S tales.
lheir proceedings have caused much mis
chief in those slates, and have not been ut
terly harmless in our own. They have ac
quired too much importance by the evils
wh'ch have already resulted from them, and
by the magnitude and number of those which
are likely to follow if they arc persisted in,
to justify me in passing them without no
tice. Thesejproceedings have not onLy found
no favor with a vast majority of our constit
uents, but they have been generally repro
bated. The public indignation which they
have awakened has broken over the restraints
of law and led to dangerous tumults and
commotions, which, I regret to 'ay, were
not in all instances suppressed without the
interposition of the military power. If we
consider the excitement winch already ex
ists among our fellow-citizens on tins suh
ject, and their increasing repugnance to the
abolition cause, we have great reason to fear
that further efforts to sustain it will be at
tended, even in our own state, with still more
dangerous disturbances of the public peace.
In our commercial? metropolis the aboli
tionists have established one of their princi
pal magazines, from which they have sent
their missiles of annoyance into the slave
holding states. The impression produced in
those states that this proceeding was en
couraged by a portion of the business men of
the city of Xew-York, or at least was not
sufficiently discountenanced by them, threat
ened injurious consequences to our commerce.
A proposition was made for an extensive vol
untary association in the South to suspend
iutercourse with our citizens. A regard for
the character of our state, for the public in
terest, for the preservation of peace among
our ci'izens, as well as a due respect for the
obligations created by our political institu
tions and relations, calls upoa us to do what
may be done, consistently with the great
principles of civil liberty, to put an end to
the evils which the abolitionists are bringing
upon us and the whole country. With what
ever disfavor we may view the institution of
domestic slavery, we ought not to overlook
the very formidable difficulties of abolishing
it, or give couulenance to any scheme for ac
complishing this object, in violation of the sol
emn guarantees we are under not to inter
fere with this institution as it exists in oth
er states.
Domestic slavery existed itl almost every
state when the federal Union was formed.—
Its character Was as well understood then as
it is now. The men who founded the gener
al government had as much philanthropy
and as just an appreciation of moral and re
ligious duty, and knew as well what was
due to the cause of human rights as the pres
ent generation ; yet so great did they regard
the difficulties of abolishing slavery, and so
disastrous to the public would be, as they
apprehended, any intermeddling with it in
the respective states, except by the citizens
and civil authorities thereof, that they dele
gated to Congress no power to act on this
subject further than to prohibit the importa
tion of slaves after the year 1807 ; but they
recognized the right of the several states to
continue slavery, without interference, by
obliging them to deliver up to each other all
fugitive slaves. They left the right to abol
ish slavery where only it could be safely
left—with the respective states wherein sla
very existed.
The State of New-York had this right.
and although the difficulties and dangers of
exercising it, by reason of the small number
of slaves in proportion to the whole popula
tion, were trivial compared with those which
would attend the exercise of it in the South
ern States, where this number is proportion
ally large, yet slavery was not fiually abol
ished here until 1827. We were left to come
"TO SPEAK HIS THOU6HTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RlGHT."—Thomas Jefferson.
TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, JUNE 17, 1863.
to t.hi result in our own time and manner
without any molestation or interference from
any other state. lam very sure any inter
medling with us in this matter by the citi
zens of other states would not have accelerat
ed our measures, and might have proved mis
chievous. Such services, if they had been
tendered, would have been rejected as use
less, and regarded as an invasion of our
rights.
If we view the labors of the abolitionists
in the calm light of reason, undisturbed by
any morbid sympathy and uninfluenced by
the spirit of fanaticism—if we look at this
object, connected as it must be with the
means they are using to attain it—if we re
gard the utter improbability of their ever
reaching the end by ihe use of these means,
and the certain consequences which must re
sult from pushing forward their efforts in
the present direction—we must, I think,
characterize their schemee as visionary and
pernicious.
Their avowed object is to abolish slavery
in the South and Southwestern States ; and
their means thus far have been confined to
the organization of societies among us and to
publications of various kinds on the subject
of slavery, which are regarded throughout
these states as libels on their citizens and
provocators to insurrection among their slaves
So far as their proceeding are designed to
operate upon this state, we may inquire what
end or object they have in view ? It cannot
be to abolish slavery here, for it does not
exist among us. Is it to convince the peo
ple of this state that slavery is an evil 7
Such is now the universal sentiment, and no
man can be found among us who entertains
a thought of returning to our former condi
tion in this respect. If the abolitionists de
sign to enlist our passions in their cause,
such a course would be worse than useless,
unless it had reference to some subsequent
action. If it is expected in this manner to
influence the action of Congress, then thev
are aiming at a usurpation of power. Legis
lation by Congress would be a violation of
the Constitution by which that body exists,
and to support which every member of it is
bound by the solemn sanction of an oath
The powers of Congress cannot be enlarged
so as to bring the subject of slavery within
its cognizance without the consent of the
slaveholding states, Jhe proceedings of the
abolitionists have rendered their object in
tins respect absolutely unattainable. They
have already excited such a feeling in all
those states that a proposition so to enlarge
the powers of Congress would be instautly
rejected by each with indignation. If their
operations here are to inflame the fanatical
zeal of their emissaries, and to instigate
them to go on missions ta the slaveholding
states, there to distribute abolition publica
tions and to promulgate abolition doctrines,
their success in this enterpiise is foretold by
the fate of the deluded men who have pre
ceded them. The moment they pass the
borders of those states and begin their la
bors they violate the laws of the jurisdic
tion they have invaded, and incur the penal
ty of death, or other ignominious punish
ment. I can conceive no other object that
the abolitionists can have in view, so far as
they propose to operate here, but to embark
the people of this state, under the sanction of
civil authority, or with its connivance, in a
crusade ajfiinst the slaveholding states, for
•he purpose of forcing abolition upon them
by bloodshed. If such a mad project as this
could be contemplated for a single moment
as a possible thing, every one must see that
the first step toward its accomplishment
would be the end of our confederacy and the
beginning of a civil war.
So far therefore as it respects the people
of this state, or any action that can emanate
from them, I can discover no one good that
has resulted, or can be reasonably
expected to result, from the proceedings of
the abolitionists; bnt the train of evils
which must necessarily attend their onward
movements i? 0 number and magnitude
most appalling
Those devastations which, in the course of
Providence, are sometimes permitted to visit
populous and opulent cities, suddenly pros
trating the monuments of art and sweeping
away the vast accumulations of years of pa
tient and well directed industry—great and
severe as we now feel them te be—are small
indeed, compared with the ruin and desola
tion which would attend the subversion of
our federal government and the progress of
a civil and 6ervile war, spreading its ravages
through half the states of this confederacy.
Such are the fatal issues to which, in the
judgment of our southern brethren, the abo
lition efforts tend ; and the recent indica
tions of insurrectionary movements among
the colored population of the slaveholding
states show that these fears are not entirely
imaginary.
As all the schemes of the abolitionists are
professedly prosecuted with particular refer
ence to results to be produced in the slave
holding states, it is proper that we should
inquire iuto the manner in which they de
sign to bring about these results. Is it ex
pected to operate on the slave population,
and by their own immediate agency to effect
their emancipation ? This can only be done
by violence. The very act in this scheme of
abolition, which is Ctfried ©a under the
guise of religion, morality, and love for man
kind, would open with insurrection, massa
cre in servile war, in which, if the slaves tri
umph, their masters must be the victims.—
1 hroughout those states such is generally
believed to be the deliberate designs of the
abolitionists. That their measures tend to
such horrible results cannot, I think, be de
nied ; but that the authors of them clearly
foresee these results, and recklessly push on
to them, willing to participate in such
crimes and t* meet the fearful responsibility
they would incur, lam not prepared to be
lieve. So far as reason prevails among these
deluded men, they will undoubtedly deny
that this mode of effecting their object is
embraced within their plan of operations.
It is more charitable to presume that they
mean to stop short of this catastrophe ; that
they are willing to spread dire alarm among
the white population of those states, with a
view to make them feel that life, prosperity,
and all human comforts are insecure where
domestic slavery prevails, and by these means
so to agravate its evils that they will be led
by the mere pressure of them to emancipate
their slaves. Such a mode of attempting to
effect this object is characterized by folly
and wickedness. To suppose that such
means will conduce to such an end betrays a
lamentable ignorance of the universal laws
of human action. If the slave owners ever
concur in any plan for the abolition of slave
ry, it must arise from a better motive than
fear. They will secure themselves from
danger by acting on the objects from which
it is apprehended— not by emancipation, but
by multiplying safeguards, by increasing re
straints, by preventing intercourse as far as
practicable among the slave population, by
withholding from them*all moral aad relig
ious instruction, and by every conceivable
means of making thetn harmless machines.
To satisfy ourselves that such would be the
consequences of exciting alarms, we have on
ly to look at what they have already done
and are preparing to do. Manumission is
discouraged, and measures are about to be
adopted to expel all free persons of color
from the slaveholding states. Instead of in
creasing despotism to co-operate in any plan
of emancipation, there is now exhibited a
more fixed determination than heretofore to
maintain the institution of slavery.
The great engine which the abolitionists
profess to wield, and by their operations of
whic.i they hope to bring their object within
their reach, is free discussion. By the po
tency of abolition arguments the slavehold
ers are to be instructed in their duty; to be
taught lessons of humanity, of moral obliga
tion, and civil liberty ; and to be induced to
strip the bonds from their slaves, and to re
ceive them into social and political fellow
ship. After all that has been done to ac
complish this end, it may not be unprofitable
to look at the results. If we belive the con
curring testimony of citizens of slaveholding
states, not one convert has been made among
them ! On the contrary their passions are
aroused ; a deep sense of indignation at un
provoked wrongs, and a mischievous inter
meddling with their domestic concerns, ex
cites and agitates the entire mass of the
white population. The abolitionists and all
their works, are loudly and universally de
nounced as seditious, incendiary, and wick
ed ; and the bonds of amity and concord
which unite us to the people of the South
are threatened with severance because we
tolerate within our borders these disturbers
of their peace and violaters of their laws
Such, we are assured, is the progress which
the arguments of the abolitionists have made
in bringing the slaveholders to a concurrence
in their views.
When we consider the matter aud manner
of these appeals and the character of the peo
ple to whom they are made, we ought not to
surprised that they have been indignantly
rejected. In all that regards the civilities of
life, in high intellectual cultivation and en
dowments, in moral conduct and character,
in comprehension of the principles of civil
and political liberty, to give these principles
a practical appreciation, in love of country
and devotion to its interests, the people of the
South have furnished as many eminent exam
ples as any other section of the Union.—
When any attempt from any quarter, or un
der any pretenses, is made to disparage them,
if we forebore to vindicate their character,
we might seem to be unmindful of what is
due to them for the distinguished part they
have- acted in all the trials and conflicts
through which our country has passed, from
the earliest stage of the Revolution down to
the present time. In all the views I have
been able to take care of the labors of the
abolitionists I have not discovered that they
have produced a single benefit, but every step
>n their movements thus far has been attend
ed with evil consequences. I will not un
dertake to describe the calamities which in
all probability, would result from their future
progress, not only to the people of the several
states, but to the people of the whole human
race, so far as the cause of civil liberty is con
cerned, because I indulge the hope that they
have already reached the last stage of their
onward career. I willingly turn from this
view of the subject to direct your attention
to*what has been done, and what may be re
quired, to prevent further evils from this
course,
The people of this state continue to cherish
an unabated attachment to the federal com
pact. The many single advantages they have
derived from it, and the many they still look
for, bind them to a course of fraternal con
duct toward their sister states, and lay them
under the highest and sacred obligations to
fulfill in good faith, and to the utmost extent
of its requirements, all the duties it imposes
on them, and to abstain from ail practices in
compatible with these duties, or contrary to
the spirit of any of its provisions.
Acting upon these principles, our fellow
citizens very generally feel it to be their sol
emn duty, whatever they think of slavery in
the abstract, or in its actual condition in any
section of the Union to leave its treatment, as
it was left in their case, entirely and forever
to the people of the states in which it exists*
These states are not only entitled to the ex
clusive control of the subject, but, as they are
imraediarely affected by it, they, and they only
best understand the proper mode of treating
it; and it requires but a small share of good
feeling toward them, and of diffidence in our
selves, to satisfy us that the matter may be
safely lett to the wisdom and humanity of
those to whom it exclusively belongs.
If this state should be brought to think
that the advantages it derives from the feder
al Constitution are not a sufficient compensa
tion for the restraint imposed by that in
strument ; if for the sake of displaying a mor
bid and fanatical spirit of false philanthropy,
even at the risk of encountering the dangers
and incurring the responsibility of an attempt
to reform the institutions of other states, it
should be willing to give up these advantages ;
honor and duty would require it, before en
tering upon such an experiment, to call upon
the other states to release it from the solemn
engagements it contracted in becoming a
member of the Union ; but so long as the peo
ple of this state cling to the advantages which
this compact secures to them, so long as they
profess to regard it as the source of their
highest earthly good, and the object of their
most cherished aspirations, they will I trust,
ever regard it as due aliko to duty, to consist
ency and to honor, to fulfill in its spirit every
injunction it imposes, and to respect and ob
serve with the utmost fidelity all the great
principles on which it was founded.
Under the inliuence of the foregoing con
siderations, and others of a kindred nature,
our constituents have expressed their enlight
ened and deliberate judgment upon the sub
ject under consideration. With earnestness
and unanimity never before witnessed among
us, they have, without distinction of sect or
party, in their primary assemblies, and in va
rious other vays, expressed their attachment
to the Constitution of the federal government;
their determination to maintain its guaran
tees ; their disapprobation of the whole sys
tem of operations set on foot by the abolition
ists ; their affection for their brethren of the
South, and their fixed purpose to do all that
in them lies, consistently with law and jus
tice, to render these sentiments effectual. It
is not to be believed that these manifesta
tions of public sentiment have been or will be
disregarded by those who have been engaged
in, or given countenance to the abolition pro
ceedings.
I am fully persuaded that the powerful en
ergies of public opinion, as it has bean called
forth throughout the whole state, have already
produced most salutary effects, in disab using
many persons who had inconsiderately con -
curred in the visionary schemes of the aboli
tienists.
"When the very small number that still ad
here to this cause see that the immense majori
ty of the people of this state, including cer
tainly a proportionate amount of intelligence
and worth, and of all parties in politics, are
utterly and irreconcilably opposed to them ;
and that their measures are regarded with
the deepest repugnance by all who affect ion -
ately cherish the union and harmony of the
states, including among them philanthropists
at least as enlightened and sincere as any of
themselves, they will, it is confidently hoped,
be induced to pause in their career, and to
sacrifice on the altar of their common coun
try the opinions and motives that have hith
erto prompted them to exertions to be regard
ed with so much abhorrence by so great a ma
jority of their fellow-citizens.
— When to the just influence which may
reasonably be anticipated from the sentiments
of the people, so unitedly and powerfully ex
pressed, and rendered still more efficacious,
as I think they might and should be, by the
opinions and views of their representatives,
is added the overwhelming weight of the ar
guments addressed to the reason and con
science of those who yet adhere to the aboli
tion cause, it would be imputing to k hem a
deplorable degree of mental blindness and
fanatical delusion not to except a general
abandonment of their wild schemes. All but
those who are confirmed in fanaticism or
reckless of consequences, it is believed, will
be constrained by the decided and constantly
increasing force of public opinion to give up
their dangerous attempt to act on the institu
tions of other states. Those who may not
be thus reclaimed or controlled will bo too
few in number and influence, I am persuaded
to excite apprehension
Relying on the influence of a sound and en
lightened public opinion to restrain and con
trol the misconduct of the citizen of * free
I TEH.MB: 81.50 PER. AJTIffUM
government, especially when directed, as it
has been in this case, with unexampled ener
gy and unanimity, to the particular evils un
der consideration, and perceiving that its
operations have been thus far salutary, I en
terttain the best hopes that this remedy, of
itself, will entirely remove these evils, or
render them comparatively harmless. But if
these reasonable expectations should unhap
pily be disappointed—if, in the face of numer
ous and striking exhibitions of public repro
ation, elicted from our constituents by a
just fear of fatal issues,in which the uncurbed'
efforts of the abolitionists may ultimately
end, any considerable portion of these mi* 4
guided men shall persist in pushing them
forward to* disastrous consequences—then &
question new to our confederacy will necessa*"
rily arise, and be met.
It must then be determined how far the
several states can provide, within the proper
exercise of their constitutional power, and
how far, in fulfillment of obligation resulting
from their federal relations, they ought to
provide, by their own laws, tor the trial and
punishment, by their own judicatories, of resi
dents within their limits guilty of actsjthere
in which are calculated and intended te excite
insurrection and rebellion in a sister state.—r
Without the power to pass 6uch laws, the
states, would not possess all necessary means
for preserving their external relations of
peace among themselves'and would be with
out the ability to fulfill in all instances the'
sacred obligations which they owe to each
other as members of the federal Union. Such
a power is the acknowledged attribute of
sovereignty, and the exercise of it is often
unnecessary to prevent the embroiling of
neighboring nations.
The general government at this time exer
cises power to suppress such acts of the citi
zens of the United States, done within its'
jurisdiction, in relation to the belligerent an*'
thorities of Mexico and Texas, as are incon
sistent with the relation of peace and amity
we sustain toward those states. Such a
power, therefore, belonged to the sovereignty
of each of the states before the formation of
the Union, and, as far as regards their
relation to each other, it was not delegated'
to the general government. It still remains
unimpaired, and the obligat'ons to exercise
it haveJacQuired additional force from the
nature and objects of the federal compact.
I cannot doubt that the legislature possesses"
the power to pass such penal laws as will
have the effect of preventing the citizens of
this 6tate, and residents within it, from
availing themselves, with impunity, oftho
protection of its sovereignty and laws, while
they are actually employed in exciting
insurrection and sedition in a sister state, or
engaged in treasonable enterprise, intended
to be executed therein.
Governors Marcy's views in 1830<
[From the Washington Union, Aug. 1,1857.J
We transfer to our colums, fiom the Albany
Atlas, an extended extract from a message of
Govener Marcy to the Legislature of New-
York in 1836' in which he communicated,
with his accustomed clearness and force, hia
views of the abolition question, aDd defined,'
the powers aad duties of the several states
upon that subject. The principles laid down,
and the reasons in support of them, we have
good reason to know, met with the cordial
approbation of the entire Democracy of New.
York, including such men as Silas Wright
A. C. Flagg, and others, who were doubtless*
consulted in relation to them. The doctrine
of non-intervention was clearly proclaimed,
and supported by reasons which carried con
viction to every mind not steeled against ar
gument ; and annihilated the hopes of)abolition
intemeddlers in every quarter. Governor
Marcy was then high!y|complimented t in all
quarters for his bold and fearless stand in
favor of state rights and independence. His
doctrine was then deemed purely conservative
j and Democratic. The principles laid down
on this subject are those of the Democratic
party everywhere, and, if acted Upon in good
faith, would restore harmony to every part •
of the Union, and prepetuate our institutions
in their pristine purity and vigor. Those
who wish to occupy Democratic ground
should examine the old land-marks and see
where they stand, and if they have crossed' 5
the line of truth, and are wandering in a re- •
gion of error, they should at once return to
that occupied by their friends. The prioci- -
pies laid down by Governor Marcy will guide
them to ground which they can safely occupy
with honor to themselves and advantage to •
the country.
A country editor denounces these
afflictions upon him who neglects to pay the
printer:—May 243 nigthmares trot quarter'
races over his stomach every night. May his*
boots leak, his gun hang fire, and his fish -
lines break. May a troop of printer's devils,,
ean, lank and hungry, dog his heels oach day.-
and a regiment of cats catwaul under his win
dow each night. May the faraiue stricken
ghost of an editor's baby haunt his slumbers,
aud hiss "Murder" in his dreaming ears.—.
May his buckwheat cakes be always heavy
and his calf-skin wallet light; his sour krout
cooked without "speck," and his rye coffee
have no cream or sugar. In short, may
his dauhgter marry a one eyed pedler and
| his business go to ruin, and ha go to
[ legislature.-
VOL. 2, N0.45.