sA HVEY SICKIiER,
Proprietor.]
N -£W SERIES,
|ort| Braitcji ratflrtah
weekly Petnocratic ;g --
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K vowing County, Pa. / |j j 1
:y HARVEY SICKLER. ~
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JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49ti ]
nr sTtOOPER. PIIY9IGTAN A 81 KOF.OX
1 Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa.
pLO. . TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW.
J Tunkhsnnock, Pa. Office m Stark's liii-.-k
Hock. Tioga street.
ITTM. M. PIATT. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of-
IV fice in Stark's Lriek fiiock, Tiug.i St., Tank
uuioi k, Pa.
ITTLE it DLVVITT, \ ! ' V - AT
J LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock.
B. n. LITTLE. .1 PK'.riTT.
j v. smith, m. p, pin - - ;EOJ
• fiffii-c on r.ri Ice Street. ne\i In rto the Pftiuo-
Ai Offi'-v. Tun' J,
TARVEY SII'KLEK, ATToLXEY AT 1. YYV
1 and GEXEIt.YL JXBH: \X<"': \.:I'XT Of
t. Bridge street. opp.-.it.; \\ Hi's Motet. T'luk!; -n
--k Pa.
i W. M. JO>..
Graduate of the University of Fenv'a.)
Respectfully offers Ws jiruf • n-' 1 n i -i:< to the
liiens ot Tuhkbmnoc.k and vi. iniry. tin r7ih he
nnd. when not jirnfessioiinlly emroircit. eit'ii-r at hi.-
■r; Store, or at his resideu e on I'utii.un Street.
lit. J. C. f'ORSI'.f.IT'S, If AY'-fYt; T.OCAT
/ ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly atti-n l
il calls in tl,e line of his proi'c.-?iou—m.iy io 1
ißeemer's Hotel, when r. t j r.tfessTonatlv - -nt.
Fills, Oct. 10, 1861.
DR/I. O. m.t is't It At 0.,
PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS*
ii'auhl rn-eetfully announce to th.c eiliz i: -of M'y
aing that thej have h i ited at M> hi.opanv, where
ley will promptly ntfrnd to all call- in the line of
*ir profession. May be found at bis Drug Storo
ten not professionally absent.
AL. CAItEV, M. I).
i M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respeottnltv
nance to the citizens of Wyoming an I Luzecfie
Bties, that hecintinues his rcrularj ractice in th
sous department? of his profession. May oe Gun i
ki? office or residence, when not professionally ub-
T' 5 * Partieidar attention given to the treatment
Chronic Diseas.
entremorelaud, YY'yoming Co. Pa.—\2u2
WALL'S HOTEL:
LATE AMERICAN IIOUCE,
tnkhannock, wyomini; ( , PA.
ib.S establishment has recently been refittc 1 an 1
furnished in the Infest style Every atM.i h n
'be given to the oetntort and uouvcu cuee ol tho.-e
tpatruuize the House.
T. It. WALL. Owner an 1 Proprietor.
'Unkhannoek, September 11, lobl.
ORTH BRANCH HOTEL,
MEsIIOPPEX, YVVOMINR COUNTY, PA
ILEY WARNER, Proper.
•1Y IXff resumed the iiroprietorship of tho ahove
Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to
! r tiie house an agreeahlo pin. Eof sojourn for
0 mn y favor it with their eustoux.
, , HILEi WAKNi'.M.
•eptemher 11, 1801.
HOTEL,
T UN KIl \\*\ T OC K'.
WYOMING CO( XT Y, i'EXXA
'ohn MAY YARD, Pi-opiictor.
A yw ;l ' {cn H ie Hotel, in the Borough" of
lankbannrek. recently Oeeupied b v Kilov
. -er, the propnetqr resp-etftaHy poli its a sb ro n't
The House has b en t boroughtv
"M, and tiie comforts and accomodation* of a
J* V"' e b w ''l i>e I'ouud by all who tuny favor
custom. Sei'tember 11 liJfil
M. GILMAN:
D HIST
Ll,dli o
OILMAN, in? permanently located in Tank- I
gjianneck Borough, and respectfully tenders his
tonal services to the citizens of this plaee and
inding eountry.
SWORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE BATI3-
|#*office over Tuttou'a Law Office, near the Pos
•*•11,1861.
HOWARD ASSOCIATION,"
'IA, J> , hhiladjelphia.
hru/ Uf°f the Sick f) stressed ajftlc.'ed icith
f hr■ /' Un ("hfUTiic DiaeaficSj and especially
Vj " rt of Diseases f the Sexual Organs
'tjlvice given gratis, Hy the Acting Surgeon
' e Reports on Spermatorrhoea or Semuiss
1 ""d other Diseases of the Sexual Orj-ns
ttit t " Sew lieru Jteiieniployed in the
b*r. '*l e n ®' ct *d u sealed letter envelope ie
wj./w wo or three stamps for postage wilf bo'
Address, Dr. " ,T. BKTLLIN HOUGH
•kT, ,ln S Surgeon, Howard Association, Nsoly
0 • tfeet, Philadelphia Pa, liiZJly.
f Grounfl Plaater in (iuantities
Q>l at priaoe to suitpurcbasers, now forsalo a
nt> J * E. Mowby J*
PEACE HON AND STATE
RIGHTS,
Speech of Hon. W. B. Reed,
DELIVERED BEFORE
THE DEMOCRATIC CENTRAL CLUB.
OF PHILADELPHIA
Saturday Evening, .March 28, 180.1.
Ihe Hon. Win. B. Reed being introduced
to the meeting, spoke as follows :
1 fear I 6hall poorly-repsv the honor you
have done inc. by anything of interest that
1 can utter to-night. lam unused to the
sound of my own voice. It has been so long
repressed that it sounds strangely in my
ears—for since the I7th of January, 1801
u.ore than two long years ago—l have not
attended a public meeting beyond the limits
ot my own neighborhood, or opened nay iips
i:i public on any political question whatever.
f haling, as every free man ol common intel
ligence must, under the restraints which the
Federal Administration has put upon ns,
holding, :.s 1 d", very clear and decided opiu-
I ions, J have written frankly and positively—
| have not concealed, or tried t conceal, what
| I have written, and am responsible for every
' word that has fallen from tnv pen—spoken
! I have uot. And f-.r thi same reason, or
• resolution, ihai I would not speak, till I
! coul ! say—if not all I think, and hope, and
! lear—at least till what I did say should be
my honest convictions, uttered without dis
gui>e or apohgy, J l ave never been able to
I reconcile it to self respect to uuite to anv
extent in what, with my views, would be
jI the more jargon of war and coercion, when
I deplore and condemn the war, and believe
coercion to have been a mistake fr >m the be
ginning; and prav, and nope, and urge the
necessity of peace, and if possible, '* Recon
ciliation but Peace, even il the bond of
sympathy be, a- I f•;r ir is ,irreparably brok
; en. And to night lam come here to speak
j reasoni-ig, m ulerafc words in favor of that
: provisional eesation of ho-tiliiii s which al
j lows time and temper for deliberation and
i conversion. And why should 1 n >t. ? Look
! hick, 1 bug you, with me, through tiie drea
ry two years that have just closed—look
back to the N'tti uial Hall meeting of Janua
ry,'ol—think, not oi the timid and fickle
men who were with us then, and who have
gore from us—hut of the true men, like
j your Chairman, (Mr. Ingersoll.) and others
who stood by ti—tliink of our supplications
and warnings then—tliink of the ghastly re
alist it i >n of what we foretold, and the sorrow
| now breaking the nation's heart, and then
watch the great, craving of the popular mind
toi the restoration of repose to this disorder
; ed people, and tell tne why, as an honest man
and patriot, I should not think
Mr. Secretary Seward, in his iast ditpatch to
France, savs •' that no human being out of
the seceded States had yet dared to raise his
! voice since the war began in favor of peace
and comprotirse/' He i- very much mistak
en. lie may not choose to listcN to it now
But I tell him the stsil small voice which,
hef re the wind and the earthquake, and
tin* fire, Jong ago, whispered Peace, will soon
K'well into tones which he will have to give
°
heed. to.
And no where is this sentiment stronger
orstiu r than here amidst this great constat
i °
, uency—the Democracy of Pennsylvania—
That, constituency is far, very far ahead of
' its leaders, its orators, and its reputed or-
gun*. The mass of the people of Pennsyl-
vattia look the certain future in the face.—
Its instincts shrink from standing on doubt
i ful ground. That constituency has no sym
pathy and means to have no co-operation
with any organization of doubtful principle.
I It stands by the Constitution, and it resents
! and never can give any violations of it; and
I when I hear whispers of new setni-conserva
tiv combinations, I say with knowledge and
with emphasis, the Democracy of Pennsyl
vania will have nothing to do with them.—
When, as lately, 1 see two of the volatile
politicians of the city <.f New York lighting
on a branch of the blasted tree of Abolition
ism, and chirping, and twittering, and plum
ing iheir well-worn and ragged feathers with
I f.iie idea that they can draw others around
them, and 1 tell you that the wing of the
true Democracy of Pennsylvania is too strong
and its flight too high for sueii companion
ship. Mr. Brady and Mr. Van Burcn are
not leaders of us. If, to-morrow, there
could be an election—if this constituency
Could he polled, and every man be allowed
to put into the ballot-box his opinion on the
great questions agitating this country—T tell
you, my friends, in every county of the State
there would come up a vast surge of popu
lar sentiment in favor of staying the bloody
tide of war—arresting the increase of debt
and taxation--calling back to peaceful in
dustry the gallant men now wasting away in
camps and pickets—caring and unweary ing
gentleness for the sick anil wounded—lurl
ing the flag of aggressive strife,—and gather
ing up and nursing for the evil days hereaf
ter, those local resources and energies which
will be needed, and must be invoked before
long, to withstand the fearful march of cen
tralized dominion, and maintain within the
Union, or, if t be destroyed by no conniv
"TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RlGHT."— Thomas Jefferson*
TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, MAY 20, 1863.
ance of ours, without it, tho sovereignty of
1 the Commonwealth. In my opinion, the
next political contest in Pennsylvania will
turn mainly upon the great question of local
sovereignty and national consolidation. Un
less some stop be interposed to the frightful
march of Federal power—swelling and rag
ng already beyond any limits that the most
insane and speculative politician ever dream
ed of-—unless the war having in its train, or
for its tierce companion, the hideous thing
called " military necessity," be soon ended,
such most be the contest ; and I have no
more doubt of its issue than I have of my ex
istence. Ido not believe the grasp of power
was ever tighter round our throats than it is
now, and we must loosen it or perish. I
watch with deep solicitude every sign or
sjmplon of decay of the local sentiment
which is all that the processes of this ghast
ly strife has left us. We, in Pennsv Ivania,
have just passed a crisis, the gravity of which
was hardly measured outside our limits, and
perhaps not fully within them. 1 refer to it
H"W with a shudder at the narrow escape
we made. It was the question whether
Pennsylvania should honestly pay the inter
est on her public debt, or pay it iu paper,
legal tcudei notes' tiic iluent trash which
the Federal Government is furnishing s >
profusely. Ail around her were those who
were singing and soothing strains of credit
in its vulgar acceptation—Revenue Oouimip
siom rs, advising lower taxation, counselling
against local impositions which honesty might
render necessary, and tempting her into the
paths of dishonor. The Banks, who had
contributed or pretended to contribute, much
of iheir capital to the National loan, were re- 1
luciant to aid the State that create 1 them. |
But the Democracy of Pennsylvania did not \
falter. They determinod, cost what it might
to maintain the Slate credit, and they paid
this pi rt ion of their debt like honest men.
Had it not been done, Pennsylvania would
nqw have been in the trough of the sea of
repute 1 bankruptv, and woul i have keen
only fit to he the appendage of a centra'ized |
domination. State honor would have been j
gone lorever, and sovereignty would not have I
long su-vivod. S(ale,c.e lit now would suit 1
the Federal financiers exactly. The Demo
crats mean to save the power and the' honor
of the S'ate.
Let no one a imagine, when I speak of this
local sentiment and of its efficiency to save
us, that I am talking of disloyalty or revolu
tion. lam but speaking in behalf of the
great principle of home government, and lo
cal authority, which we inherit from our an
cestors—which carried us through one Revo
lution, arid may save us in another. Does
any man imagine that we should have sur
vived the YVar of Independence, or even at
tempted it, had there been hut one Colonial
Nation on this side the Atlantic ? It was
not the man, Washington, speaking to the
man, Hancock, or Adams, that made the gn at
Revolt. It was Virginia speaking to Massa
chusetts, and South Carolina to Pennsylvan
ia, uWich stirred the Revolution and creates
the Congress, as tho representative of States.
Consolidation, in one form or another, is the
great machine of power. It has been the
engine that has kept Ireland in subjection.
After Canada threatened revolt, her Provin
cos were consolidated, and they have never
murmured since. When the South is con
quered, the lines of states, here and there,
for the purpose of convenient government,
are to be rubbed out, or made so faint and
indistinct that no one will care for them, and
a vast colonial military tenure will be creat
ed to insure easy subjection. It is local or
ganization which r.ow alone protects us with
in ourselves ; and should this war ripen in
worse convulsions new paroxisms of agony,
having sheir root and cause in morbid action
of central authority—should the load of na
tional debt be to heavy a burden to be borne,
there will be but one refuge and one remedy,
and that will be in the sovereignty and pow
er of the several States. If I have to ciioose
between Union without States and States
without Union, I have no difficulty in saying
I cling to my State. The instincts of the
people know this already.
It may not be necessary to make this
choice. Fragmentary and dislocated as I
believe the Federal Union to be—sectional
ized as I know it has become—l acknowledge
with faith and obedience as firm as ever, my
-ibligation to obey the Constitution as long
as any of it is left, and its constitutional
laws ; and the path which I desire to pursue
to take me out of the miseries and oppres
sions up<>n us, is one which the Constitution
prescribes—a popular convention—national
if it can be, and it not national, a State Con
vention. But I look to a convention as an
end not as a means—for as a means it is too
slow. We shall bleed to death before a Con
vention can be initiated. Still it i? a good
ultimate result, in Pennsylvania the Dem
ocratic House of Representatives can demand,
and m New York, the Democratic Governor
can suggest and urge it—and I should like
to see the party which will dare to reject it
and then venture to meet the test of popu
lar suffrage, the alternative being the contin
uance ol fruitless war, with -anarchy nnd
revolution following in its hideous train.
Such Conventions, emanating from and di
rectly representing the people, wooid have
adequate power. They would be as the
Convention was that made Hie Constitution.
1 hey could chauge, modify, abrogate ; and
if the institutions under which we live are
to he changed or altered, in God's name let
it be done by voluntary consent—not by the
bloody processes of war made by us or against
us—or, what is still worse, by the subtle in
fluence of Executive or legislative usurpation.
And why not ? I ask the question sorrow
fully, not reproachfully, nor defiantly, for I
have no room for such emotion in a saddened
heart. Why nLt T No other reason can be
given than that it implies a confession of
weakness in the face of an enemy and of the
world—an abandonment of strength in a
strong government. Fellow-citizens, depend
upon it, it is this idea of a strong government
—this faith in an idea which has destroyed
ns. Had the government never gone beyond
the limit? of consent—ha.l it rejected, as did
its fouuders, the heresy of coercion, as appli
ed to anv State or combination of States, it
would have been far stronger in the true ele
ments of Republican power than it is now in
all the panoply and parade of war. I never
hear ol this idea ot power and strength with
ou recalling an illustration which fiction and
romance afford. You have at! read Scott's
great epic of YVaverly aud remember its ca
tiwtrophe.'iwhere the heroine is found working
her brother's shroud, and sh • is told, byway
of support and consolation, that sho must re
ly upon her strength of mind to bear up
against her misery, the convulsive agonized
cry is, Ah, there. It is—there is a busy
devil at my heart that whispers tho'it is
madne>s to listen to it, that it i a that very
strength on which I prided myself has murder
ed my brother." And gentlemen. I tell you.
and 1 big you to meditate on what I say, that
it is this idea of strength and military power
in a governraennt which was never meant to
have any except by State concession against
foreign enemies, which has broken this gov
ernment down or changed it into the military
neutralized despotism which it thrtatens
Co he. Our*t>nly chance of rescue is in the
mode I have ventured to suggest; State action
by Conventions within the forms of the Con
stitution, and, in the interval at least, provis
ional peace,
But if neither a national Convention for
what is left, nor a recognition of what is left,
nor a recognition of what is gone from us, nor
even a pause, be tolerable—what then re
mains ? War, persevering and protracted
war, with sticces at any c >st and sacrifice, and
conquest and suljugation.
Nay, not only subjugation, but extermina
tion—ami in saying this Ido not speak with
out evidence, and I adduce it if for no other
reason than to a-k you to brand with deep
detestation the men and the organs which fur
ni-h it. In one of the pipers of this city you
will find a card of the negro Frederick Doug
lass, calling fu-black volunteers in Philadel -
phia, to be used in promoting servile insur
rection in tho South ; and in a sermon or dis
course by a New England clergyman—who is
now rather a pet in the social and feminine
and semi-feminine circles of this afflicted city
1 find a passage which I will simply read,
leaving you to make the comment which its
devilish atrocity demands :
'• This war, is no longer a war in defence
of the Union, the Constitution, and the en
forcement of the laws ; it is a war to be car
ried on no longer with the aim of re-estab
lishing the Union and the Constitution with
all their old compromises. Gud means not
to let us oft off with any half-way work. I
am now convinced, and I consider it the most
httmnnSf the most economical and the most
States-manlike policy now to take tie most
radical ground possible, to assume that this
is a war of the subjugation or tho extermina
tion of all persons who wish to maintain thef
slave power, a war to get rid of slavery and o
slave holders, whether it be constitutional or
not,',
And within a few days, at the Loral
League, in Chestnut street another itinerant
preacher said, amid applause :
" \Ye know they speak tho truth when
they say that the negro slays everything in
his reach when he rises in insurrection, YVe
all have learned the history of St. Domingo?
and it would be terrible to have a St. Domin
go massacre enacted upon our soil. But tho
President had declared this a military neces
sity, and if blcod must flow we must not
dread the consequence. Blood must flow in
this war
" But so impressed am I with the greatness
of the interest engaged in this rebelion and
its suppression, so satisfied of the inconceiva
ble importance of the struggle that opens np
before us >n the dispersion of this lebellion*
that, T speak it meaningly, and as a Christian,
deliberately and calmly, that I would see ev
ery woman and child in the South perish
ratner than the Southern Confederacy should
succeed in attaining the objects of its leaders"
[Applause.]
Now of this, I can only say that I wonder
any gentleman, afte rapplauding
such a speech as this, could go home and look
at one of his own sleeping children without a
shudder. Negro ruffians with their bloody
pikes standing over the cradles of southern
babes, is not a pleasant thing to think of.
The fruit of this teaching is to be found in
an Administration organ of a few days ago,
which I also read :
" The organs of conservatism seem to have
a!! been knocked into virtuous indignation by
my announcement that Gen. Ilooker was
about fighting insurrection with insurrection,
by tending a powerful expedition into the in
terion of one of the States comprised in his
department, in order to induce the slave pop
ulation to rise in arms against their oppress
ors. Well, what do their hypocritical pleas,
in the name of a bogus humanity amount to?
The deed is done. That silly and sanguinary
hoax, has, before this, proved to the rebels a
dire reality. Colonels Iligginson and Mont
gomery, at the head of 1,000 well armed?
drilled and disciplined blacks, and witli mus
ket enough to arm several thousand more?
after landing at Femandina astended the St.
Mary's river on 1 Monday last, and, I have rea
son to believe, arc at this time far from the
coast, upon Georgia soil. YY r hinc away, then
spurious humanitarians, at the accomplished
fact, instead of denying the existence of the
purpose."
And the next news we may hear will he,
the wail i f violated women and affrighted
children shrieking in terror as Iligginson and
his Sepoys, couveyed by the gunboats pursue
their career of outrage up the St. Mary's and
the Leagues will applaud.
Conquest and subjugation are grand words
—magic phrases—but let us for a moment
look at them a little closely—not Rhetorical
!y, but practically—with a common sense in
terpretation. We have some analogies to
guide u=q we know what is do.oe with tho
stnr.il patches of Territory we already have,
and we have a rgiht to infer, when the great
conquest, is consummated, that what is doing
at St. Louis, and Nashville, and New Orleans,
and Port Royal, and Norfolk, is to be done
through the whole of that vast region ex
tending from our anxious pickets on the Rap
pahannock to the tranquil anchor age of the
gunboats at Hilton Head. There is to be
a great military tenure " with negro regiments
supported by regular troops," keeping the
peace, collecting the crops and the taxes, and
superintending the elections—the negroes
having the rights of freemen, to vote and to
be voted for. Negro overseers are to admin
ister discipline on plantations, and negro
women are to have the white women of the
South—gentle matrons and pure virgins to
do their menial work. This is no fancy sketch
I have heard of the wish being expressed and
the penalty suggested in this city. This is
another of the realities I don't like to look at
And all this under the unchecked control of
the General Government at Washington Mr
Lincoln and his Cabinet doing and superin
tending all this by virtue of the war power.
The power of the East India Company was
nothing iu comparisou with this thoueh the
relation of that great semi-military corpora
tion to its conquered Hindoos, with its enlist
ed and dependent Sepoys, is not unlike that
which, as a matter of necessity, willVxist be
tween the Government at Washington and
he subjugated South, with its emancipated
and uniformed blacks. Nor is this a new
idea. It originated long ago, and not with me.
I Mean this now mode of recruiting our
army with Sepoys, and I am giad of the op
portunity of giving credit for it where it be
longs.
During the canvass which resulted in Mr.
Lincoln.s election, there were some very re
markable speeches made, the memoryofj which
rit is now nut very convenient to retain,
even though facts are verifying them.
Among them, of course, was Mr. Lincoln's
that a nation could not be part free,and slave
which, in more ways than one he is doing his
best to veryfy. But there were others from
men' who were supposed to measure their
words more accurately. Two I will recall.
Senator Seward spoke at Lansing, in Michi
pan, iu October GO; and' then it was, he ut
tered aud emphasized the remarkable opinion
that the Army and Navy of the United States
—the regular Army—was a nuisance, a de
formity, an excrcscense, that ought to be got
rid ef. This is literally true. That army, that
protected Seward in his snug office at Wash
ington, to be cut down, reduced; disbanded, be
cause Raid he, "it had oynly been nsed to pro
tect slavery and capture fugitives." This was
bad enough. But the compliment of the sug
gestion is to be found in another speech made
about the same time in Philadelphia by Mr.
Francis P. Blair—then a member of Congress
now, a Major-General by Mr. Lincoln,s ap
pointment, and brother ol Mr. Lincoln,s Post
master-General. Adopting the idea of geting
rid of the regular army, he proposed a substi
tute' ahd suggested that the regulars—tbe
enlisted soldiers—hereafter should be found
in the emancipated negroes of the South. In
other words he recommended a Sepoy Army.
And this, to, is being verified. Gentlemen
I can recall the horror with which I read this
Infamous suggestion at the time it was made
It has not abated yet. 1 had just returned
from regions where this mode cf|mercenary
employment of an ailen race—alien in color
in passions, in instinct, in inteligence—had
brought forth its natural fruits. I left Amer.
ica for the far west in the summer of 1858,
and returned in 1859. When I left niv own
country, the whole world, except at one spot
in China, was at peace ; but as 1 reached that
continent, about whose breed the fanatics
onr dav care so much.(for I heard, of it at the
eape of Good Hope') there came up a wail of
{
I TEHMB: 81.SO PER. iLKTMTT]^
agony from the Eastern world of white men
and women murdered and mutilated and rar- *
ishep by black men in uniforms—from Deibi.
Cawnpore—that lingers yet in my ears and
haunts my dreams. And such is or will be
the Negro Army which is to supercede our
regular soldiers aud aid to conquer the South
This is the army which Mr. Lincoln,s Secre
tary of State and his Major General think ii
to subjugate our brethren. I saw a printed
letter a day or two ago from Mr. W. D. Kel
ley to a Blockley negro, in which he says :
" The field of operations for this class
of troops, (negroes)will be chiefly in the Gulf
States, where they will in a few month con
stitute the great bulk, if not the whole of our
Army.
And this is conquest, this is the awful'
success which the Administration promises*
us, if we will only give them money and men'
enough to carry on this war.
But lam mistaken. They don't ask to
give them money and men. They find the'
good old rule more convenient,
That they should take who have the powor
And they should reap who can."
Congress not only taxes heavily the whole
community—as to which, being the exerciso
j of a lawful power, I don't complain—but, by
its tender device, it vitiates the currency
and disturbs every relation of society, des
troying public as well as private credit, and :
by its new conscription law enters into every
house in the laud, and enrolls and forcibly
enlists to fight in this weary war every adult
man who has been left at home. This ia
centralization and the application of Federal
power, to individuals in the green What, j
ask, will it be in the dry ?—and what be-'
comes of the reserved rights of the States ?
what becomes of their capacity to protect
themselves against danger, foreign and domea
tic, when every man and every dollar are ab*
sorbed elsewhere 1
It is in view of this absorbtion of power at
"Washington, that I have no more doubt than
I have that to-night will succeed to day that
there is a settled, well-considered, and, ac
cording to my views, most pestilent design to
establish in the fragmentary North, a consol
idated nationality, operating, by its legislation,
directly on individuals, without regard to'
State relations and duties. The acta of the
late Congress are tentative—are experimental
on the endurance of the citizens of the States*'
and if they are accepted as within the Con
stitution, obeyed tnough without it, you mav
call the form of Government what you please'
—it is de facto revolutionized. Mr. John
Van Buren, in one of his recent speeches, said,
with characteristic levity, though more than
ordinary discretion, that though he did not
know enough of the measures of the late Con
gress to express an opinion about them, he
snpnosed ' ; thev were all right," and that
they did make Mr. Lincoln "something like a
Dictator." But he knows, and if he don't,
know, and every man in the land knows,who
reads a newspaper, that Congress has tried to
nationalize everything has issued legal-tender
notes—emitted Continental curency for the
first time since the formation of the Federal
Government, in the face of all authority, leg
islative and judicial, and enabled and in
stigated every dishonest debtor in the land
to use it to defraud his creditor—tainting
the very credit which it represents, by ab
original fraud, and foreshadowing the repudi
ation which 6iich indebtedness renders inev
itable. It makes you and me take the paper
and refuses to receive it itself. It pays the
poor soldier his thirteen dollars in paper, and
if with those paper dollars, he wants to buy a
little tea or coffee, it won't take paper from
him for duties. This is one exorbitant act.
This is not all. Congress has virtually
stricken down all State Banks, and is trying
to build on the ruins a huge system' of what
it calls free banking, by which credit is to be
piled on credit, all resting on a great and
entangled fiction called federal responsibilty
I have no means of knowing if our local finan
ciers are going into this scheme of folly and
ruin. They are standing on the edge of it.
They have stripped themselves of a good deal
of their capital, and have changed their spe
cie deposits for legal-tender notes, may have
to take refuge under the protection of the
Federal authorities to shield them from the
just indignation of the stockholders who have
boen wronged. I see New York demurs.
Out of this is to be conjured a great pecunia
ry interest wielded by the Sectetaryof the
Treasury, which in combination with the'vast
power of the creditor class, is to aid in crush
ing out any interference on the part of re
fractory States. The holders of the Federal
funded debt will not acquiesce in the higher
prices ofState securities and Railroad bonds:
and we shall soon have Federal Legislation
directed at thetn on precisely the same
principle and with the same authority
as the late Congress legislated against pri
vate loans and contracts about gold and pa
per, with which they have no more right to
meddle than they have with contracts for
flour, or beef, or bacon. In this connection,
1 don't speak of what is called the indemnity-
Bill—hideous as I consider it—creating Mr.
Lincoln a dictator and autocrat as absolute as
our Imperial friend, the Czar, who is now -
with bloody hand crushing down a rebellion
in Poland ; or, it Ido speak of it, it is in re
'ation to ono feature only. Let roe illust rat*
VDL.2, NO. 41,