North Branch democrat. (Tunkhannock, Pa.) 1854-1867, April 08, 1863, Image 1

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    jjAHVBY SIOKIIER,
Proprietor.]
SERIES,
Surtli f cant ji fßmatrat
A weekly Democratic
paper, devoted to Pol- _
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of all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit
the times.
fJltSittfSS Notices.
BACON STAND.—Nicholson. Pa. C. L
JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf]
HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON
• Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa.
pEO. S. TIJTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
vT Tunkhannoek, Pa. Office in Stark's Brick
Block, Tioga street.
WM. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of
fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk
hannoek, Pa.
IITTI/E sr DEWITTk ATTORNEY'S AT
J LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannoek,
Pa.
R. R. LITTLE. J. HEWITT.
JV. SMITH, M. D., PHYSICIAN k SUBOEON,
• Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo
cat Office, Tunkhannoek, I'a.
H~ AKVEY SICKI.ER, ATTORNEY AT LAW
and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT - Of
fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan
noek Pa-__
ar. w. mioAus, 3vr. r>„
Graduate of the University oj Pcnn'a.)
Respectfully offers his professional services to the
citizens of Tunkhannoek and vicinity. He can bo
found, when not professionally engaged, either at his
Drag Store, or at his residcuee on Putnam Street.
DR. J. c. COR3ELIFH, HAVING LOCAT
ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend
ai! calls in the line of his profession—iuav be found
at Beeiner's Hotel, when not professionally absent.
Falls, Oct. 10, I3CI.
DR. J. C. I i I .<C KER <fc Co.,
PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS,
Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy
oming that they have loes ted at Mehoopany, where
they will promptly attend to all calls in the line of
their profession. May be found at his Drug Staro
when not professionally absent.
JTITc.V REY, m7 rauuate of the ft
• M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respectfully
announce to tho citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne
Counties, that he continues his regular practice in the
various departments of his profession. May r,e found
at his office or residence, when not professionally ah
em
"2f Particular attention given to the treatment
Chronic Diseas.
eritremoreland, Wyoming Co. Pa. —v2n2
WALL'S HOTEL7
LATE AMERICAN HOUSE/
TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA.
THIS establishment hi? recently been refitted and
furnished in the latest style Every attention
will be given to the comfort aud convenience of those
W3O patronize the Hou=e.
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor.
Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861.
HOBTH BRANCH HOTEL,
MESHOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA
RILEY WARNER, Proper.
HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above
Hotel, the undersigned wiil spare no effort to
render the house an agreeable place ot sojourn for
•ii who may favor it with their custom.
RILEY WARNER.
ffIAYNABD'S HOTEL,
tunkha nntoc k ,
WYOMING COUNTY, PENNA.
JOHN M a VNARI), Proprietor,
lIAAIXG taken tho Hotel, in tho Borough of
.p Tunkhannock, recently occupied by Riley
' rT)cr - the proprietor respectfully solicits a share of
public patronage. The House has baen thoroughly
repaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a
r.t class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor
with their custom. September 11. 1961.
M. GlLi\lAi\,
DENTIST,
R T OILMAN, has permanently located in Tank-
A 'l • hannock Borough, and respectfully tenders his
professional services to the citizens of this place' and
surrounding country.
ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS
FACTION.
* if Office over Tutton's Law Offics, near the Pos
vffeo.
Dec. 11, IS6I.
HOWARD ASSOCIATION,
_ L HHILADELPHIA.
Rcfefof the Sic/: A- Distressed, afflicted with
Virulent and Chronic Diseases, and especially
for the Cure of Diseases < f Liu Sexual Organs
Medical advice given gratis, by the Acting Surgeon
Valuable Reports on Spermatorrhoea or Seminas
"takness, and other Diseases of the Sexual Orgits
••'don the New R<ynediesemploycd in the Dispem,*-
•Vi ent to tho afflicted in sealed letter envelope V-ne
•rcharge. Two or three stamps for postage will be
feptabto. Address, Dr. J. SKILLIN HOUGII
i y™, Anting Surgeou, Howard Association, Nsoly
ath Street, Philadelphia Pa, ln2oly.
L* resh Ground Plaster in Quantities
-A and at prions to suit purchasers, now for sale a
r U Hmr 9%
fjtrtfs Corner.
HYMN FOR THE NATION.
WRITTEN IN ONE OF LINCOLN'S BASTILES, HAT, 1862.
God of mercy, watch abore us,
God of mercy, guard and love us
And keep the Union strong,
Midst the dangers that surround us.
Mend the band that firmly bound us,
And bonnd us for so long.
Not as bands of iron bind us;
As by torce they had confined us,
But as with silken chain,
Light of weight, and fair to seo
Finn ot hold, but always free ;
Oh make it strong again.
Not with blood, to blur and stain it;
Not by war, can we maintain it,
But thine Almighty hand
Yet may save, when mortals falter;
Should we bend us at thine alter,
0 Wilt Thou mend the band ?
Guide us Thou, who first did guide them,
Guide us Thou, who stood beside them,
Those heroes brave and free !
Let bonds fraternal yet unite us,
And Peace, with blessings, yet delight us
0 God we trust in Thee. J. S B.
JPolitioal.
SPEECH OF
HON. HIESTER CLYMER,
OF BERKS COUNTY,
IX TIIE SENATE OF PENNSYLVANIA,
March bth, 1863.
On the amendment, (inviting General McClellan to
visit the Capitl,) to the joint Resolution ten
dering the use of the Senate Chamber to Ex-Gov
ernor Johnson and Wright.
MR. SPEAKER: On this day, at this hour,
in this place, a great issue is on trial, fraught
with the interests, not only of the present,
hut of the future ; and if I, in the decision
of this issue, have acted a part, however ua
important, I shall hereafter look back to this
day, to this hour and tc this place, with feel
ings of no little gratification.
The issue involved is not one of persons ;
it is one of high principles going back to the
foundation of this government. It is, sir,
whether the loyalty of the citizen is to be
judged of by his fealty and adherancc to an
administration, or whether it is to bo deter
mined by bis fealty and adheranee to the
(Government of the United States.
ln order to decide this question, it is r.ec
essary to present this brief exposition cf the
situation of affairs—that without a Coastitu
tion there could have been no Government
and no Cuion, and that unless there is fealty
and adherance to the Constitution, there can
be no true loyalty to the Government and
Union based on it. That is the issue to be
tried to day. Disguise it as you may—at
tempt to confuse it for party purposes, party
reasons, and by party chicanery—the issue
presented by every Republican Senator who
has preceded me in this discussion, is that
my loyalty is to be tested, not by my adher
ence and devotion to the Constitution of the
United States, but by my adherence to the
administration of Abraham Lincoln, the pres
ent occupant of the Presidential chair !
I say to you, sir, I saj to every Senator,
I say to the people whom I represent, I say
it to the people of this State, that there is
uo such test known to the Constitution, nor
to any tribunal before which I, you, or any
one can ever be gammoned to answer. I re
peat it that the Government is founded upon
the Constitution ; that the administration is
a mere creature of the Constitution and the
Government; and where, in defence of that
Constitution and the Government erected
upon it, an administration strays from its
principles—strays from the pathway cut by
our ancosters through the rock of uncertain
ty aud danger—then he is only a truly loyal
man who uses every effort to bring back the
administration to the old beateq path which
avoids the dangers of fanaticism and error.
That is the question to be tested here and
now, in the vote upon the resolutions. That
is the question to be decided ; and the peo
pie of this State, outside of these halls, will
so consider it; and I now, as heretofore, ap
peal to the people from whom springs all
power to sustain me, and those who may
vote with roe in deciding this question as
best befits our judgment under our oaths.
What is the question presented ? It is a
proposition to invite Andrew Johnson,'the
so-called Governor of Tenne3se e, to address
the people of Pennsylvania from the senate
chamber of this State. I have various rea
sons for opposing this proposition. In the
Grst place I here boldly proclaim that ho is
not at this hour and never has been, by the
Uanstitution or under the laws, the Govern
or of the State of Tennessee, except when
years ago he was elected to that office by the
people. I say, sir, that his appointment by
the Pre c ident of the United States to that
position was a usurpation of power on the
part of the President, and that there is no
warrant under the Constitution, no authori
ty in the laws for his appointment; and that
every act which he has assumed to perform
by virtue of his unconstitutional and illegal
appointments has been in derogation of the
rights of a sovereign State, and in fiat viola
of the Constitution of thd United
"TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVEitY FREEMAN'S RIGHT."—THOMAS Jefferson.
TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, APRIL 8, 1863.
States* I say, sir, furthermore, that no
such position as Military Governor of a
State is unknown to the Constitution of
the United States—that there is nothing
in that instrument which authorizes the
President of the United States to appoint
a Military Governor of any State—and that
to make such an appointment was to create
the State ol Tennessee a military province—
and that his appointment was made to carry
out and subserve the purposes of the present
administration, which is to reduce nil the
States of this Union to the condition of mere
dependencies of a consolidated oligarchy or
despotism. That is my position as far as
concerns this pretended Governor of Tenness
ee. Andrew Johnson has not been for years
and is not now, the Governor of that Slate ;
and I will never recognize him as such, by
voting for this resolution. But, sir, without
regard to any question of his official position,
take Andrew Johnson as an individual, as
suming that he is rightfully clothed with the
robes ol office, and may constitutionally ex
ercise the duties of that high position; even
then, I say to you, Air. Speaker, that I never
by my vote will allow a man to come into
these halls and from this place speak to the
people of this great State in support of what
I know to be illegal, unconstitutional and ty
ranical acts of the Federal government. I
know, sir, that Andrew Johnson has gone as
far as the farthest, and is ready to go still
further, to destroy, to uproot, to upturn ev
ery principle upon which this great and good
government of ours was founded. I know
that he has bent with suppliant knee before
the throne of power ; I know that, for peif
or some other consideration, ho l as succumb
ed to every measure pre~ented to lam lor ap
proval or disapproval; and I know that In
speeches delivered in the capitols of other
States he has enunciated doctrines which, 'f
adopted by the people of the gce-.t North,
would be subvercire of iuciv d sal freed >in, and
peisonal right. Sir, by no vole of mme can
any person holding such views ad lress the
people of Pennsylvania in this chamber
Never, sir, never so long as I have r. right to
forbid him. Let me, sir, tc<s f this question
by contrast. Lot me ask the majority of
this Cenate, whether he who has lately been
baptized the votes of three hundred thous
and men in the Empire State of this Union
one cf the greatest cf living statesmen and
most patriotic of : or.—Horatio Seymour—
whether, if that distinguished Governor were
oa his vray from the East to tho West
through this eapitol, v/oaid he get a single
vote from the Republican tide cf this cham
ber permitting him to addrco3 hi s folic v-ut-
izens in this hall l Not ore —not one.—
Would Joel Parker, the Governor of New
Jersey, elected by the people, gel one vote
for such a purpose? Would David Turpie,
who by the votes of the people of Indiana is
the successor o" one of the men whom, by
the resolution, it is proposed to have adures:
us—would David Turpie be permitted by tho
votes of members on tho other side of this
chamber to occupy this hall for the purpose
of delivering Jan address ? Not one vote
would he receive. Yet he is the chcce.i rep
resentative of the majority of the pernio cf
Indiana—anointed by their sanction, baptis
ed fcv the majority of their votes. Not one
vote would be get, and you know it. Y-cn,
gentlemen on the other side, fear the verdict
of the people ; you have reason to know what
it means ; and he who comes to you clothed
with all the glory of the popular will, but
lately expressed, you will cast oIT for a mere
hireling of Federal patronage and power.
MR. LOWRV, IS not tho man of whom
the Senator speaks a disloyal man.
MR. CLTMER. The people of Indiana have
sent him to the United States Senate, and
you can't deny or question the choice of a
sovereign State. But, sir ! who is the indi
vidual whose name we ask shall be embraced
in this resolution ? Who is he whom we
would ask to come here and receive the hos
pitalities of this State ? lie who next to him
who was " first in war, first in peace, and
first in the hearts of his cnintrymen," is the
people's idol—he who amid doubt and gloom,
upon more than.one occasion, has rescued or
der from anarchy—he, who, upon more than
one occasion has been the means of swing
this government—he who has the great heart
of the greatest army upon this continent
throbbing every day, every hour, every mo
ment in unison with his own—MAJOR GEN.
GEO. B . M'CLELLAN !!! He, sir, has
been denied the hospitality of a Legislative
body in which you Republicans have a ma
jority. You will not vote to tender him
those hospitalities—and why ? Because he
too is annoiuted not only by the voice of a
great people, but by the edoration, of the
hearts of the Army of the Potomac. You
will not pa3s such a resolution if his name is
to be included. No, you who have the pow
er now for a few months or years will nut
sanction anything that savors of what the
people desire. l r ou are determined that
they never shall be seen, never heard. That
is the determination that you are acting out
here and elsewhere. I tell, sir, that those
who have been disrobed and disowned by
the people, who are the mere minions of ex
ecutive power, and who submit to the sub
version of the people's rights and liberties, I
never will consent, shall speak from your
chair to the people of this State—never, sir,
n'evet'!
It is known to you, sir, whoso legislative
experience in this hail extends back to a peri
od commensurate with my own, that I am
not in the habit of wandering from the parti
cular subject before the Senate to introduce
general issues and extended arguments. But,
sir, this debate has been far diverted from
the original question. It has embraced all
the subjects that conkl agitate the public
mind at this time. If it had even rested
there, I should have remained content. But
gentlemen upon this floor have chosen to sin
gle lae out amongst the Democratic Senators
here—and refer to the probable results of my
action upon my own future I am sir, an
individual—individuals as compared with
principles and great results are nothing.
Principles and truth] are eternal. Man is
mortal and goes to his kindred dust; but if,
sir, in his person, in his acts in public or in
private life, he represents truth, be represents
principles—if when power, passion or prejud
ice threaten to destroy the fights of the people
he dare stand up in defence of them, he may
die, he may go to hL fathers blessed or un
blessed. A Hampden :u.i others have illus
trated this. They have O onc down in gloom ;
but they are now held up in brightness and
in glory : and, sir, no matter what may be
come of me in regard to this day' 3 action, I
know that I shall be sustained when the pas
sion and prejudice and violence of the hour
have given way to the thoughts which govern
men when they are not bereft of reason.
I might iu this connection repel—repel in
dignantly , repel with truth— the assaults
that have been attempted to be made upon
the great party with which 1 have the hor.o:
to act. You sir, were here in April. l(.3l
you will recollect that when the first
was fired upen Port Sumter, that one shot
fused the great heart of the people of this
Stale anu presented it as a wall of adamant
against rebellion and treason r.t the South.
Yon know that without mea ure, that great
heart. Democratic and Republican, poured cut
everything for a common purpose. You rec
ollect that in July, 1861, when we had been
defeated upon the plains of Bull R'..n, when
the army of the Republic came into YTashing
ton with tattered banners; when there was
fear and dismay there, here and elsewhere ;
when the Republic was tottering and the
President was almost suppliant for his place,
you know there waR no division of sentiment
or feeling. Ycu further know that in the
congioss of the United States, on the 22d of
July, &f ter that defeat, a resolution was offer
ed dehuiug uiid setting forth the object of the
strug.de.—You know hat that icioluiion v.*os
adopted oy a nearly unanimous vote. You
know that in that hour of foarafcd dismay of
trial and dai.ger, that iesolutioti came as the
voice of hope from Heaven. It reassured the
people; it told them that this was to be no
visionary or fanatical struggle ; but it was to
be pursued for the puipose of sustaining the
Constitution and restoring the Union cf our
fathers. ar?d that when that object should bo
be attained, peace would reign once more.
hat was the result 7 From the disorganized
and helpless and beaten materials of that ar
rnv he whom it is asked to-day to invite U>
the cr.pito 1 of ins cvn State, and to whom
that boon is denied by Republican Senators,
sei zed hold of those discordant materials and
with trie hand and mind of genius prepared
t'ncia again to go upon the- enemy. I will
not trace his history. It is written imperisha
bly upon the annals of the past; and it will
shine in thoao cf the future.
Rut I will turn ft,. - a moment to a period a
year later , vrheu another disaster met our
arms on the same field, and when the par.ic-
Pres'dent and his advisers again crouched
with fear within the walls of Washington)
when they felt that the Cloths and Vandals
were at their gates, when they were provi
ding for flight to some spot of safety, and
when ttsj tout power and place was van
ishing. Again in palsied fear they appealed
to him whom for party purposes they had
degraded, and again, like a iruo patriot, like
one who never acts frutn sordid or improper
motives, he assumed command of that routed
and demoralized army, and in less that three
weeks he had again organized it and had
commenced the pursuit of the common enemy
across the hills of Maryland and into a plain
where many of those who now hear me met
the enemy face to face. What did he do?
A second time saved the Republic—he save
it by snatching victory out of the very jaws
of defeat; and I now place upon record the
universal sentiment of every man who served
under him, and that if it had not been for the
confidence of the army of the Potomac in
General M'Clellau, Pennsylvania wouid have
suffered an invasion which would have been
destructive to the life and property of her
people ; and yet Senators refuse to receive
the protector and defender of the State in the
halls of her Capitol. Rut what is tke subse
quent history of this matter ? Shattered
and broken, his legions lay awhile fo" rest, to
be clothed, to be fed, to be restored to their
wonted vigor ; and then he was in pursuit of
that enemy whom he had met at Antietam
and at South Mountain, and defeated. Rut,
sir, when he was about to strike his blow, he
was again pursued by the miscreants who
wished to divert this war from the purposes
set forth in the resolution of July r , 18G1 and
dragged down from his position as command
er of the army.
I He left it dispirited, broken hoarted. do
jected—obedient, it is true, but without nerve,
without vigor, without power. He left it at
the dictation and c milliard of the ultra Abo
litionists of the North.—George I*. M'Clellan
was nt an Abolitionist ana therefore he was
not a general!! ! The remaining histoiy
of that campaign is written in blood disaster.
But sir 1 will tell you that along the camp
fires of the Potomac at night, no soldier goes
sleep without praying God for blessings upon
the head of his commander ; and oh ! sir, if
those in power could summon the resolution
to cast behind them the prejudices and the
passions of those who do not wish to see this
Union restored unless slavery bo abolished,
that noble commander would be put at the
head of that army and he would carve out
victory and would bring back to us once
more triumph and peace and union. I know
it, they know it, you, gentlemen, know it;
and if you had the manhood which you should
possess, you wouid by joint resolutions speak
this truth to the powers that be and make
the l hear you ! 11
Mr. Speaker, it may be proper for me at
this tirr.e to state what I believe to be the
purposes of the great party with which I
nave the honor to act. In the words of an
other, who i.ora his exalted position has a
right to speak, I will tell you " that the Demo
cratic party has never agreed, does net now
agree, and have no intention of agreeing in
future, to a dissolution of the American TTu
lou- ' an 1 I will say to yea farther, that we
propose to accomplish the preset. ation of the
government and the Constitution by the
union of the sword with the olive branch.
For those who will resist the power of
t' e government—r<>t the power of the ad
min:stra-tion, not its unconstitutional acts,
but the power of this government righ'ful
ly administered under the Constitution—
we have the swcrd. For those who are
trilling to submit to its benign, its health
ful and its pL-zcefui sway, we hold ou t
the olive branch of peace. And here T
will say to you sir, (and in saying it I
feel that T cvpvess the opinion of the great
Democratic partv of this State,) that vra be
lieve, and will ever believe that the laws
which have been passed by the Congress just
ended—the coutiscation and other acts which
have steeled the heart of the people of the
South—there is no such thing as a Union
man left in those States now engaged in reb
ellion, and we tell you that we intend to melt
the heart of that people b) repealing your
unjust, your unconstitutional laws; and' when
jf. is melted, we expect cut of that heart to
bring peace and happiness to the people, un
le s you have among them allies who are
attached to your cause, devoted to the prin
ciples of the Constitution and its guarantees,
and desiring its protection— that you can
never, exterminate or subjugate them.
But we tell you, sir that if you will do on
ly what the Constitution r.nd the principles
springing from it demand, on every hill and
and in every vailey there will fx? raised up
allies for our assistance. The leader-) who
desire place and power may be against us, but
when the people of the south, recollecting the
glories of the past, and "looking to those of
the future, feel that every right is to be guar
anteed, every privilege restored to them, them
as 1 believe mv God, I believe that they will
come hack to the Constfution of the old gov
ernment, and the old Union. I tell you now
Mr. Sneaker, that all the blood, all the treas
ure you have spent or may spend, will be in
vain, unless you repeal the unconstitutional,
oppressive, and tyrannical laws which were
enacted by the last Congress; and I will say
in passing (the Supreme Arbiter being my
judge.) that if that Congress had never met,
or if, having met, they had simply voted ap
propriations and dissolved, leaving the whole
question to be settled under the resolution
adopted in July, 1861, this coutest would eia
now have been settled, and at this day we
would be enjoying unity, peace and amity.
Upon the heads of those who prevented such
action—upon the heads of those men who en
acted those unconstitutional and damnable
laws, and did everything in their power to
coinbino the southern heart against us forev
er, be the curse of blood and murdering that
fill this land. If the demon of destruction
and of hate—if the father of evil himself could
have been there dictating their councils, actu
ating them to deeds which must result in the
utter dismemberment of this Union, he could
not more thoroughly have effected his hellish
purpose than it has been effected by the
dominant majority in the Senate and in the
House during the last Congress. And when
the history of these times comes to be writ
ten, (and 1 pray to God that the historian of
this era may not be obliged to write of the de
cline and fall of the American Republic, but
that he may only write of its trials past and
present aud of its future greatness,) he wil.
record the hour a lien the nation came so near
to desolation and death, and he will ascribe
the disasters of that hour to the unremitted,
persistent, diabolical machinations of Aboli
tionists in and out of the last Congress.
Such a historian, if ho has the philosophy
of Hume—if he has his iar seeing penetration
and can traco effects trotn causes, cannot fail
in the contemplative hour of the future to
say what I say at this moment, that to them
solely and sheerly belongs the terrible ca
latn ty that still darkeus and enshrouds this
|aud. lu conclusion, siij what do we pro-
I TI3FIMS: BLSO PER. AJKIBI UM
I pose to declare by voting against this reso
j lution 2 We propose to say that no one who
j has been the instrument, the partaker, the
supporter of these ty ran leal, there unconsti
tutional, these arbitrary measures which havo
fused the Southern heart and dirided our '
own, shall be heard from the eapitol ,of, this
State. We propose to say that we will not
listen to him as a body representing the peo
ple of this State; we propose to say that the
verdict of the people of the State at the last
election was against all such damnable here
sies. We mean to tell you, gentlemen, that
although we have not a majority, berg, we
have it on the other side of this hall, and we
have it among the people. We mean to tell
you that that majority counted by three
thousand last year will be ten times three
thousand at the next election. We mean to
tell you that we are going to bring you back
to the cause of the Constitution and jthe Un
ion. We.mean to tell you that we are going
to use the sword and the olive-branch in set
tling this difficulty—that whether north or
south, we will use the sword upon those who
are opposed to tha Constitution— that we
will not allow any person whether in the
south or in the north, to disobey, to disre
gard, to ignore or to rot at defiance the Con
stitution of the United States. We mean to
te!! you that the same law which ia to be
obeyed at the Sonth Is to be obeyed at the
North. The people are with us, ?nd by the
o .sce of God aud the voice cx the people, be
fore nine months roll around we shall have
iit in our power to put in execution all that
we say.
— ——
Seymonr, of Connecticut.
Among the gallant spirits of the age, there
is no one more deservedly conspicuous than
Ihomas 11. Ssv-ova, the Democratic candid
ate ior (Governor of Connecticut. He is
making a thought canvass of his state, and is
gaining strength every day by his bold and
many expositions of the destructive policy of
the imbecile administration at Washington.
In a recent speech he made use x> f the follow
ing languagj which stamps hhn a patri
"l am for getting back the Southern states
feu and honorable means if such a thing be
P °. 9 t^°h I will hope for the best. ..
j 1 h ' e , l n ' on 1 dcs rc, is a Union of hear s
n- of , an ,T s r . ;ch „ o , r , itheni
-Nothmg i„ s will ratisfy me than the
whole Southern States/' no
Yet he is denounced as a traito rand se
cession sympathiser, simply because he' will
not Lend the knee to power, but chooses rath
e. to fc; cr.o of that claos of freeman "whom
the truth makes froe.' ; Age.
i ■
A nESPOTtW M TO ~K -ar/nMSHED.
" Another principle must ceruinlj be em
bodied in our reorganized form of government.
. men who sh apo tha legislation of
this country, when the war is past, mmt re
member that what we want ia power and
strength The problem ui'l bo to combine
hie forms of a Republican Government with
the pcncers ufa Government.—
Philadelphia Press.
" Ttl3 wr - r already shown the absurdi
ty of a government with limited powers, it
•ins shown, that the power oj every govern-
mm' ought to le and must be unlimited
Philadelphia Aorth American*
Such aje the sentiments of the leading or
gans of the Black Republican party.—They
require no comment, except to .be denounced
as the rankest treason to the government.
Certain Republican particans appear
to be in the last stage of mania a potw—ev
erywhere they " see snakes," and are striking
about wildly at Copperheads." Thtae/'Cop
perheads," however, take things Some
spirited young Democrats have adopted the
head of the goddess of Liberty on the old
copper cent as a badge, which, the Democrat
ic party being a hard money party, ia en ex.
ceediugly suitable emblem. Apropos Jo tbia
subject, and incident occurred at the ropma
of the Democratic Union Association, mx the
occasion of Mr Vallandigham's recent speech
here, that we have not seen reported. Mr.
V. was exhibitingan old com as a sort of re
membrance of better days gone hy—value
one cent the coin we mean of course. " Give
it to Mr. Chase for a specie basis !" called out
a quick witted Irishman in the andience.
Wilmot Provider. For.—The people of
Pennsylvania haying repudiated Senator
Dave Wilmot, and laid him on the shelf,
the President has provided for him by ap
pointing him Judge of the Court of Claims
salary $4,000 per annum ! Wilmot uaed hit
best efforts to involve the country in a civl
war, and is doing all he oan to continue the
war and ruin the oountry. There- ia not a
worse traitor in the Southern army than
this blatant demagogue, and hence it i that
ho is a favorite the Administration.
Abolition State Convention The Ab
olition-Republican State Committee met at
Harrisburgon Wednesday, and adopter a
call for a State Convention to be held at
Pittsburgh on the 15th of July, to nominate
candidates for Governor* and Judge of the
Supreme Court. The Committee alao pass
ed a resolution recommending the organisa
tion of a " Union League "in each Legisla
tive District.
" it •
VOL. 2, N0.35.