North Branch democrat. (Tunkhannock, Pa.) 1854-1867, March 18, 1863, Image 1

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    l_ SICKT IER, Proprietor.]
Bvaitclj Beiumth
weekly Democratic
Tprm s-1 copy 1 #ir, (in advance) If
lot pain within six mouths, 82.00 will be charged.
10 lines or\ > 1 L I . I
leu make three four] two three < six one
one square icecksaceeksfw'lhnw'thpnf/th' year
ri^Tro - liraiS 2.S?j 3.00- 5.00
j y 2 OUs 2,50; 3,25$ 3.50$ 4,i>o; 6,00
5 t 3 00: 375 4,75 5,50 7,00 9,00
i Column 4,00' 4.50; 6.50' 8,00! 10,00; 15,00
1 do 7,00.10,00 12.00! 17,00 2,00
I do' 8 00> 9,50! 14,00 16,00,25,00! 35,00
1 do- 10,00? 12,00 s 17,00 22.0029,00* 40,00
I Business Cards of one square, with paper, 85.
Ij-nrt wonm
f all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit
he timea.
g,—^ —g—a
business Jjotirfs.
rjACOJi STAND.—Nicholson, Pa. C. L
[) JACKSON, Proprietor. (vln49tf J
• Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa.
1 JT Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's liiick
I Hock, Tioga street.
I XX fico in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk-
I annoek. Pa.
| LAW, Office on Tioga .street, Tunkhannock,
I a.
H • Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo-
Brat Office, Tunkhannock, Fa.
Bre, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan-
I k Pa '
■*. W . 2F8.3E3C0.A.1E5.73 JLJ. f
S Graduate of the University oj Penn'a.)
Respectfully offers his professional services to the
tizeus of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can bo
und, when not professionally engaged, either at his
rug Store, or at his residcuce on Putnam Street.
J ED AT THE FALLS, Y/JLL promptly attend
.11 calls in the line of his profession—may bo found
t Beemer's Hotel, when not professionally absent.
Falls, Oct. 10, 1961.
I DR. J. C. BEtJKKR .v Co.,
| Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy-
I ming that they have located at Mehoopauy, where
I hey will promptly attend to all calls in the line of
I heir profession. May be found at his Drug Btaro
I then not professionally absent.
fM. CAREY, M. D.— (Gr
M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respectfully
■enounce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne
lounties, that he continues his regular practice in the
arious departments of his profession. May tie found
t his office or residence, when not professionally ab- j
I Particular attention given to the treatment
I Chronic Diseas.
I entreraorcland. Wyoming Co. Pa.—v2n2
PHIS establishment has recently been refitted and
I furnished in tbo latest style. Every attention
'ill be given to the comfort ami convenience of those
'ho patronize the House.
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor.
J'unkhannock, September 11. 1861.
tJAMNG resumed the proprietorship of the above
t-l Ilotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to
teler the house an agreeable place of sojourn for
II who may favor it with their custom.
September 11,1861.
I JOHN MAYNARD, Proprietor.
taken the Ilotel, in the Borough of
I Tunkhannock, recently occupied by Riley
farner, the proprietor respoctfully solicits a share of
1 ! c patronage. The House has been thoroughly
paired, and the comforts and accomodations of a
s class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor
M fflth their custom. September 11, IR6I.
VX OILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk
-I* hannock Borough, and respectfully tenders his
Sessional services to the citizens of tlii.s placp and
JTuunding country.
Offico over Tutton's Law near th e Pos
!>ec. 11, 1861.
r te Rcluf of the Sick \ Distressed, afflicted irith
indent and Chronio Diseases, and especially
for the Lure of Diseases flke Sexual Oroans
S al given grafts, by the Acting Surgeon
Suable Reports on Spermatorrhea or Seminas
teakness, and other Diseases of the Sexual Organs
on 1110 New Remediesemployed in the Dispeaaa
b sent to the afflicted in sealed letter envelope ft-ie
'charge. Two or three stamps for ]*. stage will be
cccptablo. Address, Dr. .T SKILLTN lIOUGH
J -Y Ahting Rurgeou, Howard Association, Nst)| v
am Street, Philadelphia Pa, ln2oly. *
r Psh Ground Plaster in (tuantities
- 1 - and at prices to suit purchasers, now for sale a
lbo F pcn BY L* MOWRT JB
flott's (fomtt.
Go sound the piano, and touch the guitar,
From the confines of heaven has wandered a star,
Down, down, like a blessing it camo to the earth,
And an Angel of glory recorded its birth.
Then throw up your bonnet,
Set the harp-strings a-buzzing,
The Heavens have smiled,
And you've got a new Cousin.
It's the winsomest wee thing I've seen for a while,
With its little pug nose and its delicate smile,
And sure if you'd see it, like any young Miss
You'd catch up the wee thing and give it a kiss.
Then throw up your bonnet,
Give cheers by the dozen;
The family's increased,
And you've got a new Cousin.
It's voice is celestial, so soft and so fine.
That if 'twas not mortal, you'd think it divine;
And the song of stars (T would venture to say.)
Is as unlike its music as night is to day.
Then throw up your bonnet,
And scream with delight,
For you got a new Cousin
On last Monday night!
Its eyes are like violets floating in wine,
Like the oeeim-kisscd coral, its rosy lips sliinc,
An ! its little round pate is all covered with hair,
As fine as a cobweb spun out in tlio air.
Then fling up your boonnet,
Shouting loudly for joy,
For the Gods were propitious,
Your Cousin's a Boy.
Keiservillc, March '63.
-———- — -g !
sista v i t a L
Among the most remarkable men, devel
oped by the French Revolution, there are
few more prominent than Robespierre. IDs
first appearance was in the Assembly of the
States General. The nobles and bishops re
solved to meet in seperato halls, that each of
the seporate orders, having two votes, and
the commoner but one, the commons might
be out-voted, though in the immense majori
ty. Were they to meet in one Assembly the
commons could, of course, carry their mea
sures. The poor were in a state- of terrible
distress. The nobles sent the Archbishop ol
A IX with a very pathetic appeal, urging the
commons, in behalf of the miseries of the peo
ple, to proceed to business, bv consenting to
a separation of the three chambers.
Robespierre, one of the deputies of the
commons, then an unknown young man, pale
and slender, rose and said—" Go tel! your
colleagues that we are waiting for them here
to aid us in assuaging the sorrows of the peo
ple. Tell them no longer to retard our work.
Tell them that our resolution is not to be
shaken by such a stratagem as this. If they
sympathy for the poor, let them, in imita
tion of their master, renouce that luxury
which consumes the funds of indigence, dis
miss those insolent lackeys who attend them,
sell their gorgeous equipage, and with these
superfluites relieve the perishing. We wait
for them here !"
We next hear of him earnestly advocating
the abolition of the death penalty. Dr. Guil
lotiue had 'ntroduced a new machine, called
from the inventor, the Guillotine, the inflic
tion of capital punishment, without inflicting
pain. A general burst of laughter was ex
cited in the assembly as the doctor said—
" With my machine I can clip olf yotir head
in the twinkle of an eye, without your feeling
it." It may be remarked, in passing, that
many who then smited, were soon be headed
by the keen axe.
A part}* arose in Frauee called the Giron
dists—so called because their leaders were
from the department of tho Gironde. They
at first were in favor of a constitutional mo
narchy, like that of England. But finding
from the perfidy of the King this to be
impossible, they then advocated a republic.
There was another party advocating the ex
treme democratic license, called the Jacob
ins. Robespierre was one of the leaders of
the latter party, He brought an exceeding
ly envenomed bill of accusation against the
Girondists, overwhelmed them in their trial,
and they were all sent to the guillotine,
Robespierre, Danton and Marat, the heads
of the Jacobin party, were now the idols of
France. Charlotte Corday soon plunged her
dagger into the bosom of Marat. Herbert, at
the head of the atheists of Paris, organized a
formidable party. Robespierre, at the peril
of his life, threw himself into the breach to
oppose them. " There are men," he said,
" who, under the pretext of destroying super
stition, would make a religion of atheism—
The Legislator who would adopt the system
of atheism is insane. The national conven
tion abhors such a sytem. Atheism is aris
tocratic. The idea of a great being who
watches over oppressed innocence, and who
punishes triumphant guilt, is quite popular.
The people, the unfortunate, applaud me. J/
God did not exist, it -would behoove men, to
invent him.
The conflict was desperate. Each party
knew that tho guillotine was the doom of the
vanquished. Herbert and his coadjutors.
nineteen in number, were on the 17th of
March, 1794, in five carts, conducted to the
Danton and Robespierre now quarrelled,
Robespierre again conquerred in the death
struggle, and Danton was doomed to die.—
Before the dawning of the morning, gem
(Tarmes entered his chamber and tore him
from the arms of his wife.
As he entered his prison, in the vaults of
the Luxemburg, he said, sadly :
" At length I perceive that in revolutions
i the supreme power ultimately rests with the
most abandoned. We are sacrificed to the
ambition of a lew brigands. But they will
not long enjoy the fruit of their villainy. I
drag Robespierre after me. Robespieire fol
lows me to the grave."
As ilanton, with Carnile Desmoulins and
others who were to be executed with him,
alighted from the cart at the scaffold, Iler
auft de Sechelles, who was to suffer first, en
deavored to take leave of Danton in a parting
embrace. The brutal executioner interposed
"Wretch," said Danton, "you will not at
least prevent our heads from kissing present
ly in the basket." As he was bound to the
fatal plank, ho said, "0, my wife, my dear
wife shall I never see you again ?" Then, as
if ashamed of this emotion, he added . " But
Danton, no weakness." Then, as the plank
fell to its place beneath the slide he proudly
remarked to the executioner, you will show
my head to the people. It will be worth the
Robespierre was now the undisputed vic
tor. Day after da}- be punished his foes, and
the guillotine ran red with blood. lie was
not maliciously cruel, but a thorough fanatic,
believing that all political opponents should
be executed. The mother of Lucille, the
young wife of Desmoulins, wrote in the fol
lowing terms to Robespierre, who had doom
ed her daughter to death. She and Lucile
and Desmoulins had formerly been Robes
pierre's most intimate friends.
" Robespierre," she wrote, "is it not cnouf
to have assassinated your best friend 7 Do
you desire the blood of his wife, my daugh
ter! Two hours more and 6he will not be
in existence. Robespierre, ifyouarenot a
tiger in human shape, if the blood of Camile
has not iebriated you to the losing of your
reason entirely—if you recall still our ven
mgs of intimacy—if you recall the caresses
lavished on our little Horace, and how you
delighted to bold him upon your knees, spare
an innocent victim. But if the fury is that
of the lion, come and take mo also, and my
daughter Adele and little Horace. Come,
with bands reeking in the blood of Camile,
and let one single thumb re unito us."
But Robespierre was inexorable, and young
and beautiful Lucille perished beneath the fa
tal axe. Robesrierre is one of the most inex
plicable of men. Ilis moral character was ir
reproachable . No bribes could corrupt him.
lie sincerely endeavored to establish a repub
lic upon the basis of popular liberty and vir
tue. Self-aggrandizement was no part of his
plan. But he was as merciless as the slide
of the guillotine. At times, indeed, he seem
ed weary of blood. On one occasion he re
marked, 'Death, always death ; and the scoun
drels threw all the responsibility on me
What a memory shall I leave behind me, if
this lasts ! Life is a burden to me.,
A young girl, Cecil Regnault, but seventeen
years of age, was accused of plottiong the as
sassination of Robespierre. She and all her
friends perished on the scafiold, and eight
carts were filled with victims to avenge this
crime. But the fickle populace at last began
to suspect their idol of being unfriendly to
the Revolution and of wishing to arrest its
torrent of blood.
In six months two thousand three hundrod
and seventy-five had perished upon the scaf
fold in Paris alone. Robespierre, weary of
blood, attempted to check their senseless
atrocities. A conspiracy of very energetic
men was formed against him. As he entered
the convention on the 29th of July, 1794,
cries of' Down with the tyrant!' filled the
house. Overwhelmed by the clamor, Robes
pierre in vain endeavored to speak in self-de
fence. 'President of the assassins,' he shout
ed, 'will you hear me ?' lie was arrested and
led to the Hotel de Brinne in tho Place du
Carousel. Ilis friends rescued him and car
ried him to tho Mayor's room at the Ilotel de
It was now night, aud all Paris was in a
of commotion, mobs surging through the
streets. A detachment of soldiers were sent
by the convention to arrest Robespierre again
lie was sitting calmly at the table awaiting
his fate. One of the soldiers discharged a
pistol at him.
The ball entered his cheek, breaking his jaw
and producing a terrible wound. Ilis head
dropped upon the table, deluged it with blood.
Thus mangled, he was borne on a litter, just
as the day was beginning to sink. The blood
flowed freely from bis wound coagulating in
his mouth, and choking hi m as is trickled
down his throat. After passing an hour of
almost unendurable agony, he; with his broth
er and several other of his friends, were
brought before tbo Revolutionary Tribunal.
The trial oceopid but a few moments, and
they were doomed to die.
At G o'clock of the same evening, the cart
conveyed them through the Rue St. Honors
to the riacc do la Revolution. Robespierro
aeceudod the scaffold with a firm step. As
the executioner brutally tore the bandage
from his inflamed wound, he utteied a shriek
of torture which pierced every ear. In an
other moment the axe of the Guillotine glid
ed swiftly down its groove, and the head of
Robespierre fell into the basket. There was
a moment's silence and then there came, from
the lips of those who but a short time before
were shouting hosanna to his name, a burst
of wildest applause. Thus died Robespierre
in the thirty-fifth year of his age.
Charges against Speaker Calicot of the N, Y.
The proper time having arrived, the Demo,
crat members of the Assemble propose to
arraign T. C. Callicot, Speaker of that body>
for gross official and personal coruption. The
charges have been formally made, and embra
ce the following point:
First, That Mr. C. was intrusted with
the sale of eight shares of bank stock by a
Mrs. Wood : that he sold the stock and retain
the money, until last January, when, being
threatened with exposure by Mrs. Wood's
agent, be procure the amount on a draft made
b) the chairman of the Republican Union
State Committee and liquidated the debt. It
is alledged that this money was received as a
compensation for his vote on the election of
officers of the House, United State senator,
&c. It is charged also that Mr. C; has receiv
ed $1,200 from the committee or member of
the Republican Union party "for his treachery
and betrayal of the Democratic majority of
the House."
Second. It is charged that Mr. Callicot,
when a member of the House in 1860, had
charge of a bill which Walter S. Church, of
this city, desired to defeat, and that while
the bill" was pending solicited a loan, first of
$1()0 and them of $l5O, of Mr. Church, Mr.
Callicot avowing himself opposed to the bill.
These applications where not responded to,
and Mr. C. voted for the bill, although, in its
different stages, he had previously voted
against it.
Third. Tt is charged, also, that when Tun
ing last fall for the Assembly Mr. Callicot rec
eived $2OO from the president of a horse rail
road iu Brooklyn as a consideration to use his
influence and vote in favor of said road.
Fourth. It is further charged that he rec
cived $250 for bis vote for a bill which passed
the Legislature of 1860.
This is a formidable indictment, and if any
part of it is proved true the election of CAL
LICOT will prove the most damaging political
victory over achieved by a party in this coun
try. For obvious reasons we do not propose
discuss the merits of this case until after the
trial, but should CALLICOT be found guilty it
would be a fitting finale to the most corrupt
party that ever held power in this state.
N. Y. World.
Words that Should he Written in Letters
of Gold All Over the Land
There can be no individual liberty where
every citizen is not subject to the. law, aud
where he iH subjected to aught else than the
It is obvious that whatever wise provisions
a constitution may contain, uothiDg is gained
if the power of declaring martial law be left
in the hands of the Excutive, for declaring
martial law, or proclaiming a place in a state
of siege, simply means the suspension of the
due course of law, of the right of habeas cor
pus, of the common law,and the Courts.— (Dr
Lieber on Civil Libcny and Self-government
vol. 1, pp. 128 and 130 ]
Press states that ths Conscription Bill passed
the Senate by a unanimous vote. How this
unanimity was obtained we learn from the
Philadelphia Inquirer , whose Washington
correspondent states that as soon as it became
evident that the Republican Senators intend
ed to pass the bill, all the Democrats, except
five, left the Senate.— Lancaster Intelligencer
WHY IS IT 7 —Why is it that no draft has
beeu made from any Abolition State in the
Union? And why is it that in Phensylvania
Ohio, Indiana, the loyal, law-abiding farmers
mechanics and laborers, aro hurried from
their homes and little ones by the stern man
date of Abraham Lincoln, while the thriving
Abolitionists of Massachusetts are permitted
to remain comfortably at home, and gorge
their insatiate desire for the almighty dollar,
by selling'rotten ships to the General Gov
ernment, in which thoy must have anticipat
ed thousands of human beings would be bu
ried in the vast deep? Can Abraham Lin
coln answer why is this so ?
yyTho Judge of tho supreme court of
Wisconsin—all Republican—have unanimous
ly decided that President Lincoln's Proclama
tion suspending the writ of habeas corpus, is
unconstitutional, null and void.
A little Miss of six, with whom the
word skeleton and skeleton skirt were sy
nonymous terms, in relating the melancholy
story of the lost bride who hid away in the
trunk and perished, and was not found till
many years after, with wide-staring, eyes
" And on opening the trunk what do you
think they found there, aunty ?"
"Why, what did they my dear?"
" Nothing in the world," answered ihe lit
tle story teller, holding up her hands in hor
ror, " but a hoop skirt I"
The following is the letter of the Hon, C.
R. Buckalew, to the Central Democratic
Club, on the celebration of WASHINGTON'S
Birthday :
To P. MCCAT.L, Esq., Chairman of the Com
mittee :
Dear Sir: —ln response to your friendly
invitation, I have to express some views upon
public topics, which may be submitted to
your meeting on the 23d instant. And I
cannot know that any words of mine will
deepen popular conviction upon the necessity
of changing our rulers and overthrowing their
present policy, or quicken popular zeal for
the accomolishment of these important ob
A conviction that the country is inis-gov
erned, the war iuis-managcd, and libertj it
self in peril, is growing up in the public
mind, and thousands are alert, inquisitive, and
critical, who gave to Government uncalcul.v
ting and enthusiastic support founded upon
complete confidence, twelve months ago.
The day of blind, headlong passion, and of
confident, unquestioning trust in our rulers
has passed, and the electoral "duties of the
citizen will now be discharged with more in
telligent comprehension than was possible iu
the earlier months of the war.
The result of this war will be to perfect
the the political revolution in the North and
TV est, begun by the late elections, and to ex
clude the Republieau party, with its fauatic
ism, its corruption, and its incapacity, per
manently from power.
But can this be accomplished in time to
save the country 7 to preserve its unity and
liberty 2 And if these vital objects can be
secured, either sooner or later, by the resto
ration of the Democratic party to power, up
on what policy shall that party act iu their
attainment ? These questions are timely and
important enough to occupy the space and
leisure now at my command. Complete con
trol in the State Government can be secured
to our party iu October next. Control of the
Federal Government can be obtained by it
a year later, in the election of President, as
suming that the renovation of Congress, now
begun shall go on and be consummated by
that time.
The time here mentioned must elapse be
fore power can be completely lodged in safe
hands j before the work of reconstructing the
Union, and thoroughly reforming the Govern
ment can be performed. in tho meantime,
how much of calamity must we undergo ?
To what measures of evil must we be subject
ed? The public debt will be swollen enor
mously, a financial crash may come, sweep
ing away private fortunes, and crippling pub
lic credit ai d power; and it is not impossi
ble that in an hour of desperation our rulers
may abandon the war, and place the barrier
of a bad treaty, or the impertinences ofa for
eign mediation, iu the way of re-union. Un
questionably, there are great dangers in the
immediate future, and apprehension of evil is
timely, and justified by the events of the past
two years. But during this period of danger
of trial, of peril—this interval which separ
ates us from the day of relief and security—
what shall be the attitude cf our party to
ward the Administration and the war? These
questions may reasonably be asked by the
thousands in this State, and by tho thous
ands in other States who are willing to join
in and assist in the redemption of the count
The question may be answered, in part, by
referring to the past. The object of the war
was announced in the outset by a Resolution
of Congress, which went out North and South
and to foreign countries, as the platform of
the Government in its prosecution. That re
solution announced the object of the war to
be, the defense and maintenance of the supre
macy of the Constitution and the preserva
tion of the Union, with all the dignity, equal
ity and rights of the several States unimpair
ed, and explicitly denied that it was waged
in any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or
purpose of overthrowing or interfering with
the rights or established institutions of the
Southern Stales. This clear and emphatic
resolution was accepted and approved by the
Democracy of the Border States, and by con
servative men generally, and thereupon all
the magnificent resources of the country in
men and money were put at the disposal of
the Administration, for the prosecution of the
war in accordance therewith and it has had
command of those resources unopposed and
almost unquestioned down to this hour.
But the time came when this ground, of a
contest for the supremacy of the Constitution
and the preservation of tho Union became, in
the policy of the Administration, connected
with if not subordinate to, another and dif
ferent object. The tinsel rhetoric of Sumner
the dictatorial utterances of Greeley and the
rabid violence of Phillips and Garrison, be
came of more consequence at Washington
than the views of the groat majority of the
people aud the pledged faith of tho nation.—
A* policy of emancipation was announced, in
volving enormous expense, doubling the dif
ficulties of the'eontest, and in flat contradi
tion of the solemn declaration upon the ob
ject of the war, just recited. And this was
done by the Presidential decree—the fiat of a
1 TERMS i OLSO PBH. A txtihs ■ yyyf
single man—without authority, and at the in
stance of men who would be among the very
last selected by the American people to ad
vise their rulers.
To this !)d to ail like departures from the
Constitution and from good faith and sound
policy, we are, and must remain, unalterably
opposed, f say like departures, for this pre
tence of military necessity upon whtch emao
cipation has been announced, has been extendi
ed to other subjects besides the status of the
negro, as the debates of the day abundantly
testify. The seizure of citizens in States un
touched by revolt, and their incarceration in
distant prisons, remote from witnesses who
might testify in their favor, and from friends
who might intercede for them is one of the
most prominent of these, and deserves all the
condemnation it is receiving from the people
The Father of his Country, the anniversary
of whose birth you celebrate, had no concep
tion of a doctrine of military necessity as a
substitute for the Constitution and Jaws of
the land; nor of those undefined, unlimited
powers, now asserted to exist in the Presi-.
dent as a Commander-in-Chief of the Army
and Navy of the United States and of the mi
litia of the state when called into actual ser
vice, nor can we recognize them except as
baseless pretensions, to bo put down with
strong public disapprobation at tbe earliest
possible moment. Washington's views of
military jurisdiction and conduct in a time of
insurrection, were given to the army sent by
h m to queH the revolt in Western Pennsyl
vania in 1, 94, when he admonished them,
" that every officer and soldier will constant
ly bear in mind that he comes to support the
laws, and that it would be peculiarly unbe
coming in him to be. in any way the infractor
of them ; that the essential principles of freo
government confine the province of the mili
tary when called forth on such occasions, to
these two objects : first, to combat and sub
due all who may be found in arms in opposi
tion to tha national will and authority; second
to aid and support the civil magistrates m
bringing offenders to justice. The , dispensa
tion of this justice belongs to civil magistrates
and let it ever be our pride and our glory to
leave the sacred deposit there inviolate."
In the spirit of this admonition, and of the
Constitutional doctrine that the military
shall, in all cases, and at all times, be in
strict subordination to the civil power." we
must stand opposed to the abuse of the mili
tary power in applying it to other purposes
than those appointed and regulated by law
as the scizuie of hordes of negroes, and" their
support, instuction, transportation, drill and
payment, as allies ; the seizure and imprison
ment of Northern freemen without law* and
against it, the suppression of newspapers, or
the closing of the mails against them, and the
encroachment upou the State jurisdiction by
the appointment of sundry police officials to
exercise powers undefined by and unknown
to the laws. What is asked is, that the mili
tary power shall bo applied and confined to
its appropriate ; that there shall be no in
vasion upon liberty by it, in short, that it
shall bo subjected to the domination of es
tablished laws. And we are perfectly per
suaded that Government will be all the stron
ger, all the more successful by following this
policy and sternly refusing ao yield to tho
temptations which assail those entrusted with
authority in revolutionary times. Let our
rulers carefully imitate the exvmple of Wash
ington, who exercised military powers in the
Revolution with oonstant respedt for the laws
and the authority of the Contincntial Con
unsettled as the times were, and fruitful
gress, of pretexts for departuae from any
legitimate action.
In addition to the signal advantages which
will bo secured to our cause bv reversing
the policy of the Administration by estab
lishing other and truer doctrines than those
just examined—the Democracy can take into
account as one of the agencies for restoring
the Union, ihe powerful and invaluable aid of
allies in the Border and Confederate States
men who have gone into revolt reluctantly, or
who now stand with divided inclinations, un
certain of the position they shall assume-
The issue of the war has always depended as
much upon the determination and uniort °f
the Confederate States as upon the magnitude
of the efforts put forth by us against thent.
Manifestly, therefore, our true lino of policy
has been to divide them ; to conciliate a part
of their population, and dampen the ardor cf
the revolutionary spirit by subjecting it to
conservative opposition in the very commu
nities where it arose. The subjugation of the
South by the mere exertion of physical force
against it, assuming it to be really united and
in earnest, is a work of extreme difficulty,
and requires an amount of wisdom and vigor
our Administration has failed to exhibit. In
a war of invasion upon the South, most formi
dable natural obstacles are to be encountered,
and also tho powers of the enemy,, and our
strength must be, or be made to be, adequate
to overcome both. In short, in this case,
allies in the enemies country were necessary
to certain or prompt success, and to-seeuro
them all the arts of policy and all the meaijp
of conciliation without our power, should
have been exerted.
lint what is the policy of our rulers?
Is it nit written in the history of the Crit
tenden Compromise and of tho Peace Confer
ence Resolves 1 in Congressional euactmen'l
VOL. 2,* NO. 32.