North Branch democrat. (Tunkhannock, Pa.) 1854-1867, March 18, 1863, Image 1
l_ SICKT IER, Proprietor.] jvjEW SERIES, Bvaitclj Beiumth weekly Democratic INPER SICKLER. Tprm s-1 copy 1 #ir, (in advance) Si.so. If lot pain within six mouths, 82.00 will be charged. ADVERTISING. 10 lines or\ > 1 L I . I leu make three four] two three < six one one square icecksaceeksfw'lhnw'thpnf/th' year ri^Tro - liraiS 2.S?j 3.00- 5.00 j y 2 OUs 2,50; 3,25$ 3.50$ 4,i>o; 6,00 5 t 3 00: 375 4,75 5,50 7,00 9,00 i Column 4,00' 4.50; 6.50' 8,00! 10,00; 15,00 1 do 7,00.10,00 12.00! 17,00 2,00 I do' 8 00> 9,50! 14,00 16,00,25,00! 35,00 1 do- 10,00? 12,00 s 17,00 22.0029,00* 40,00 I Business Cards of one square, with paper, 85. Ij-nrt wonm f all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit he timea. g,—^ —g—a business Jjotirfs. rjACOJi STAND.—Nicholson, Pa. C. L [) JACKSON, Proprietor. (vln49tf J S.COOPER. PHYSICIAN A SURGEON • Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. I TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, 1 JT Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's liiick I Hock, Tioga street. | T7M. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of- I XX fico in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk- I annoek. Pa. I 7 ITTI.E & HEWITT, ATTORNEY'S AT | LAW, Office on Tioga .street, Tunkhannock, I a. I R. B. LITTLE. J HEWITT. ■r V. SMITH, M. D, PHYSICIAN k SURGEON, H • Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo- Brat Office, Tunkhannock, Fa. ■ TAKVBV SICKLER, ATTORNEY AT LAW ■J. and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT - Of- Bre, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan- I k Pa ' ■*. W . 2F8.3E3C0.A.1E5.73 JLJ. f S Graduate of the University oj Penn'a.) Respectfully offers his professional services to the tizeus of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can bo und, when not professionally engaged, either at his rug Store, or at his residcuce on Putnam Street. Y|, I.C. CORSF.LUS, HAVING LOCAT- J ED AT THE FALLS, Y/JLL promptly attend .11 calls in the line of his profession—may bo found t Beemer's Hotel, when not professionally absent. Falls, Oct. 10, 1961. I DR. J. C. BEtJKKR .v Co., PHYSICIANS Si SURGEO\S, I | Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy- I ming that they have located at Mehoopauy, where I hey will promptly attend to all calls in the line of I heir profession. May be found at his Drug Btaro I then not professionally absent. fM. CAREY, M. D.— (Gr M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respectfully ■enounce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne lounties, that he continues his regular practice in the arious departments of his profession. May tie found t his office or residence, when not professionally ab- j I Particular attention given to the treatment I Chronic Diseas. I entreraorcland. Wyoming Co. Pa.—v2n2 I WALL'S HOTEL7 I LATE AMERICA 2V HOUSE/ I TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA. PHIS establishment has recently been refitted and I furnished in tbo latest style. Every attention 'ill be given to the comfort ami convenience of those 'ho patronize the House. T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. J'unkhannock, September 11. 1861. NORTH SRAN6H HOTEL. MESIIOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA iULEY WARNER, Prop'r. tJAMNG resumed the proprietorship of the above t-l Ilotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to teler the house an agreeable place of sojourn for II who may favor it with their custom. RILEY WARNER. September 11,1861. MAY?!ARB'S HOTEL, I TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING COUNTY, PENNA. I JOHN MAYNARD, Proprietor. ■ taken the Ilotel, in the Borough of I Tunkhannock, recently occupied by Riley farner, the proprietor respoctfully solicits a share of 1 ! c patronage. The House has been thoroughly paired, and the comforts and accomodations of a s class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor M fflth their custom. September 11, IR6I. M. GILMAN, DENTIST. VX OILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk -I* hannock Borough, and respectfully tenders his Sessional services to the citizens of tlii.s placp and JTuunding country. AUWORR WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS- Offico over Tutton's Law off.ee. near th e Pos ™ee. !>ec. 11, 1861. HOWARD ASSOCIATION, .L r, ~ PHILADELPHIA, r te Rcluf of the Sick \ Distressed, afflicted irith indent and Chronio Diseases, and especially for the Lure of Diseases flke Sexual Oroans S al given grafts, by the Acting Surgeon Suable Reports on Spermatorrhea or Seminas teakness, and other Diseases of the Sexual Organs on 1110 New Remediesemployed in the Dispeaaa b sent to the afflicted in sealed letter envelope ft-ie 'charge. Two or three stamps for ]*. stage will be cccptablo. Address, Dr. .T SKILLTN lIOUGH J -Y Ahting Rurgeou, Howard Association, Nst)| v am Street, Philadelphia Pa, ln2oly. * r Psh Ground Plaster in (tuantities - 1 - and at prices to suit purchasers, now for sale a lbo F pcn BY L* MOWRT JB flott's (fomtt. TO THE ABSENT ONE, WHO LATELY GOT A NEW COUSIN. Go sound the piano, and touch the guitar, From the confines of heaven has wandered a star, Down, down, like a blessing it camo to the earth, And an Angel of glory recorded its birth. Then throw up your bonnet, Set the harp-strings a-buzzing, The Heavens have smiled, And you've got a new Cousin. It's the winsomest wee thing I've seen for a while, With its little pug nose and its delicate smile, And sure if you'd see it, like any young Miss You'd catch up the wee thing and give it a kiss. Then throw up your bonnet, Give cheers by the dozen; The family's increased, And you've got a new Cousin. It's voice is celestial, so soft and so fine. That if 'twas not mortal, you'd think it divine; And the song of stars (T would venture to say.) Is as unlike its music as night is to day. Then throw up your bonnet, And scream with delight, For you got a new Cousin On last Monday night! Its eyes are like violets floating in wine, Like the oeeim-kisscd coral, its rosy lips sliinc, An ! its little round pate is all covered with hair, As fine as a cobweb spun out in tlio air. Then fling up your boonnet, Shouting loudly for joy, For the Gods were propitious, Your Cousin's a Boy. S- FLOIIEV, Keiservillc, March '63. -———- — -g ! sista v i t a L ROBESPIERRE. BT JOHN S. C. ABBOTT. Among the most remarkable men, devel oped by the French Revolution, there are few more prominent than Robespierre. IDs first appearance was in the Assembly of the States General. The nobles and bishops re solved to meet in seperato halls, that each of the seporate orders, having two votes, and the commoner but one, the commons might be out-voted, though in the immense majori ty. Were they to meet in one Assembly the commons could, of course, carry their mea sures. The poor were in a state- of terrible distress. The nobles sent the Archbishop ol A IX with a very pathetic appeal, urging the commons, in behalf of the miseries of the peo ple, to proceed to business, bv consenting to a separation of the three chambers. Robespierre, one of the deputies of the commons, then an unknown young man, pale and slender, rose and said—" Go tel! your colleagues that we are waiting for them here to aid us in assuaging the sorrows of the peo ple. Tell them no longer to retard our work. Tell them that our resolution is not to be shaken by such a stratagem as this. If they sympathy for the poor, let them, in imita tion of their master, renouce that luxury which consumes the funds of indigence, dis miss those insolent lackeys who attend them, sell their gorgeous equipage, and with these superfluites relieve the perishing. We wait for them here !" We next hear of him earnestly advocating the abolition of the death penalty. Dr. Guil lotiue had 'ntroduced a new machine, called from the inventor, the Guillotine, the inflic tion of capital punishment, without inflicting pain. A general burst of laughter was ex cited in the assembly as the doctor said— " With my machine I can clip olf yotir head in the twinkle of an eye, without your feeling it." It may be remarked, in passing, that many who then smited, were soon be headed by the keen axe. A part}* arose in Frauee called the Giron dists—so called because their leaders were from the department of tho Gironde. They at first were in favor of a constitutional mo narchy, like that of England. But finding from the perfidy of the King this to be impossible, they then advocated a republic. There was another party advocating the ex treme democratic license, called the Jacob ins. Robespierre was one of the leaders of the latter party, He brought an exceeding ly envenomed bill of accusation against the Girondists, overwhelmed them in their trial, and they were all sent to the guillotine, Robespierre, Danton and Marat, the heads of the Jacobin party, were now the idols of France. Charlotte Corday soon plunged her dagger into the bosom of Marat. Herbert, at the head of the atheists of Paris, organized a formidable party. Robespierre, at the peril of his life, threw himself into the breach to oppose them. " There are men," he said, " who, under the pretext of destroying super stition, would make a religion of atheism— The Legislator who would adopt the system of atheism is insane. The national conven tion abhors such a sytem. Atheism is aris tocratic. The idea of a great being who watches over oppressed innocence, and who punishes triumphant guilt, is quite popular. The people, the unfortunate, applaud me. J/ God did not exist, it -would behoove men, to invent him. The conflict was desperate. Each party knew that tho guillotine was the doom of the vanquished. Herbert and his coadjutors. '♦TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAVB RIGHT."-Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, MARCH 18, 1863. nineteen in number, were on the 17th of March, 1794, in five carts, conducted to the scaffold. Danton and Robespierre now quarrelled, Robespierre again conquerred in the death struggle, and Danton was doomed to die.— Before the dawning of the morning, gem (Tarmes entered his chamber and tore him from the arms of his wife. As he entered his prison, in the vaults of the Luxemburg, he said, sadly : " At length I perceive that in revolutions i the supreme power ultimately rests with the most abandoned. We are sacrificed to the ambition of a lew brigands. But they will not long enjoy the fruit of their villainy. I drag Robespierre after me. Robespieire fol lows me to the grave." As ilanton, with Carnile Desmoulins and others who were to be executed with him, alighted from the cart at the scaffold, Iler auft de Sechelles, who was to suffer first, en deavored to take leave of Danton in a parting embrace. The brutal executioner interposed "Wretch," said Danton, "you will not at least prevent our heads from kissing present ly in the basket." As he was bound to the fatal plank, ho said, "0, my wife, my dear wife shall I never see you again ?" Then, as if ashamed of this emotion, he added . " But Danton, no weakness." Then, as the plank fell to its place beneath the slide he proudly remarked to the executioner, you will show my head to the people. It will be worth the display." Robespierre was now the undisputed vic tor. Day after da}- be punished his foes, and the guillotine ran red with blood. lie was not maliciously cruel, but a thorough fanatic, believing that all political opponents should be executed. The mother of Lucille, the young wife of Desmoulins, wrote in the fol lowing terms to Robespierre, who had doom ed her daughter to death. She and Lucile and Desmoulins had formerly been Robes pierre's most intimate friends. " Robespierre," she wrote, "is it not cnouf to have assassinated your best friend 7 Do you desire the blood of his wife, my daugh ter! Two hours more and 6he will not be in existence. Robespierre, ifyouarenot a tiger in human shape, if the blood of Camile has not iebriated you to the losing of your reason entirely—if you recall still our ven mgs of intimacy—if you recall the caresses lavished on our little Horace, and how you delighted to bold him upon your knees, spare an innocent victim. But if the fury is that of the lion, come and take mo also, and my daughter Adele and little Horace. Come, with bands reeking in the blood of Camile, and let one single thumb re unito us." But Robespierre was inexorable, and young and beautiful Lucille perished beneath the fa tal axe. Robesrierre is one of the most inex plicable of men. Ilis moral character was ir reproachable . No bribes could corrupt him. lie sincerely endeavored to establish a repub lic upon the basis of popular liberty and vir tue. Self-aggrandizement was no part of his plan. But he was as merciless as the slide of the guillotine. At times, indeed, he seem ed weary of blood. On one occasion he re marked, 'Death, always death ; and the scoun drels threw all the responsibility on me What a memory shall I leave behind me, if this lasts ! Life is a burden to me., A young girl, Cecil Regnault, but seventeen years of age, was accused of plottiong the as sassination of Robespierre. She and all her friends perished on the scafiold, and eight carts were filled with victims to avenge this crime. But the fickle populace at last began to suspect their idol of being unfriendly to the Revolution and of wishing to arrest its torrent of blood. In six months two thousand three hundrod and seventy-five had perished upon the scaf fold in Paris alone. Robespierre, weary of blood, attempted to check their senseless atrocities. A conspiracy of very energetic men was formed against him. As he entered the convention on the 29th of July, 1794, cries of' Down with the tyrant!' filled the house. Overwhelmed by the clamor, Robes pierre in vain endeavored to speak in self-de fence. 'President of the assassins,' he shout ed, 'will you hear me ?' lie was arrested and led to the Hotel de Brinne in tho Place du Carousel. Ilis friends rescued him and car ried him to tho Mayor's room at the Ilotel de Ville. It was now night, aud all Paris was in a of commotion, mobs surging through the streets. A detachment of soldiers were sent by the convention to arrest Robespierre again lie was sitting calmly at the table awaiting his fate. One of the soldiers discharged a pistol at him. The ball entered his cheek, breaking his jaw and producing a terrible wound. Ilis head dropped upon the table, deluged it with blood. Thus mangled, he was borne on a litter, just as the day was beginning to sink. The blood flowed freely from bis wound coagulating in his mouth, and choking hi m as is trickled down his throat. After passing an hour of almost unendurable agony, he; with his broth er and several other of his friends, were brought before tbo Revolutionary Tribunal. The trial oceopid but a few moments, and they were doomed to die. At G o'clock of the same evening, the cart conveyed them through the Rue St. Honors to the riacc do la Revolution. Robespierro aeceudod the scaffold with a firm step. As the executioner brutally tore the bandage from his inflamed wound, he utteied a shriek of torture which pierced every ear. In an other moment the axe of the Guillotine glid ed swiftly down its groove, and the head of Robespierre fell into the basket. There was a moment's silence and then there came, from the lips of those who but a short time before were shouting hosanna to his name, a burst of wildest applause. Thus died Robespierre in the thirty-fifth year of his age. Charges against Speaker Calicot of the N, Y. Legislature. The proper time having arrived, the Demo, crat members of the Assemble propose to arraign T. C. Callicot, Speaker of that body> for gross official and personal coruption. The charges have been formally made, and embra ce the following point: First, That Mr. C. was intrusted with the sale of eight shares of bank stock by a Mrs. Wood : that he sold the stock and retain the money, until last January, when, being threatened with exposure by Mrs. Wood's agent, be procure the amount on a draft made b) the chairman of the Republican Union State Committee and liquidated the debt. It is alledged that this money was received as a compensation for his vote on the election of officers of the House, United State senator, &c. It is charged also that Mr. C; has receiv ed $1,200 from the committee or member of the Republican Union party "for his treachery and betrayal of the Democratic majority of the House." Second. It is charged that Mr. Callicot, when a member of the House in 1860, had charge of a bill which Walter S. Church, of this city, desired to defeat, and that while the bill" was pending solicited a loan, first of $1()0 and them of $l5O, of Mr. Church, Mr. Callicot avowing himself opposed to the bill. These applications where not responded to, and Mr. C. voted for the bill, although, in its different stages, he had previously voted against it. Third. Tt is charged, also, that when Tun ing last fall for the Assembly Mr. Callicot rec eived $2OO from the president of a horse rail road iu Brooklyn as a consideration to use his influence and vote in favor of said road. Fourth. It is further charged that he rec cived $250 for bis vote for a bill which passed the Legislature of 1860. This is a formidable indictment, and if any part of it is proved true the election of CAL LICOT will prove the most damaging political victory over achieved by a party in this coun try. For obvious reasons we do not propose discuss the merits of this case until after the trial, but should CALLICOT be found guilty it would be a fitting finale to the most corrupt party that ever held power in this state. N. Y. World. Words that Should he Written in Letters of Gold All Over the Land There can be no individual liberty where every citizen is not subject to the. law, aud where he iH subjected to aught else than the law. It is obvious that whatever wise provisions a constitution may contain, uothiDg is gained if the power of declaring martial law be left in the hands of the Excutive, for declaring martial law, or proclaiming a place in a state of siege, simply means the suspension of the due course of law, of the right of habeas cor pus, of the common law,and the Courts.— (Dr Lieber on Civil Libcny and Self-government vol. 1, pp. 128 and 130 ] THE CONSCRIPTION BILL —The Philadelphia Press states that ths Conscription Bill passed the Senate by a unanimous vote. How this unanimity was obtained we learn from the Philadelphia Inquirer , whose Washington correspondent states that as soon as it became evident that the Republican Senators intend ed to pass the bill, all the Democrats, except five, left the Senate.— Lancaster Intelligencer WHY IS IT 7 —Why is it that no draft has beeu made from any Abolition State in the Union? And why is it that in Phensylvania Ohio, Indiana, the loyal, law-abiding farmers mechanics and laborers, aro hurried from their homes and little ones by the stern man date of Abraham Lincoln, while the thriving Abolitionists of Massachusetts are permitted to remain comfortably at home, and gorge their insatiate desire for the almighty dollar, by selling'rotten ships to the General Gov ernment, in which thoy must have anticipat ed thousands of human beings would be bu ried in the vast deep? Can Abraham Lin coln answer why is this so ? yyTho Judge of tho supreme court of Wisconsin—all Republican—have unanimous ly decided that President Lincoln's Proclama tion suspending the writ of habeas corpus, is unconstitutional, null and void. A little Miss of six, with whom the word skeleton and skeleton skirt were sy nonymous terms, in relating the melancholy story of the lost bride who hid away in the trunk and perished, and was not found till many years after, with wide-staring, eyes said: " And on opening the trunk what do you think they found there, aunty ?" "Why, what did they my dear?" " Nothing in the world," answered ihe lit tle story teller, holding up her hands in hor ror, " but a hoop skirt I" Political. LETTER FROM HON. €. R. HUtKA LEW. M The following is the letter of the Hon, C. R. Buckalew, to the Central Democratic Club, on the celebration of WASHINGTON'S Birthday : To P. MCCAT.L, Esq., Chairman of the Com mittee : Dear Sir: —ln response to your friendly invitation, I have to express some views upon public topics, which may be submitted to your meeting on the 23d instant. And I cannot know that any words of mine will deepen popular conviction upon the necessity of changing our rulers and overthrowing their present policy, or quicken popular zeal for the accomolishment of these important ob jects. A conviction that the country is inis-gov erned, the war iuis-managcd, and libertj it self in peril, is growing up in the public mind, and thousands are alert, inquisitive, and critical, who gave to Government uncalcul.v ting and enthusiastic support founded upon complete confidence, twelve months ago. The day of blind, headlong passion, and of confident, unquestioning trust in our rulers has passed, and the electoral "duties of the citizen will now be discharged with more in telligent comprehension than was possible iu the earlier months of the war. The result of this war will be to perfect the the political revolution in the North and TV est, begun by the late elections, and to ex clude the Republieau party, with its fauatic ism, its corruption, and its incapacity, per manently from power. But can this be accomplished in time to save the country 7 to preserve its unity and liberty 2 And if these vital objects can be secured, either sooner or later, by the resto ration of the Democratic party to power, up on what policy shall that party act iu their attainment ? These questions are timely and important enough to occupy the space and leisure now at my command. Complete con trol in the State Government can be secured to our party iu October next. Control of the Federal Government can be obtained by it a year later, in the election of President, as suming that the renovation of Congress, now begun shall go on and be consummated by that time. The time here mentioned must elapse be fore power can be completely lodged in safe hands j before the work of reconstructing the Union, and thoroughly reforming the Govern ment can be performed. in tho meantime, how much of calamity must we undergo ? To what measures of evil must we be subject ed? The public debt will be swollen enor mously, a financial crash may come, sweep ing away private fortunes, and crippling pub lic credit ai d power; and it is not impossi ble that in an hour of desperation our rulers may abandon the war, and place the barrier of a bad treaty, or the impertinences ofa for eign mediation, iu the way of re-union. Un questionably, there are great dangers in the immediate future, and apprehension of evil is timely, and justified by the events of the past two years. But during this period of danger of trial, of peril—this interval which separ ates us from the day of relief and security— what shall be the attitude cf our party to ward the Administration and the war? These questions may reasonably be asked by the thousands in this State, and by tho thous ands in other States who are willing to join in and assist in the redemption of the count ry- The question may be answered, in part, by referring to the past. The object of the war was announced in the outset by a Resolution of Congress, which went out North and South and to foreign countries, as the platform of the Government in its prosecution. That re solution announced the object of the war to be, the defense and maintenance of the supre macy of the Constitution and the preserva tion of the Union, with all the dignity, equal ity and rights of the several States unimpair ed, and explicitly denied that it was waged in any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the rights or established institutions of the Southern Stales. This clear and emphatic resolution was accepted and approved by the Democracy of the Border States, and by con servative men generally, and thereupon all the magnificent resources of the country in men and money were put at the disposal of the Administration, for the prosecution of the war in accordance therewith and it has had command of those resources unopposed and almost unquestioned down to this hour. But the time came when this ground, of a contest for the supremacy of the Constitution and the preservation of tho Union became, in the policy of the Administration, connected with if not subordinate to, another and dif ferent object. The tinsel rhetoric of Sumner the dictatorial utterances of Greeley and the rabid violence of Phillips and Garrison, be came of more consequence at Washington than the views of the groat majority of the people aud the pledged faith of tho nation.— A* policy of emancipation was announced, in volving enormous expense, doubling the dif ficulties of the'eontest, and in flat contradi tion of the solemn declaration upon the ob ject of the war, just recited. And this was done by the Presidential decree—the fiat of a 1 TERMS i OLSO PBH. A txtihs ■ yyyf single man—without authority, and at the in stance of men who would be among the very last selected by the American people to ad vise their rulers. To this !)d to ail like departures from the Constitution and from good faith and sound policy, we are, and must remain, unalterably opposed, f say like departures, for this pre tence of military necessity upon whtch emao cipation has been announced, has been extendi ed to other subjects besides the status of the negro, as the debates of the day abundantly testify. The seizure of citizens in States un touched by revolt, and their incarceration in distant prisons, remote from witnesses who might testify in their favor, and from friends who might intercede for them is one of the most prominent of these, and deserves all the condemnation it is receiving from the people The Father of his Country, the anniversary of whose birth you celebrate, had no concep tion of a doctrine of military necessity as a substitute for the Constitution and Jaws of the land; nor of those undefined, unlimited powers, now asserted to exist in the Presi-. dent as a Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States and of the mi litia of the state when called into actual ser vice, nor can we recognize them except as baseless pretensions, to bo put down with strong public disapprobation at tbe earliest possible moment. Washington's views of military jurisdiction and conduct in a time of insurrection, were given to the army sent by h m to queH the revolt in Western Pennsyl vania in 1, 94, when he admonished them, " that every officer and soldier will constant ly bear in mind that he comes to support the laws, and that it would be peculiarly unbe coming in him to be. in any way the infractor of them ; that the essential principles of freo government confine the province of the mili tary when called forth on such occasions, to these two objects : first, to combat and sub due all who may be found in arms in opposi tion to tha national will and authority; second to aid and support the civil magistrates m bringing offenders to justice. The , dispensa tion of this justice belongs to civil magistrates and let it ever be our pride and our glory to leave the sacred deposit there inviolate." In the spirit of this admonition, and of the Constitutional doctrine that the military shall, in all cases, and at all times, be in strict subordination to the civil power." we must stand opposed to the abuse of the mili tary power in applying it to other purposes than those appointed and regulated by law as the scizuie of hordes of negroes, and" their support, instuction, transportation, drill and payment, as allies ; the seizure and imprison ment of Northern freemen without law* and against it, the suppression of newspapers, or the closing of the mails against them, and the encroachment upou the State jurisdiction by the appointment of sundry police officials to exercise powers undefined by and unknown to the laws. What is asked is, that the mili tary power shall bo applied and confined to its appropriate ; that there shall be no in vasion upon liberty by it, in short, that it shall bo subjected to the domination of es tablished laws. And we are perfectly per suaded that Government will be all the stron ger, all the more successful by following this policy and sternly refusing ao yield to tho temptations which assail those entrusted with authority in revolutionary times. Let our rulers carefully imitate the exvmple of Wash ington, who exercised military powers in the Revolution with oonstant respedt for the laws and the authority of the Contincntial Con unsettled as the times were, and fruitful gress, of pretexts for departuae from any legitimate action. In addition to the signal advantages which will bo secured to our cause bv reversing the policy of the Administration by estab lishing other and truer doctrines than those just examined—the Democracy can take into account as one of the agencies for restoring the Union, ihe powerful and invaluable aid of allies in the Border and Confederate States men who have gone into revolt reluctantly, or who now stand with divided inclinations, un certain of the position they shall assume- The issue of the war has always depended as much upon the determination and uniort °f the Confederate States as upon the magnitude of the efforts put forth by us against thent. Manifestly, therefore, our true lino of policy has been to divide them ; to conciliate a part of their population, and dampen the ardor cf the revolutionary spirit by subjecting it to conservative opposition in the very commu nities where it arose. The subjugation of the South by the mere exertion of physical force against it, assuming it to be really united and in earnest, is a work of extreme difficulty, and requires an amount of wisdom and vigor our Administration has failed to exhibit. In a war of invasion upon the South, most formi dable natural obstacles are to be encountered, and also tho powers of the enemy,, and our strength must be, or be made to be, adequate to overcome both. In short, in this case, allies in the enemies country were necessary to certain or prompt success, and to-seeuro them all the arts of policy and all the meaijp of conciliation without our power, should have been exerted. lint what is the policy of our rulers? Is it nit written in the history of the Crit tenden Compromise and of tho Peace Confer ence Resolves 1 in Congressional euactmen'l VOL. 2,* NO. 32.