fjje Democrat. HARVEY 9ICKLGR, Editor. TUNK.HA.NNOCK, Pjl. Wednesday, Oct. 15, 1862 „ * T JGX-We have delayed issuing our paper for a few hours in order that the result of the late election in this cjunty, might be fore * shaddowed. Our democratic friends will excuse this de lay, and agree with us that the result is such as to inspire the people with new hopes, and cause every patriotic heart to throb with emotion of joy, that the democratic party still lives to maintain and defend the rights of the free white man, against the despotic rule of those who would debase and enslave him. In the absence of the official returns from all, and the entire absence of reported votes in a tew of the districts in the county, it is impossible for us to give anythiug more than an approximate estimate of the vote. Enough however, has been received to warrant the conclusion that the entire white man's ticket has received a majority in the county of from 150 to 200. The Internal Tax Law Mr. Boutwell, the Tax Commissioner at Washington, has given another explanation and construction of Stevens' Tax Law, under -date of the 29th ult. By this construction of the law it appears that a tavern keeper, besides paying a State and a United States license, must also be licensed as retail liquor dealer. All farmers, butchers and truckmen rent ing stalls in our markets, will be required to pay the license of retail dealers. All farmers, truck men, butchers, millers, bakers, &c., selling out of wagons, fruui house to house, will be required to take out aped dler's license. Fnder this construction of the law, fann ers who stand in our sireets on market days with their wagons, will have to pay a ped dler's license. It is difficult to define the limit of taxa t'oa under the series of the Abolition Tax laws which are likely to emanate from the office of Internal Revenue. This important matter will be better understood by our farmers and the rest of the community, after the election , when the taxes will be as sessed and callected. The Difference. A man accused of murder, robbery, burgla ry, arson, or any of the mast infamous offen ces in the catalouge of crime, may demand a habeas corput , be confronted by his accuser and learn the nature of his accusation, and be discharged on bail, ev n in murder, except in cases where the evidence is too plain for doubt- These are constitutional rights declared to be inviolate.' But how is it now ? Any evil-disposed per son, or personal or political enemy, may set a policeman or constable to arrest you, drag you from your family and business hundreds Of miles away to some prison or fort. The accu sation and your accuser are kept secret, the habeas corpus is suspended, and you can get o hearing or when you do get one, you have no way to get your witnesses to establish your innocence. Is it any wonder that the nations of Europe look upon us with amaze ment 7 Creed of Jefforson. [lnaugural Adress, March 4, 1101 .J It is proper you should understand what I deem the essential principles of our government, and consequently those which ought to shape its administration. I will compress them within the narrowest coin pass they will the general principles but not all its limitations : ''Equal and exact justice to all men of what-ever State or persuasion, religious or political. "Peace, commerce and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliance with none. " The support of the State government in all their rights as the most important admin istrations for our domestic concerns,, and the surest bulwarks against all anti-republican tendencies. " The preservation of the General Govern ment in its whole constitutional vigor, as the 'sheet anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad." "A jealous care of the right of election by the people, a mild and safe correction of abus es which are lopped off hy the sword of rev olution where peaceable remedies are unpro vided. " Absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to form the vital principles and immediate parent, des potism. " A well disiplined militia, our best reli ance in peace, and, for the first momenta of war, till regulars may relieve them. " The supremacy of the civil over milita ry authority. "•Economy in the public e.rpense, that la bor may be lightly burdened. " The honest payment of our debts and sa cred preservation of the public faith. u Encouragement of Agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid. " The diffusion of information, and arraign ment of all abuses at the bar of public reason. " Freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by Juries im partially selected. !!! LITTLE WYOMING Redeemed! THE RIGHTS OF THE WHITE MAN TO BE RESPECTED! THE PEOPLE IN FAVOR OF The Constitution as it is, and the Union as it was. FREE NEGROISM, MOB Rule, ancl Despotism Rebuked!! A Democratic Gain of over 100 from last year. The following are the reported majorities as far as heard from, in the several Town ships, on the State ticket. The official will not vary these figures much, if any. Ther on Vaughn, our candidate for Commissioner, will probably have 250 or 300 majority. The Democratic State ticket, from the best esti mates received, about 200 majority. — Tracy about the same: DEMOCRATIC MAJORITIES. Nicholson, 82 Tunkhannock Borough, 6 Tunkhannock Township, 80 North Branch, 28 Washington, 10 Meshoppen, 77 Windham, 10 Falls, 8G Overfield 50 Exeter, 00 Northumberland, 00 Forks ton, 00 Democratic Majority in the three Districts last named, is estimated at about 50. REPUBLICAN MAJORITIES. Eaton, G5 Lemon, 14 Mehoopany, GG Monroe, 18 Brain trim 45 Clinton, 79 Not a Parallel Case. The abolition papers have just discovered a mare's nest in the fact that Stephen A. Douglas, in the House of Representatives, in 1844, (January 10th,) in the debate on the bill to refund the fine imposed on Gen. Jack son, by Judge Ilall, at New Orleans, defend ed the old hero, and favored the remission of the fine, holding the legal forms and civil Court proceedings as being of secondary im portance ander the circumstances surround ing the case. The abolitionists are quoting Douglas in justification of recent outrages committed upon our citizens and of the Pres ident's proclamation suspending the writ of habeas corpus all over the country. But this argument will not answer their purpose. Gen. Jackson declared martial law only in the particular locality where war existed, and where it was imperatively necessary that the military power, for the time, should be supreme. The President, at that time, did not suspend the writ throughout the land— he did not suspend it anywhere. Nobody now finds fault with our Generals for declar ing martial law and suspending the civil pow er in cities and localities where a state of ac tual war exists ; nobody finds fault with General Butler for having declared martial law in New Orleans, where General Jackson declared it. j It is always expected that martial law will be declared in such cases. It always has been declared in such cases. But it never occurred before, in this or any other country, that martial law was proclaimed throughout so vast a country as that embraced in our loyal States, where a state of war does not exist. This was not done, even in those parts of our country bordering on Canada during the last was with Great Britain. In fact, the writ of habeas corptis was never before sus pended by the act of the President for the simple reason that no President before Mr. Lincoln ever considered that he had the power to suspend it. Think of it! a President, without the shad ow of legal authority to do so, suspending the writ of yabeas corpus throughout nineteen States, in which war does not exist, but in vrh>h the masses of the people are intensely loyal, and from which about thirteen hundred thousand troops have been furnished for the defense of the country within less than a year and a half! And General Jackson's declara tion of martial in New Orleans-, a city abowt to be attacked by the British legions is quoted ae a justification of Mr. Lincoln's declaration of martial law throughout the entire country ! "What could be more absurd 1 * ! - Letter from the Army. CONRAD'S FERRY, ) Md. Oct. 3d 18G2. $ DEAR EDITOR: —Since ray last, wc have changed our position, from Arlington Heights, \ a., to Conrad's Ferry, Md., our Regt. hold ing the picket line from Point Rock, to this Ferry, distance 15 miles. We are now loca ted in a pleasant and healthy country, abun dant with good water, good fruit, apd in fact, everything necessary for the comfort and con venience of man. The Potomac here, is a beautiful stream of pure water, resembling the Susquehanna in many places, though not as wide as the Susquehanua at Tunkhannock. The banks are high and heavily timbered with large and leafy oaks, with their huge branches overhanging the water. Under the shade and protection of these oaks, our boys 1 are watching night and day, every movement 'of the enemy on the opposite hank. Noth , ing of a serious nature has occurred of late, up to Oct. Ist. Several complaints lias been made by the farmers on the Va. side, of ill treatment, from the rebel army, 6uch as tak ing horses, mules, cattle, provisions &c.— Also impressing into the service every man without distinction, in any way capable of bearing arms. This news having reached Gen. Stoneman, now commanding the divis ion of the late General Kearney, he at once I determined to reconnoitre the country, as far 1 out as Leesburg. A force consisting of the 57th P. V., one section of Ist. P. V. artillery, J and three squadrons of Col. Duffied's Ist Rhoad Island corps, were selected for this expedition, all under command of Lieut, j Col. Rirney, of 57th P. V. All things being 1 in readidess we started out at 11 o'clock A. jM. Oct., 2nd,forded the river without much 1 difficulty, (though the water in many places was deep and rapid,) and proceeded at once, j toward Leesburg. Squads of cavalry were at once sent out on either side the road, to scour i the country as far cut as practible, the main I body moving rapidly toward the town. Be ' fore 2 o'clock P. M. Col. Duffiied's corps were drawn up in line of battle, along the main j street of Leesburg, and our artillery placed : in position to shell the main entrance into the town, from the opposite side, and also to hold the main road to the ferry. Lieut. Gi ! lespia of the 57th, was then ordered with Co's B. and C. to scour the town. This duty ! was nobly performed by the young Lieut.— He visited every street, the th principal hospitals, all filled with sick and wounded rebels. Captured 36 prisoners, (nearly all | convalescent,) brought them before Col. Duf fied, (who paroled them with several others,) ! and returned to Head Quarters, highly elated j with his flying visit through the rebel town ! Capt. Sides had the principle command of the ' 57th, and as usual seemed to be on his high heels when in anticipation of a fight. About | five o'clock our scouts carne in, and we at ' once proceeded toward camp, recrossing the river at sunset, and reaching camp soon af | ter star light, where we found splendid camp j fires in readiness to dry our breeches, pre j pare our coffee Ac. The whole thing was ! done in good order, every one feeling confi ! dent that he had performed all that was ex pected of him with the exception of leaving twenty or thirty dead rebels on the field, and capturing forty or fifty prisoners. However we have left this part of the work for some future day, and should I survive I will gladly tell you all about it. Yours Co., L. W. AVERY. > 57th Regt. P. Y. $ The Designs of the Radicals. A correspondent of the Albany Argus re lates the following as a part of conversation between himself and a leading Abloitionist in relation to the war and its results. The cor i respondent suggested the possibility of the ! people of the south getting over their phrenzy and supporting the old Union. This the Abo litionist pronounced futile, hopeless. " What then," asked I, " with your plan o ' prosecuting this war, will in your opinion he the condition of any Southern State—Alabama for example—five years from to-day ?" " It will," he replied, " be a Black Repub lic, like Hayli." "And is that what this war is for ?" | " That is precisely," said he, "what this war is for and nothing else," "Am I at liberty," I inquired, " to repeat these sentiments as being those entertained by you ! " You are fully authorized to do so, for our people have got to be educated to just that point before we can hope for any success in this war.,, AV hither are we drifting, Mr. Editor, when a great party is committed to the guidance of men whose loftiest aspiration are centered in the hope of converting States of our Union in to Negro Republics ? What brilliant states manship ! Abolition Ideas of Power. In Chicago the Abolitionists have had a large meeting, to enforce the President's Proclamation. In the course of speech, a Mr. Ingersoll, who is christened as the Hon. E. C. Ingersoll, indulges in the following:— "I am not the judge of what is necessary, nor is any man here the judge. The Presi dent is the appointed judge, and when his mandate has gone forth, fiffSfeveiy man is bound to obeyfSrfff. Abraham Lincoln is commander-in-chief of the armies of the Uni ted States. .As such he possesses the power nececsary to crush the rebellion. I care not what you name the measure, if it becomes necessary, that, is the only question, and man who does not respect the man dates of his supreme general, when the coun try is in a death grapple with rebellion, is a traitor and deserves a traitor 7 3 doom T*? (Immense applause.) The President, in such a time, I believe, is clothed with power as full as that of the Czar of Rus sicESrfl over this question, and the ques tion of its exercise is for HIM and his consti tutional advisers to determine." John W. Forney's Picture of Abolition Dis uniouists. "While the columns of the Press are daily teeming with the vile slanders of its pensioned editor against that noble party which, from the days of Jefferson down to the present hour, has ever been found foremost in the battle for the Constitution and the UnioD, it will be useful in exposing the malignity and baseness that now actuates him, to present a picture, drawn by himself, before he has fall en into the depths of degradation. In 185G< after we had triumphed over the fell efforts the Abolition party, which he now sustains' hejthon gave vent to his feelings thus. Speak ing of the hordes who came to reduce Penn sylvania from her fidelity to her sister States, he said ; " They came from the far North and the far West. Those who had figured in old Abolition organizations, when Abolitionism was a hissing and a scorn, rushed to the con flict, eager and confident that they were em" barking in a victorious cause. Here we saw the men who declared in favor of an anti slavery Constitution, au anti-slavery Bible, and an anti slavery God! Here we listened to the appeals of those who hod invoked fire and desolation upon our Southern brethren ! Here we heard the accents of men who had pronounced in favor oj the amalgalion of ra ces. Here wo saw the representatives of that appalling sentiment which has stigmatized our Constitution as " a league with death and a covenant with hell." The men who came to assail us and to poison the public mind were not merely carpet warriors ; they were the old and well tried chieftains oi Sectional ism ; veterans covered with scars received in many a former conllict with the friends of the Constitution; wily politicians, who under stood the fell anatomy of Disunion , and had studied the awful science of tracking the very life current of the Republic to its source ; men who had calculated the chances of our national existence ; men who had considered the cost of a deliberate crusade upon and fear ful experience in the ranks of fanaticism, had finally come to the conclusion that the day of patriotism had passed, and that the hour of civil war and natural desolation had arrived,'' So wrote—so spoke—John W. Fornny in 1850, when he, Hickman, Pearce, and others, were bold and apparently sincere in their do - nunciations of Black Republicanism, as the en cmy of the Constitution, bent on forcing a dis solution of the Union by a sectional war upon the rights of the Southern States and the property of the Southern People. Voting men—thiuking men—read the words of Forney, ibove correctly given, and then an swer whether you will permit hun aud his co renegades to drag you to the abyss into which a lust for plunder and office has car ried them. Facts from Congressional History. AaRAIIAM LINCOLN ON THE MEXICAN WAR. Abraham Lincoln, now President of the United States, was a member of Congrcs from Illinois in 1848, during the struggle he twecn this country and Mexico. He was an unrelenting and bitter opponent of that war, and a firm political friend and adherent of Hon. Thomas Corwin, who proclaimed in his place in the Senate of the nation his hope that any American soldier who followed the flag of his country into Mexico would he welcom ed by the the Mexicans " with bloody hands to hospitable graves." Mr. Lincoln also act ed, during the whole of that struggle, with that party which voted to withhold supplies from the American troops, though they were in a hostile country, and in want of all the necessaries of life, and thus gave evidence of their affiliation with the enemies of the Re public, and desire to aid them in all ways possible under the laws of this country Mr. Lincoln did not recognize the " test of loyalty" to he a full support of all the meas ures of an Administration during the contin uance of .the war, he not only voted and spoke cgainst the measures of Mr. Polk's Adminis tration, hut he put his opposition on such grounds as to strike at the very foundation of the Government itself. As showing the animus of Abraham Lin coln's opposition to the war of 1848, and his criticism on the manner of conducting it on the part ?of the President, we copy from a speech, as reported in the Appendix to Con gressional Globe, 1848, volume 19, page 95. After propounding certain interrogatories to the President, Mr. Lincoln said : * * * Let the President answer the in terrogatories I propose. * * * But if he cannot or will not do this, then I shall he fully convinced of what I more than suspect alread}-, that he is deeply con scious of being in the wrong; that he feels the blood of this war, like the blood of Abel, is crying to Heaven against him ; that lie or dered General Taylor into the midst of a peacefuT Mexican settlement purposely to bring on a war; that originally having some strong motive to involve the two countries in a war, and trusting to escape scrutin)' by fix ing the public gaze upon the exceeding bright ness of military glory—that attractive rain bow that rises in showers of blood ; that ser pent's eye, that charms to destroy—he plun ged into it, and has swept on, and on, till, disappointed in his calculations of the ease with which Mexico might be subdued, he now fnds himseh he knows not where. How like the insane mumblings of a fever dream is the whole tone of the late message. * * * * At one time urging the na tional honor, the security of the future, the prevention of foreign interference, and even the good of Mexico herself, as among the objects of the war ; at another telling us, Ac. As to the mode of terminating the war and securing peaee, the President is equally wan dering and indefinite. First, it is to be done by a more vigorous prosecution of the war in the vital parts of the enemy's country, and after apparently talking himself tired on this point, the President'drops down on a half despairihg tone, and tells us that " with a people distractod anefdivided, Ac. * the continued success of our " arms may fail to obtain a satisfactory peace." Then he suggests the propriety of wheedling the Mex ican people to desert the counsels of their ' own leaders, and trusting in our protection, to set up a government, from which we can secure a satisfactory peace, telling us that " this may become the only mode of obtain ing such a peace." But soon he falls into , doubt of this too, and then drops back on the already half abandoned grounds of'' more j vigorous prosecution," * * bis inind task- j ed beyond its power, is running hither and thither, like some tortured creature on a burn ing surface, Ac. Again, It is a singular omission in this mes sage, that it nowhere intimates when the President expects the war to terminate.— At Its beginning, General Scott was, by this same President, driven into despair, If not to disgrace, for intimating tuat peace could not be conquered in less than three or four months. ****** This same President gives us a long mes sage without showing us that, as to the end> he has himself even an imaginary conception' As I have before said, be knows not where he is. lie is a bewildered, confounded and mis erably perplexed man. God grant he may be able to show there is not something about his conscience more painful than all his men tal perplexity ! So much for Abraham Lincoln's criticism ! on the conduct of the Mexican war, and the | spirit manifested by him in his official rela- I tiou to the Government. The application of these facts from Congressional history to the present time, is fur others, not us. We sim ply note the facts. But now as to Mr. Lin coln's ideas with reference to the right of a people to " rise up and shake off the existing government." In this case we also content ourselves with Quoting Mr. Lincoln's own words, from the same speech. Mr. Lincoln said : "Any people an}*where, being inclined, and having the power, have the RIGHT to rise up and shake off the existing government, and form a new one that suits them better.— This is a most valuable, a most sacred right. * * Any portion of such people that can, may revolutionize and make their own of so much territory as they inhabit. More than this, a majority of any portion of such people, may revolutionize, putting down a minority intermingled with, or near them. It is a quality of revolutions not to go by old lines, or old laws, but to break up both, and make new ones." llow this solemn declaration of Mr. Lincoln attaches to existing facts in -his own and the history of the nation, is for the American citizen to say. Wexjc 3XTo*ws THE DIKING KEH EG RAID INTO PENNSYLVANIA! CARLISLE, PA., Oct. 11, 1862, The recent raid of Stuart's Rebel Cavalry into Pennsylvania, as far as five miles north of Chambersburg, and from thence towards Gettysburg, to which point cannot yc-t be definitely ascertained, is without exception the boldest act of the war, and far surpasses in audacity and daring the celebrated raid on the White House, at an earlier period of the war. It is difficult to conceive that the feat would be attempted without positive previous . knowledge of just where they were going and just the amount of opposition likely to be met with. It is believed hereabouts that guides accompanied t lit in who knew as much about the condition of affairs at Mercersburg and Chambersbnrg as the citizens of these towns themselves, and perhaps more. Particulars of the Raid. I proceed to furnish you witli the lbl! wing particulars regarding the occurrence, the main points of which have already been tele graphed to you. The cavalry, about three thousand in num ber (although accounts differ as to their strength, some parties insisting there were not more than seven hundred of them), and six pieces of artiller} , crossed the Potomac at Hancock or Clear Spring, on Friday morning, and proceeded at once to Mercersburg, with out committing any depredations, or in the least degree interfering with the inhabitants along the route, it evidently being their in tention, at the outset to spare the persons and property of private citizens horses excepted In fact, this was communicated by some them to parties in Chambersburg. They en tered Mercersburg about noon, to the great astonishment of the citizens, who at first thought it was a body of Union troops. No damage was done at meicersburg, with the exception of pressing a number of horses there being no railroad depot, publie work shops or Government stores in the town. They passed through the town, and took the , Pittsburg pike for Chambersburg, arriving near the town just before dark. One of their first acts was to plant three pieces of artillery on a hill back of the town ; after which a de tachment of fifteen men were sent into the town, bearing a flag of trace, and requesting to see the chief personages or authorities, eta ting that they had ample force at hand and that the town must be surrendered or shelled ' at the same time stating that guns were in position for that purpose. Hon. A. iv. Mc dure and Provost Marshall Stimmel then ac companied them to the officer in commaud, and all resistance being impossible the town was surrendered and soon afterwards fully oc. i cupied. Previous to their entrance, however a number of the militia of Chambersburg proceeded to arm themselves ami made a show of resistance, but the project was abandoneds as entirely futile. One of their first acts wa to plant two pieces of artillery in the square of the town commanding the principal thor ougfares, and placing guards at different points. Occupation of Cftainbersburg. The town was fairly occupied about seven 'clock in the evening. Shortly afterwards, a large portion of them made directly for tha warehouse and cars, in which were stored a great quantity of Government goods, consist, ing principally of uniforms and a small quanti !ty of boots. Not long afterward*, the whols town was converted into one vast dressing room. On every hotel porch, at every corner, on the greater portion of the street door steps, in fact, all over town might be seen R e b cavalry donning Yankee uniforms and throw, ing their own faded and worn-out garments into the street. In many instances, one man would enscone his pedestals in two or three new pair-of pants, as many coats, and with the same number of caps hanging about hinti j The streets became full of dirty Rebel cloth' ing. It is a noticeable fact that many of them had on Union uniforms when they entered the town, and a number of their horses wars ; marked " U. S." CHAMBERSBL'RG, Oct. 13. There has been a " high old time" in the town during the past three days, caused by 1 the sudden appearance of the Rebels, but tbe excitement has now somewhat subsided, and : business is beginning to assume its wonted sway. On Friday and Saturday all trade and travel was suspended, but to-day the length ened countenances of our people present a more cheerful appearance. The visit of the Rebels was short and sweet, but they staid quite long enough ; and all but a few of their sympathizers (and there are many here,} were delighted when they departed. They came in rags and filth, but Went away likd gentlemen—that is, if good, nsw clothing will entitle a inan to be called a gentleman— for the stores and two car-loads of new clothing were seized and distribilted among the party, and their appearance was bright as a " new pin in fact, their appearance was highly creditable to Philadelphia tailors and seam' stresses; who made up the uniforms for " the boys" in McClellan's army, You have already received some of the de tails of the losses here. The damage by the conflagation will exceed TWO HUNDLED THOU SAND dollars, of which amount the Cumber land Valley Railroad Company suffer to the extent of .^BO,OOO. Mr. 0. N. Lull, the Superintendent of the road, had all his furniture destroyed, upon which there was no insurance. The car, en gine, wood and water houses of the Company were totally destroyed, and, for a space of three hundred square yards, there is now nothing left but th blackened and smoulder ing remains. The track was uninjured, and the trains to-day are running as usual. The warehouses of Messrs Wimderlich & Xeid contained a large amount of ammuni tion and stores, among the former seven hun dred thousand cat ridges, seven hundred mus kets, and a quantity of shells, loose powder Ac, Ac. When the building blew up, there' was no one near ; but those in the other nee tions of the town made some of the tallest traveling that has ever been seen in this sec tit nof the country, or anywhere else. For tunately no one was injured. These build ings were located on Second street, near the Falling Spring Creek, and were leveled with the ground.