North Branch democrat. (Tunkhannock, Pa.) 1854-1867, October 08, 1862, Image 1

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    cite Storih Brandt
iSror A -BLVJITV SICKIJEH, Proprietor.]
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Business Cards of one square, with paper, 85.
of all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit
the times.
BACON STAND.—Nicholson, Pa. C. L
JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf]
XI. Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa.
Ij Tuukhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Brick
Block, Tioga street.
fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk
iPianiwek, Pa.
mLJ LAW, Office on- Tioga street, Tunkhannock,
• Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo
unt Office, Tunkhannock, Pa.
fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan
iiock Pa.
U ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend
all calls in the line of his profession—mu v lie found
at Boomer's Hotel, when not professionally absent.
Falls, Oct. 10, 1861.
T M. CAREY, M. D. — (Graduate of the E.
J • M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respectfully
announce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne
Counties, that heemtinues his regular practice in the
various departments of his profession. May be found
at his office or residence, when not professionally ab
Particular attention given to the treatment
Chronic Disc as.
Contremoreland, Wyoming Co. Pa.—v2n2.
I)R. J. C- BECKER Co.,
Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy
oming that they have located at Mehoopany, where
they will promptly attend to all calls in the live of
their profession. May be found at his Drug Store
when not professionally absent.
H.HOADS, JVC. z>.,
(Graduate oj the University of Penn'a.)
Respectfully offers his professional services to the
[citizens of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can he
[found, when not professionally engaged, either at his
[Drug Store, or at his resideuce on Putnam Street.
jV 1 GIIS establishment has recently been refitted and
B X furnished in the latest style. Every attention
Swill be given to the comfort and convenience of those
|wwiio patronize the House.
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor.
Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861.
I' rT A VINO resumed the proprietorship of the above
MQ Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to
the house an agreeable place of sojourn for
,I*ll who may favor it with their custom.
Ig September 11,186 L
JOHN MAYNARD, Proprietor.
ILTAVING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of
Li Tunkhannock, recently occupied by Riley
Varner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share ot
rnblic patronage. The House has been thoroughly
epaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a
irst class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor
t with their custom. September 11, 1661.
M OILMAN, has permanently located In Tunk
• han nock Borough, and respectfully tenders his
t||brofessional services to the citizens of this place and
jßurroundlng country.
HB tif Office over Tutton's Law Office, near th e Pos
jj| Dec. 11. 1861. '
Blanks 22 Blanks !2 2
I Justice's, Constable's, and legal Blanks of all
■kinds, Neatly and Correctly printed on good Paper,
for sale at the Office of the " North Branch
for sale at VERNOY'S.
I Mesboppcn, Sept. 18,1861.
|M's Corner.
The Soldier's Letter.
How sweet when night her misty veil
Around the wear; soldier throws,
And twilight's golden skies grow pale,
And wooing winds invite repose,
To sit beside the watchfire's blase,
Where friendly comrades nightly oome,
To sing the songs of other days,
And talk of things we love at home—
Of those we love, who list and wait,
Beneath the same benignant moon,
The postman's step behind the gate,
With tidings from the absent one;
And beaming smiles their thoughts reveal,
And love is mirrored in their eyes,
As eagerly they break the seal,
Elate with joy and glad surprise,
But dearer yet the shout that rings
In exultation loud and clear,
To hail the messenger who brings
Letters from home and kindred dear:
And 'neath the pale moon's shining light
The soldier reads his treasure o'er,
And through the hours of silent night,
In dreams he visits home once more.
In dreams he sits beside the hearth,
Afar from camps and traitor's viles,
And deems the dearest spot on earth
Where loving wife and mother smiles;
And many a faco almost forgot,
And many a word so fondly spoken,
Come flitting round the soldier's cot,
Till the sweet dream at morn is broken.
O, ye, who love the soldier well—
Bid him be hopeful, brave and gay;
Better he knows than you can tell,
The perils that attend his way.
Some word of hope in battle's hour,
While striving with a vengeful foe,
Has nerved the soldier's arm with power,
To strike or ward the impending blow.
The soldier brave is often prone
To deem himself forgotten quite,
A wanderer on the earth alone,
When friends at home neglect to write.
Then cheer him oft with words like these,
And thus your deep affection prove;
Let every keel that ploughs the seas
Bear him some message full of love.
The Democratic Conference met at the
Exchange Hotel, in Bloomsburg, Sept. 30th,
1862, agreeably to the adjournment. The
several conferees from the eutire district
were present.
Mr. Ent, from the committee appointed to
make a report on the existing Congressional
apportionment made the following report.
The Committe appointed by the Confer
ence to prepare a statement on the subject
of the existing Congressional apportionment,
make report as follows :
That upon examination it will appear that
the present arrangement of Congressional dis
tricts in this State, is an unjußt one, and the
authors of it are chargeable with the highest
degree of partizan selfishness and disregard
of the rights of the people.
It is proposed to show, briefly, the lead
ing facts in relation to the passage of the
laws on this subject, including a designation
of some of those who supported and are re
sponsible for them.
In the State Senate, Feb. 26th, 1861, on
motion of Mr. McClure, it was
Resolved, That a select committee of sev
en be appointed to report to the Senate a bill
apportioning the Stato into Congressional dis
It was ordered that Messrs McClure, Fin
ney, Gregg, SchiDae), Smith, Landon and
Lawrence be said Committee.
This Committee, composed of Six Republi
cans and one Democrat, on the 9th of April
1861, reported a bill entitled, "an act to di
vide the State into Congressional districts
for the election of Representatives in the
Congress of the United States." The next
day, April 10th, the Senate resolved itself
into Committee of the Whole upon the bill,
when, after some time, the bill was reported
back to the Senate with amendments. It
was then taken np on second reading, and
agreed to with one umimportant amendment,
other amendments proposed by Democratic
Senators being down. The rule which pro
hibits the reading of bills twice on the same
day was then dispensed with, and the bill
was read a third time, and passed finally by
the following vote:
YEAS— Messrs. Benson, Boughter, Bound,
Connel, Finney, Fuller, Gregg, Hall, Hamil
ton, Iliestand, Imbrie, Ketcham, Landon,
Lawrence, McClure, Meredith, Parker, Pen
ney, Robinson, Serriil, Smith, Wharton, Yard
ly, and Palmer, Speaker— 23
NAYS —Messrs. Blood, Clyiner, Crawford,
Mott, Nichols, Schindel, Thompson and Welsh
The bill then went to the House of Repre
sentatives, where it was considered on the
10th and 12 days of April. Among other
amendments proposed to the bill was one by I
Mr. Tracy, of Bradford, to strike out in the
25th line the words " Wayne and Luzerne
counties" and insert in lieu thereof the words
Bradford, Tioga, and Sullivan counties,''
the effect which would have been to place
the latter counties with Susquehanna county
to form a Congressional district. This amend
ment was rejected by a vote of yeas, 36,
nays 46, and all other amendments were also
rejected except one relating lo a Philadelphia
district, which was subsequently concurred
in by the Senate.
On the 13th of April the bill passed the
House, finally, by the following vote:
YEAS —Messrs. Abbott, Acker, Alexander,
Anderson, Armstrong, Ashcom, Barnsley,
Bartholomew, Bisel, Bixler, Blair, Brewster,
Buros, Cowan, Craig, Douglas, Elliott, Goeh
ring, Gordon, Graham, Harvey, Hayes, Hill
man, Hood, Hofius, Huhn, Irvin, Koch, Law
rence, Lowther, M'Gonigal, Marshal, Mullin,
Patterson, Peirce, Pre6ton, Pughe, Reily,
Ridgway, Robinson, Roller, Seltzer, Shaffer,
Stehman, Stoneback, Taylor, Walker, White,
Wildey, Wilson and Davis, Speaker —sl.
NAYS —Messrs. Austin, Ball, Blanchard,
Bliss, Boyer, Brodhead, Butler, (Carbon,)
Butler (Crawford,) Caldwell, Clark, Collins
Cope, Dismant, Divans, Donley, Duffield'
Dunlap, Eilenberger, Frazier, Gaskill, Heck,
Hill, Kline, Leisenring, Litchenwallner, M'-
Donough, Manifold, Moore, Morrison, My
ers, Osterhout, Randall, Reiff, Rhoads, Smith
(Berks,) Smith, (Philadelphia,) Teller, Tra
cy and Williams—39.
This bill, (which was subsequently signed
by the Governor and became a law,) divided
the State into twenty-three Congressional
districts, that being the number of Congress
men which it was understood this State was
entitled to under the United States census
of 1860. But in forming the districts the
most unscrupulous and disgraceful partisan
ship and dishonesty were manifested. Both
Houses had large Republican majorities, and
the Governor being of the same party, there
was no check upon political passion and in
At the election of Governor in 1860, Mr.
Foster had 230,000 votes, and Mr. Curtin
262,000. The majority of the latter was
therefore, 32,000, whica, estimating voters
as one fifth of the whole people, would rep
resent a population of 160,000, somewhat but
not largely in excess of the number necessa
ry for one member of Congress. A fair ap
portionment therefore would have given
twelve Republican and eleven Democratic dis
tricts, upon the basis of the gubernatorial
vote of 1860. But the bill was so framed, as
to give nineteen Republican and but four
Democratic Districts, upon that basis of cal
culation. To accomplish this result the nat
ural connections of counties were disregarded,
districts of very unequal population were
made, and in some cases counties were divid
ed and the parts put in different districts.—
Never since the State was founded had such
a bill been enacted regulating the representa
tion of the people, nor any one even approach
ing it in dishonesty.
In effect it was to transfer no less than sev
en Congressional votes from one party to the
other, making a difference of fourteen votes
upon any political question in the National
House of Representatives.
It will be observed that Senator Landon t
of Bradford, the present Republican candi
date for Congress, in this district, was one of
the Committee that reported this bill in the
Senate, and that he subsequently supported
it by his vote.
The arrangement of districts made by the
act of 1862, was subjected to some raodifica
tion as to the eastern part of the State, by
an act passed at the last session, but its es
sential features were not disturbed. Subse
quent to the passage of the act of 1861, it was
ascertained from ihe corrected census returns
that this State would be entitled to twenty
four members of Congress, instead of twen
three, and hence a new apportionment be
came necessary. But in framing the new act
(approved 10th April 1862) care was taken
to retain as much as possible of the act of
1861, and thus continue the party injustice
established by it.
By the new bill this Congressional district
was made more strongly Republican than be
fore, as Northumberland county was taken
from it. In 1860 the vote for Governor in
the present district was as follows:
Foster. Curtin.
Bradford, 2328 6664
Wyoming, 1336 1192
Sullivan, 543 394
Columbia, 2586 1848
Montour, 1220 983
8013 11081
AHIRA GAY, v Committee.
On motion,
Resolved, , That the report be adopted—
Agreed to unanimously.
The following resolution was also unani
mously adopted.
Resolved , That the report of the committee
be published with the proceedings of this con
On motion V. E. Piollet seconded by Mr.
Resolved, That in view of existing circum
stances in this Congressional District, thin
conference, will make no formal nomination
of a candidate for support by he Democracy,
which was adopted by every vote in the con
Resolved , That the member* of this Con
ference recommend the support of Henry W.
Tracy of Bradford, as an independent candi.
date for Congress against Reverend George
Landon the Republican nominee, for the fol
lowing reasons:— a
1. Because the former opposed the iniqui
tous Congressional apportionment of 1861,
while the latter was one of the unscrupulous
authors of that measure.
2. Because the former as a member of the
House of Representatives at Ilarrisburg, op
posed those recent bills of plunder and out
rage relating to the Pennsylvania and Sunbu
ry and Erie rail-roads, which have deeply in
jured and disgraced the Commonwealth,
while the latter supported them by speech
and vole in the Senate.
3. Because the former at the late session
of the Legislature earnestly supported the re
peal of the act commuting the tonnage duties
cf the Pennsylvania rail-road, and is giving
and will give his efforts and influence to se
cure that just and important object hereafter.
4. Because, speaking generally, the former
is a conservative gentlemen whose integrity
has been well-proved in public position, while
the latter is believed to be fanatical in senti
ment and corrupt in conduct.
Resolved , That in view of the corruption
and profligacy that is known to exist in our
national affairs, it is of the highest import
ance to select a Congressmen whose integri
ty has borne the test of trial, and who has
shown independence and courage in the per
formance of public duty. It is beleived that
this is true of Mr. Tracy, and that in his sup
port of the War and the Government, he will
labor in good faith to restore the Union of
our fathers and to preserve all the Constitu
tional rights of the people.
Resolved , That inasmuch as this district
was formed to smother the voice of the sev
eral Democratic counties within it, and one
of the authors of that measure now presents
himself as a candidate, that he may reap the
fruitof his iniquity, there is peculiar reason
for junction of effort among all honerable
men to mark him with public reprobation
and prevent bim from repeating his past mis
deeds, or others like unto them, in a position
of increased influence and power.
Adopted unanimously.
% Resolved, That the next Congressional
Conference be held upon the first Thursday
in September, 1864, at the Exchange Hotel,
in Bloomsburg, at 12 o'clock, M.
Adjourned sine die
V. E. PIOLLET, ) C . .
J. C. AM.-UEK.MAN, 5 Secretary,.
We publish below an able and patriotic let
ter from Hon. Charles Ingersoll, addressed to
a committee of gentlemen who had invited
him to address the people of Columbia Coun
ty. Pa., on the 27th of September, the anni
versary of the adoption of the Constitution of
the United States. It is bold, forcible and in
structive, and worthy of the first martyr in
defence of free speech in the Old Keystone
PHILADELPHIA, 15th Sept., 1862.
John G. Freeze, Esq., Chairman of the Demo
cratic Standing Committee of Columbia
County, Bloomsburg, Pa.
DEAR SIR I regret most sincerely, that I
am unable to comply with the call yon make
on mo by your late letter, in which you in
form me that you are instructed by your com
mittee to honor me with an invitation to ad
dress a mass meeting of my fellow-citizens of
Columbia county, to be held the 17th inst.,
the anniversary of the day when Washington
and associates placed their illustrious names
to the Constitution of the United States; and
under which we lived free, properous and
happj', until infatuated with success or struck
with popular blindness wo, in an evil hour,
changed our direction, and now, after a few
rapid years of downward progress, have fallen
so low that Mr. Lincoln and his associates
have reduced it to a doubt whether we have
either Constitution or country left us.
Whilst we were distracted with the anti
slavery excitement, when there were already,
by the divisions among the people, three
Presidential candidates in the field, two by
the unhappy break in the Democratic ranks,
and one who represented the old Whig party,
the Abolitionists carrying with them many well
meaning, but most deluded citizens, met at
Chicago, laid down a platform of principles in
bold defiance of the Constitution and laws;
nominated, to support it, the weakest man
who ever held power, unless by the accident
of birth, and then by a minority of not much
more than a third of the voting population of
the Union, elevated him to supreme authori-
Coming into place at a political crisis which
might have disturbed the clearest head and
shaken the steadiest hand, neither able to
cope with an emergency, nor to shoose others
to do it for him, nor even to adhere to a line
of po' cy, his government has proved a failure
more deplorable tbau could have been asked
or hoped or imagined by the worst enemies
of free iustitutions. The time is now ap-
proaching at which we are to pass judgment
at the polls on himself, his measures, and his
men. It may be that we are too late, but let
us not despair of the republic, and clinging to
the hope that it is possible to save it from
final destruction, go forward, and through the
Democratic ticket do all that is at this time
practicable, be it little or much, ultimately,
available or not, towards the reintegration of
our unhappy country.
You allude in your letter to the subject of
the recent discharge of a prisoner in dne
course of law from arbitrary executive arrest
after a special order had issued from Wash
ington for his conveyance to a military prison
in the Capitol. (A military prison in the
Capitol!!) It was a triumph of the law, ef
fected by the determined attitude of the
Judge who held fast to principle, and did not
flinch; and from an open conflict with whose
judicial mandate the usupers of authority did
flinch, The arrest and the offence committed
having been officially made known at Wash
ington, the order was given to take the pris
oner thither, and that order and the Judge's
direction to produce his body in court, were in
the Marshall's hands at the same moment.
The inevitableness of the conflict between
the military and the judicial orders being ob
vious, and the consequences of the conflict not
easy to be reckoned, the Secretary of War
gave way; and thus was achieved, by the de
termination of an unarmed magistrate, the
defeat and disgrace of a system of barbarous
and brutal violence, which, when the history
of this Administration comes to be written,
will stand high on its catalogue of useless
Let those who would justify the men who
have plunged Mr. Lincoln into these depths
of preposterous error, show a precedent for it
in the whole history of the States. Do you
remember one recorded case of arbitrary ar
rest in the course of our Revolutionary con
test ; from the outbreak of our difficulties to
the peace with the mother country ? In the
bitterest straits of the war of 1812, when
there really were those " traitors in our
midst," who exist now only in lively imagin-
or on flippant tongues, was it ever
beard that Mr. Madison ordered an arrest ?
In 1688 and 'B9 the people of England went
through a revolution which altered their in
stitutions from what they had been under the
Stuarts, to what they now are, without resort
to 6uch violence: afterwards, when a Stuart
invaded the country, throwing them into the
last degree of terror and confusion, at the
head of an army which cat its way to within
four days' march of London, he was repelled
at no such cost to freedom or violation of the
law. At a 'ater date, the same people in the
war ol the french Revolution passed through
a period of twenty years probation, during
no small part of which their national exis
tence was thought to be at stake, sometimes
from insurrection at home, sometimes by inva
sion from abroad, and always threatened by
the most formidable military power the mod
ern world has seen. They had all that time
both in and out of parliament an opposition of
unmeasured fierceness; but nobody ever
heard of au arrest, unless by warrant of a
magistrate, for the " disloyal practices"
and intemperate speeches which were daily
indulged in, to the most extreme and
turious lengths, and in language of the high
est invective, by the whole anti-war party,
from Mr. Fox down. In troubled times there
will happen in any country, much that is
unjustifiable; and our past history may
furnish instances of it. We have had
mobs that committed summary violence,
and abused persons and property; we have
had over stringent legislation, dealing in in
justice, and punishing, perhaps, the ionocent
with the guilty. But that is not usurpation;
that is not the unlawful, unconstutional as
sumption of a power not delegated to thoae
who use it; that is not seizing authority ;
that is not mixing and confounding the care
fully separated duties of the different depart
ments of Government, as do those who serve
Mr. Lincoln and betray the State.
Let me say in conclusion, things have come
to a pass at which the Republicans them
selves, more unspairingly than we do, accuse
and denounce, (without being arrested) the
administration which they brought into pow
er. They wonder at the functionaries whom
it employs ; at the measures of their Con
gress ; at the reign of corruption; at the
downfall of the Constitution and laws.—
Let them wonder at nothing but themselves.
When for President of the United States,
who is not a monarch that reigns without
governing, but a ruler that rules, and who
himself must possess the nerve and ability for
command, the Republicans chose a man whol
ly incompitent, they inoculated, deliberately
inoculated, the State with all the mischief
that has followed. Why should they won
dor? why complain of Mr. Lincoln? why
curse their own work ? Let them be " pleas
ed with ruin !" But they can be useful if
they will. Should the Democratic party be
found next month in a large majority, let the
Republicans persuade their chief to dismiss
his cabinet, banish bis unofficial counsellors,
clear his skirts of those who pluck bim by
them, hither to-day and thither to-morrow ;
and then let him send, as an hereditary sov
ereign would, for men who represent the
views and policy of the majority and place
himself in their hands, they to rule the coun
try, he to draw his salary and amuse himself,
bat not with the reins of Government.
[. That better day may be vouchsafed as most
be the earnest prayer of all who love their
country, whatever their party predileettons.
That of those who lore their country the vast
majority will rally to our ticket—the only
one that is available to check the headlong
course of those who rule to ruin us is the
conviction of all Democrats in this part of the
State, and of none more than, dear sir,
Your fellow-citizen and very humble ser
C. Ingijwoll.
On first reading this proclamation, we sup
posed that it referred to the sixth section o
the confiscation act, and proclaimed what the
President understood to be the legal effect of
his previous proclamation founded on that
section. This in all conscience would have
been bad enough. Ou reading the proclama
tion a second time, however, we perceived
that it makes no reference to the sixth sec
tion of the confiscation act j and on examin
ing thia section itself, we perceived that its
subject-matter is different from that of the
proclamation, the former relating to all the
property of rebels in any State, while the
latter relates expressly end exclusively to all
the slaves of the States in rebellion. It thus
appears that the proclamation is not and does
not assume to be founded on the confiscation
law or any other law. It is evidently an ar
bitrary act of the President as Commander
in-Chief of the Army sod Navy of the Union.
In short, it is a naked stroke of military ne
We shall not stop now to discuss the char
acter and tendency of this measure. Both
are manifest. The one is as unwarrantable aa
the other is mischievous. The measure is
wholly unauthorized and wholly pernicious.
Though it cannot be executed in fact, and
though its execution probably will never be
seriously attempted, its moral influence will
be decided and pnreiy hurtful. So tar as its
own purpose is concerned, it is a mere bru
tum fulvien, bat it wiil prove only to effectu
al for the purpose of the enemy. It Is a gi
gantic usurpation, unrelieved by the promise
of a solitary advantage, however minute and
faint, but, on the contrary, aggravated by the
menace of great and unmixed evil.
Kentucky cannot and will not acquiesce in
this measure. Never ! As little will she al
low it to chill her devotion to the cause thus
cruelly imperilled anew. The Government
onr fathers framed is one thing, and a thing
above price; Abraham Lincoln, the tempo
rary occupant of the executive chair, ia an
other thing, and a thing of comparatively
little worth. The one is an individual, the
sands of whose official existence are running
fast, and who, when his official existence
shall end, will be no more or less than any
i other individual. The other is a grand po
litical structure, in which is contained the
treasures and the energies of civilization and
upon whose lofty and shining dome, seen
from the shores of all climes, centre the ea
ger hopes of mankind.
What Abraham Lincoln, as President, does
or fails to do, may exalt or lower our esti
mate of himself, bat not of the great and be
neficent Government of which he is bat the
temporary servant. Tho tomplo is not the
less sacred and precious because the priest
lays an unlawful sacrifice upon the altar
The loyalty of Kentucky is not to be shaken
by any mad act of the President. If necessa
ry, she will resist the act, and aid in holding
the actor to a just and lawful accountability,
but she will never lift her own hand against
the glorious fabric because he has blindly or
criminally smitten it. She cannot be so false
to herself as this. She is incapable of such
guilt and folly.
The President has fixed the first day of
next January as the time for his proclama
tion to go into effect. Before this time, the
North will be called upon to elect members
of Congress. We believe that the proclama
tion will strike the loyal people of the North
in general, with amazement and abhorrence.
We know it. We appeal to them to mani
fest their righteous detestation by returning
to Congress none but the avowed and sealous
adversaries of this measure. Let the revoca
tion of the proclamation be made the over
sbaddowing issue, aud let the voice of the
people at the polls, followed by the voice of
their representatives in Congress, be heard
in such tones of remonstrance and condemna
tion that the President, aroused to a sense of
his tremendous error, shall not hesitate to
withdraw the measure.
The vital interest of the country demand
that the proclamation be revoked, the sooner
the better, and until it is revoked every loyal
man should unite in vigorously working for
its revocation. If the President by any
means is pressed away from the constitution
and his own pledges, be must be pressed
back again and held there by the strong arm
of the people.
The game of pressure is one that two can
play at; and it is no slight reproach to the
conservative men of the oountry that hereto
fore they havo not taken their fair share in
this game as played at the National Capital.
The radicals have been allowed to have the
game too much to themselves, We hope
this reproach will now be wiped away.—
Prentice"it Loui.trilie Journal,
VOL. 2, N0.9.