North Branch democrat. (Tunkhannock, Pa.) 1854-1867, October 08, 1862, Image 1
cite Storih Brandt Hcimur.il. iSror A -BLVJITV SICKIJEH, Proprietor.] NEW SERIES, .Jft Terms —1 copy I year, (in advance) 91.50. If Snot pain within six months, 92.00 will be charged. ADVERTISING! 10 lines orj . I i I less, make three four 5 two \three j six j one one square wceks'^weekswio'th^mo' thiino' year 1 Square I,oo< 1,25> 2,25; 2,8/\ 3,00; 5,00 2 do. 2,00 2,50 3.25 3.501 4,50 6,00 3 do. 3,00 3,75 4,75; 5,50; 7,00 9,00 4 Column. 4,00 4,501 6,50; 8,00510,00; 15,00 * do. 6 00j 7,00; 10,00112,005 17,00? 25,00 * do. 8,00 9,50! 14,00 18,00s 25,005 35,00 II do. 10,00! 12,00; 17,005 22,P0R23,00*40,00 Business Cards of one square, with paper, 85. JOB WORK of all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit the times. slrafss BACON STAND.—Nicholson, Pa. C. L JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf] TJ S. COOPER, PHYSICIAN & SURGEON XI. Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. pEO. S. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Ij Tuukhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga street. WM. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk iPianiwek, Pa. |§T ITTLE & DEWITT, ATTORNEY'S AT mLJ LAW, Office on- Tioga street, Tunkhannock, R. R. LITTLK. 3. T)KWITT. J V. SMITH, M. D , PHYSICIAN & SURGEON, • Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo unt Office, Tunkhannock, Pa. H ARVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY AT LAW and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT—Of fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan iiock Pa. , pwR. J. C. CORSELIUS, HAVING LOCAT- U ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend all calls in the line of his profession—mu v lie found at Boomer's Hotel, when not professionally absent. Falls, Oct. 10, 1861. T M. CAREY, M. D. — (Graduate of the E. J • M. Institute, Cincinnati) would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne Counties, that heemtinues his regular practice in the various departments of his profession. May be found at his office or residence, when not professionally ab sent Particular attention given to the treatment Chronic Disc as. Contremoreland, Wyoming Co. Pa.—v2n2. I)R. J. C- BECKER Co., PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS, Would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wy oming that they have located at Mehoopany, where they will promptly attend to all calls in the live of their profession. May be found at his Drug Store when not professionally absent. H.HOADS, JVC. z>., (Graduate oj the University of Penn'a.) Respectfully offers his professional services to the [citizens of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can he [found, when not professionally engaged, either at his [Drug Store, or at his resideuce on Putnam Street. WALL'S HOTEL, LATE AMERICAN HOUSE/ I TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA. jV 1 GIIS establishment has recently been refitted and B X furnished in the latest style. Every attention Swill be given to the comfort and convenience of those |wwiio patronize the House. T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861. INORTH BRANCH HOTEL, MESHOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA JptILEY WARNER, Prop'r. I' rT A VINO resumed the proprietorship of the above MQ Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to the house an agreeable place of sojourn for ,I*ll who may favor it with their custom. RILEY WARNER. Ig September 11,186 L MAYNARD'S HOTEL, TUN KFI AN NOCK, WYOMING COUNTY, PENXA. JOHN MAYNARD, Proprietor. ILTAVING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of Li Tunkhannock, recently occupied by Riley Varner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share ot rnblic patronage. The House has been thoroughly epaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a irst class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor t with their custom. September 11, 1661. M.GILMAN, M OILMAN, has permanently located In Tunk • han nock Borough, and respectfully tenders his t||brofessional services to the citizens of this place and jßurroundlng country. W ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE >ATI3- ■HI'ACTION. HB tif Office over Tutton's Law Office, near th e Pos Jjgpffice. jj| Dec. 11. 1861. ' Blanks 22 Blanks !2 2 ■JF BLANK DEEDS SUMMONSES SUBPOENAES EXECUTIONS CONSTABLE'S SALES I Justice's, Constable's, and legal Blanks of all ■kinds, Neatly and Correctly printed on good Paper, for sale at the Office of the " North Branch LIMB FOR FARMERS, AS A FERTILIZER for sale at VERNOY'S. I Mesboppcn, Sept. 18,1861. |M's Corner. The Soldier's Letter. How sweet when night her misty veil Around the wear; soldier throws, And twilight's golden skies grow pale, And wooing winds invite repose, To sit beside the watchfire's blase, Where friendly comrades nightly oome, To sing the songs of other days, And talk of things we love at home— Of those we love, who list and wait, Beneath the same benignant moon, The postman's step behind the gate, With tidings from the absent one; And beaming smiles their thoughts reveal, And love is mirrored in their eyes, As eagerly they break the seal, Elate with joy and glad surprise, But dearer yet the shout that rings In exultation loud and clear, To hail the messenger who brings Letters from home and kindred dear: And 'neath the pale moon's shining light The soldier reads his treasure o'er, And through the hours of silent night, In dreams he visits home once more. In dreams he sits beside the hearth, Afar from camps and traitor's viles, And deems the dearest spot on earth Where loving wife and mother smiles; And many a faco almost forgot, And many a word so fondly spoken, Come flitting round the soldier's cot, Till the sweet dream at morn is broken. O, ye, who love the soldier well— Bid him be hopeful, brave and gay; Better he knows than you can tell, The perils that attend his way. Some word of hope in battle's hour, While striving with a vengeful foe, Has nerved the soldier's arm with power, To strike or ward the impending blow. The soldier brave is often prone To deem himself forgotten quite, A wanderer on the earth alone, When friends at home neglect to write. Then cheer him oft with words like these, And thus your deep affection prove; Let every keel that ploughs the seas Bear him some message full of love. I!)istcll;me<ras. PROCEEDINGS^ OF THE CONGRESSIONAL CONFERENCE. The Democratic Conference met at the Exchange Hotel, in Bloomsburg, Sept. 30th, 1862, agreeably to the adjournment. The several conferees from the eutire district were present. Mr. Ent, from the committee appointed to make a report on the existing Congressional apportionment made the following report. The Committe appointed by the Confer ence to prepare a statement on the subject of the existing Congressional apportionment, make report as follows : That upon examination it will appear that the present arrangement of Congressional dis tricts in this State, is an unjußt one, and the authors of it are chargeable with the highest degree of partizan selfishness and disregard of the rights of the people. It is proposed to show, briefly, the lead ing facts in relation to the passage of the laws on this subject, including a designation of some of those who supported and are re sponsible for them. In the State Senate, Feb. 26th, 1861, on motion of Mr. McClure, it was Resolved, That a select committee of sev en be appointed to report to the Senate a bill apportioning the Stato into Congressional dis tricts. It was ordered that Messrs McClure, Fin ney, Gregg, SchiDae), Smith, Landon and Lawrence be said Committee. This Committee, composed of Six Republi cans and one Democrat, on the 9th of April 1861, reported a bill entitled, "an act to di vide the State into Congressional districts for the election of Representatives in the Congress of the United States." The next day, April 10th, the Senate resolved itself into Committee of the Whole upon the bill, when, after some time, the bill was reported back to the Senate with amendments. It was then taken np on second reading, and agreed to with one umimportant amendment, other amendments proposed by Democratic Senators being down. The rule which pro hibits the reading of bills twice on the same day was then dispensed with, and the bill was read a third time, and passed finally by the following vote: YEAS— Messrs. Benson, Boughter, Bound, Connel, Finney, Fuller, Gregg, Hall, Hamil ton, Iliestand, Imbrie, Ketcham, Landon, Lawrence, McClure, Meredith, Parker, Pen ney, Robinson, Serriil, Smith, Wharton, Yard ly, and Palmer, Speaker— 23 NAYS —Messrs. Blood, Clyiner, Crawford, Mott, Nichols, Schindel, Thompson and Welsh —8 The bill then went to the House of Repre sentatives, where it was considered on the 10th and 12 days of April. Among other "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RlGHT."—Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCT. 8, J 862. amendments proposed to the bill was one by I Mr. Tracy, of Bradford, to strike out in the 25th line the words " Wayne and Luzerne counties" and insert in lieu thereof the words Bradford, Tioga, and Sullivan counties,'' the effect which would have been to place the latter counties with Susquehanna county to form a Congressional district. This amend ment was rejected by a vote of yeas, 36, nays 46, and all other amendments were also rejected except one relating lo a Philadelphia district, which was subsequently concurred in by the Senate. On the 13th of April the bill passed the House, finally, by the following vote: YEAS —Messrs. Abbott, Acker, Alexander, Anderson, Armstrong, Ashcom, Barnsley, Bartholomew, Bisel, Bixler, Blair, Brewster, Buros, Cowan, Craig, Douglas, Elliott, Goeh ring, Gordon, Graham, Harvey, Hayes, Hill man, Hood, Hofius, Huhn, Irvin, Koch, Law rence, Lowther, M'Gonigal, Marshal, Mullin, Patterson, Peirce, Pre6ton, Pughe, Reily, Ridgway, Robinson, Roller, Seltzer, Shaffer, Stehman, Stoneback, Taylor, Walker, White, Wildey, Wilson and Davis, Speaker —sl. NAYS —Messrs. Austin, Ball, Blanchard, Bliss, Boyer, Brodhead, Butler, (Carbon,) Butler (Crawford,) Caldwell, Clark, Collins Cope, Dismant, Divans, Donley, Duffield' Dunlap, Eilenberger, Frazier, Gaskill, Heck, Hill, Kline, Leisenring, Litchenwallner, M'- Donough, Manifold, Moore, Morrison, My ers, Osterhout, Randall, Reiff, Rhoads, Smith (Berks,) Smith, (Philadelphia,) Teller, Tra cy and Williams—39. This bill, (which was subsequently signed by the Governor and became a law,) divided the State into twenty-three Congressional districts, that being the number of Congress men which it was understood this State was entitled to under the United States census of 1860. But in forming the districts the most unscrupulous and disgraceful partisan ship and dishonesty were manifested. Both Houses had large Republican majorities, and the Governor being of the same party, there was no check upon political passion and in justice. At the election of Governor in 1860, Mr. Foster had 230,000 votes, and Mr. Curtin 262,000. The majority of the latter was therefore, 32,000, whica, estimating voters as one fifth of the whole people, would rep resent a population of 160,000, somewhat but not largely in excess of the number necessa ry for one member of Congress. A fair ap portionment therefore would have given twelve Republican and eleven Democratic dis tricts, upon the basis of the gubernatorial vote of 1860. But the bill was so framed, as to give nineteen Republican and but four Democratic Districts, upon that basis of cal culation. To accomplish this result the nat ural connections of counties were disregarded, districts of very unequal population were made, and in some cases counties were divid ed and the parts put in different districts.— Never since the State was founded had such a bill been enacted regulating the representa tion of the people, nor any one even approach ing it in dishonesty. In effect it was to transfer no less than sev en Congressional votes from one party to the other, making a difference of fourteen votes upon any political question in the National House of Representatives. It will be observed that Senator Landon t of Bradford, the present Republican candi date for Congress, in this district, was one of the Committee that reported this bill in the Senate, and that he subsequently supported it by his vote. The arrangement of districts made by the act of 1862, was subjected to some raodifica tion as to the eastern part of the State, by an act passed at the last session, but its es sential features were not disturbed. Subse quent to the passage of the act of 1861, it was ascertained from ihe corrected census returns that this State would be entitled to twenty four members of Congress, instead of twen three, and hence a new apportionment be came necessary. But in framing the new act (approved 10th April 1862) care was taken to retain as much as possible of the act of 1861, and thus continue the party injustice established by it. By the new bill this Congressional district was made more strongly Republican than be fore, as Northumberland county was taken from it. In 1860 the vote for Governor in the present district was as follows: Foster. Curtin. Bradford, 2328 6664 Wyoming, 1336 1192 Sullivan, 543 394 Columbia, 2586 1848 Montour, 1220 983 8013 11081 PETER ENT, ) AHIRA GAY, v Committee. J. C. AMMERMAN, ) On motion, Resolved, , That the report be adopted— Agreed to unanimously. The following resolution was also unani mously adopted. Resolved , That the report of the committee be published with the proceedings of this con ference. On motion V. E. Piollet seconded by Mr. Ammerman. Resolved, That in view of existing circum stances in this Congressional District, thin conference, will make no formal nomination of a candidate for support by he Democracy, which was adopted by every vote in the con ference. Resolved , That the member* of this Con ference recommend the support of Henry W. Tracy of Bradford, as an independent candi. date for Congress against Reverend George Landon the Republican nominee, for the fol lowing reasons:— a 1. Because the former opposed the iniqui tous Congressional apportionment of 1861, while the latter was one of the unscrupulous authors of that measure. 2. Because the former as a member of the House of Representatives at Ilarrisburg, op posed those recent bills of plunder and out rage relating to the Pennsylvania and Sunbu ry and Erie rail-roads, which have deeply in jured and disgraced the Commonwealth, while the latter supported them by speech and vole in the Senate. 3. Because the former at the late session of the Legislature earnestly supported the re peal of the act commuting the tonnage duties cf the Pennsylvania rail-road, and is giving and will give his efforts and influence to se cure that just and important object hereafter. 4. Because, speaking generally, the former is a conservative gentlemen whose integrity has been well-proved in public position, while the latter is believed to be fanatical in senti ment and corrupt in conduct. Resolved , That in view of the corruption and profligacy that is known to exist in our national affairs, it is of the highest import ance to select a Congressmen whose integri ty has borne the test of trial, and who has shown independence and courage in the per formance of public duty. It is beleived that this is true of Mr. Tracy, and that in his sup port of the War and the Government, he will labor in good faith to restore the Union of our fathers and to preserve all the Constitu tional rights of the people. Resolved , That inasmuch as this district was formed to smother the voice of the sev eral Democratic counties within it, and one of the authors of that measure now presents himself as a candidate, that he may reap the fruitof his iniquity, there is peculiar reason for junction of effort among all honerable men to mark him with public reprobation and prevent bim from repeating his past mis deeds, or others like unto them, in a position of increased influence and power. Adopted unanimously. % Resolved, That the next Congressional Conference be held upon the first Thursday in September, 1864, at the Exchange Hotel, in Bloomsburg, at 12 o'clock, M. Adjourned sine die PETER ENT, Pres. V. E. PIOLLET, ) C . . J. C. AM.-UEK.MAN, 5 Secretary,. LETTER FROM HON. CHARLESIXG ERSOLL. We publish below an able and patriotic let ter from Hon. Charles Ingersoll, addressed to a committee of gentlemen who had invited him to address the people of Columbia Coun ty. Pa., on the 27th of September, the anni versary of the adoption of the Constitution of the United States. It is bold, forcible and in structive, and worthy of the first martyr in defence of free speech in the Old Keystone State: PHILADELPHIA, 15th Sept., 1862. John G. Freeze, Esq., Chairman of the Demo cratic Standing Committee of Columbia County, Bloomsburg, Pa. DEAR SIR I regret most sincerely, that I am unable to comply with the call yon make on mo by your late letter, in which you in form me that you are instructed by your com mittee to honor me with an invitation to ad dress a mass meeting of my fellow-citizens of Columbia county, to be held the 17th inst., the anniversary of the day when Washington and associates placed their illustrious names to the Constitution of the United States; and under which we lived free, properous and happj', until infatuated with success or struck with popular blindness wo, in an evil hour, changed our direction, and now, after a few rapid years of downward progress, have fallen so low that Mr. Lincoln and his associates have reduced it to a doubt whether we have either Constitution or country left us. Whilst we were distracted with the anti slavery excitement, when there were already, by the divisions among the people, three Presidential candidates in the field, two by the unhappy break in the Democratic ranks, and one who represented the old Whig party, the Abolitionists carrying with them many well meaning, but most deluded citizens, met at Chicago, laid down a platform of principles in bold defiance of the Constitution and laws; nominated, to support it, the weakest man who ever held power, unless by the accident of birth, and then by a minority of not much more than a third of the voting population of the Union, elevated him to supreme authori- Coming into place at a political crisis which might have disturbed the clearest head and shaken the steadiest hand, neither able to cope with an emergency, nor to shoose others to do it for him, nor even to adhere to a line of po' cy, his government has proved a failure more deplorable tbau could have been asked or hoped or imagined by the worst enemies of free iustitutions. The time is now ap- proaching at which we are to pass judgment at the polls on himself, his measures, and his men. It may be that we are too late, but let us not despair of the republic, and clinging to the hope that it is possible to save it from final destruction, go forward, and through the Democratic ticket do all that is at this time practicable, be it little or much, ultimately, available or not, towards the reintegration of our unhappy country. You allude in your letter to the subject of the recent discharge of a prisoner in dne course of law from arbitrary executive arrest after a special order had issued from Wash ington for his conveyance to a military prison in the Capitol. (A military prison in the Capitol!!) It was a triumph of the law, ef fected by the determined attitude of the Judge who held fast to principle, and did not flinch; and from an open conflict with whose judicial mandate the usupers of authority did flinch, The arrest and the offence committed having been officially made known at Wash ington, the order was given to take the pris oner thither, and that order and the Judge's direction to produce his body in court, were in the Marshall's hands at the same moment. The inevitableness of the conflict between the military and the judicial orders being ob vious, and the consequences of the conflict not easy to be reckoned, the Secretary of War gave way; and thus was achieved, by the de termination of an unarmed magistrate, the defeat and disgrace of a system of barbarous and brutal violence, which, when the history of this Administration comes to be written, will stand high on its catalogue of useless crimes. Let those who would justify the men who have plunged Mr. Lincoln into these depths of preposterous error, show a precedent for it in the whole history of the States. Do you remember one recorded case of arbitrary ar rest in the course of our Revolutionary con test ; from the outbreak of our difficulties to the peace with the mother country ? In the bitterest straits of the war of 1812, when there really were those " traitors in our midst," who exist now only in lively imagin- or on flippant tongues, was it ever beard that Mr. Madison ordered an arrest ? In 1688 and 'B9 the people of England went through a revolution which altered their in stitutions from what they had been under the Stuarts, to what they now are, without resort to 6uch violence: afterwards, when a Stuart invaded the country, throwing them into the last degree of terror and confusion, at the head of an army which cat its way to within four days' march of London, he was repelled at no such cost to freedom or violation of the law. At a 'ater date, the same people in the war ol the french Revolution passed through a period of twenty years probation, during no small part of which their national exis tence was thought to be at stake, sometimes from insurrection at home, sometimes by inva sion from abroad, and always threatened by the most formidable military power the mod ern world has seen. They had all that time both in and out of parliament an opposition of unmeasured fierceness; but nobody ever heard of au arrest, unless by warrant of a magistrate, for the " disloyal practices" and intemperate speeches which were daily indulged in, to the most extreme and turious lengths, and in language of the high est invective, by the whole anti-war party, from Mr. Fox down. In troubled times there will happen in any country, much that is unjustifiable; and our past history may furnish instances of it. We have had mobs that committed summary violence, and abused persons and property; we have had over stringent legislation, dealing in in justice, and punishing, perhaps, the ionocent with the guilty. But that is not usurpation; that is not the unlawful, unconstutional as sumption of a power not delegated to thoae who use it; that is not seizing authority ; that is not mixing and confounding the care fully separated duties of the different depart ments of Government, as do those who serve Mr. Lincoln and betray the State. Let me say in conclusion, things have come to a pass at which the Republicans them selves, more unspairingly than we do, accuse and denounce, (without being arrested) the administration which they brought into pow er. They wonder at the functionaries whom it employs ; at the measures of their Con gress ; at the reign of corruption; at the downfall of the Constitution and laws.— Let them wonder at nothing but themselves. When for President of the United States, who is not a monarch that reigns without governing, but a ruler that rules, and who himself must possess the nerve and ability for command, the Republicans chose a man whol ly incompitent, they inoculated, deliberately inoculated, the State with all the mischief that has followed. Why should they won dor? why complain of Mr. Lincoln? why curse their own work ? Let them be " pleas ed with ruin !" But they can be useful if they will. Should the Democratic party be found next month in a large majority, let the Republicans persuade their chief to dismiss his cabinet, banish bis unofficial counsellors, clear his skirts of those who pluck bim by them, hither to-day and thither to-morrow ; and then let him send, as an hereditary sov ereign would, for men who represent the views and policy of the majority and place himself in their hands, they to rule the coun try, he to draw his salary and amuse himself, [TZZRMBi fLSO PJUM AmrtTM bat not with the reins of Government. [. That better day may be vouchsafed as most be the earnest prayer of all who love their country, whatever their party predileettons. That of those who lore their country the vast majority will rally to our ticket—the only one that is available to check the headlong course of those who rule to ruin us is the conviction of all Democrats in this part of the State, and of none more than, dear sir, Your fellow-citizen and very humble ser vant, C. Ingijwoll. THE PRESIDENT'S PROCLAMATION. On first reading this proclamation, we sup posed that it referred to the sixth section o the confiscation act, and proclaimed what the President understood to be the legal effect of his previous proclamation founded on that section. This in all conscience would have been bad enough. Ou reading the proclama tion a second time, however, we perceived that it makes no reference to the sixth sec tion of the confiscation act j and on examin ing thia section itself, we perceived that its subject-matter is different from that of the proclamation, the former relating to all the property of rebels in any State, while the latter relates expressly end exclusively to all the slaves of the States in rebellion. It thus appears that the proclamation is not and does not assume to be founded on the confiscation law or any other law. It is evidently an ar bitrary act of the President as Commander in-Chief of the Army sod Navy of the Union. In short, it is a naked stroke of military ne cessity. We shall not stop now to discuss the char acter and tendency of this measure. Both are manifest. The one is as unwarrantable aa the other is mischievous. The measure is wholly unauthorized and wholly pernicious. Though it cannot be executed in fact, and though its execution probably will never be seriously attempted, its moral influence will be decided and pnreiy hurtful. So tar as its own purpose is concerned, it is a mere bru tum fulvien, bat it wiil prove only to effectu al for the purpose of the enemy. It Is a gi gantic usurpation, unrelieved by the promise of a solitary advantage, however minute and faint, but, on the contrary, aggravated by the menace of great and unmixed evil. Kentucky cannot and will not acquiesce in this measure. Never ! As little will she al low it to chill her devotion to the cause thus cruelly imperilled anew. The Government onr fathers framed is one thing, and a thing above price; Abraham Lincoln, the tempo rary occupant of the executive chair, ia an other thing, and a thing of comparatively little worth. The one is an individual, the sands of whose official existence are running fast, and who, when his official existence shall end, will be no more or less than any i other individual. The other is a grand po litical structure, in which is contained the treasures and the energies of civilization and upon whose lofty and shining dome, seen from the shores of all climes, centre the ea ger hopes of mankind. What Abraham Lincoln, as President, does or fails to do, may exalt or lower our esti mate of himself, bat not of the great and be neficent Government of which he is bat the temporary servant. Tho tomplo is not the less sacred and precious because the priest lays an unlawful sacrifice upon the altar The loyalty of Kentucky is not to be shaken by any mad act of the President. If necessa ry, she will resist the act, and aid in holding the actor to a just and lawful accountability, but she will never lift her own hand against the glorious fabric because he has blindly or criminally smitten it. She cannot be so false to herself as this. She is incapable of such guilt and folly. The President has fixed the first day of next January as the time for his proclama tion to go into effect. Before this time, the North will be called upon to elect members of Congress. We believe that the proclama tion will strike the loyal people of the North in general, with amazement and abhorrence. We know it. We appeal to them to mani fest their righteous detestation by returning to Congress none but the avowed and sealous adversaries of this measure. Let the revoca tion of the proclamation be made the over sbaddowing issue, aud let the voice of the people at the polls, followed by the voice of their representatives in Congress, be heard in such tones of remonstrance and condemna tion that the President, aroused to a sense of his tremendous error, shall not hesitate to withdraw the measure. The vital interest of the country demand that the proclamation be revoked, the sooner the better, and until it is revoked every loyal man should unite in vigorously working for its revocation. If the President by any means is pressed away from the constitution and his own pledges, be must be pressed back again and held there by the strong arm of the people. The game of pressure is one that two can play at; and it is no slight reproach to the conservative men of the oountry that hereto fore they havo not taken their fair share in this game as played at the National Capital. The radicals have been allowed to have the game too much to themselves, We hope this reproach will now be wiped away.— Prentice"it Loui.trilie Journal, VOL. 2, N0.9.