ibe Morilt branch democrat
iEXARVEY SICKIJER, Proprietor.]
NEW SERIES,
' llurth Branch fßmncral
A weekly Democratic --y
~ devoted to Pol gggjay ;
'tics, News, the Ar*z B '(Rf ■\9
kiid Sciences Ac. Pub- %-j|s^sa'
fished every Wednes- "
• sy-. at Tunkhannock, fpW
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JOB WOBK
of all kinds neatly executed, and at juices to suit
the times.
ftasiitfjMf r {[otirf.s.
BACON STAND.— Nicholson, Pa. CL.
JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf ]
HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN & SURGEON
• Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa.
OEO.S.TUTTOS, ATTORNEY AT LAV,',
vJT Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Liick
Pluck, Tioga street.
"IT7M. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of-
V\ fio in Stark's Prick Block, Tioga St., Tunk
hannock, Pa.
T ITTI.E Si DEW ITT, ATTORNEY'S AT
jLi LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock,
Pa.
R. R. LITTLE. J UK WITT.
JY. SMITH, M. I>. PHYSICIAN & Si if IKON,
. OlTiee on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo
crat Office, Tunkhannock, Pa.
HARVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY \T LAW
and GENERAL INSI'R.ANCK ACK.NT Of
fice. Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan
nock Pa.
DR. j. c.roßSFXirs. iiAvrxG LOCAT
ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend
all calls iu the line of his profession—may 6e found
ol Reemcr's Hotel, when not profession a'ly absent.
Falls, Oct. 10, 1861.
JL) D. J. C lIECKIiR A* Co.,
PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS,
AVotild respeetfullv announce tij the citizens of Wy
oming thai 'key have located at Muhoopany, where
they will promptly attend to ail csiils in the live of
their profession. May be found at his Drug Store
when not professionally absent.
ST. W. JIIIOA33S, ZV3T. D.,
(Graduate of the University oj Penn'a.)
Respectfully offers his professional services t6 the
citizens of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can be
found, when not professionally engaged, either at his
Drug Store, or at his rcsideuee on Putnam 'Treet.
WALL'S HOTEL
LATE AMERICAN HOUSE/
TUNKHANNOCK, W YOJIING CO., I"A.
THIS establishment has recently been refitted and
furnished in the latest style Every attention
will be given to the comfort and convenience of those
who patronize the House.
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor.
Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861.
WORTH BRANCH HOTEL,
MESIIOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA
RILEY WARNER, Prop*r.
HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above
Hotel, the undersigned will sjaire no effort to
render the house an agreeable place ot sojoflrn for
all who may favor it with their custom.
RILEY WARNER.
September 11, 1861.
MAYNARD'S HOTEL,
TT NKIIAWOCK,
WY 0 M ISO COU NT Y, PKNNA.
J 0 11 N MAY X A Hit, Proprietor.
HA\ ING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of
Tunkhannock. recently occupied by Riley
Warner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share ot
public patronage. 'lhc House has been thoroughly
repaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a
first class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor
it with their custom. September 11, 1661.
M. OILMAN,
DENTIST.
"W - ----=r~" = **"'
AIT OILMAN, has permanently located ia Tunk
* bannock Borough, and respectfully tenders his
professional services to the citizens of this place and
Surrounding cnuntry.
ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS
FACTION.
w-gTOffice over iuttou's Law Office, near th e Pos
Office.
Dec. 11, 1861.
"Blanks 11 Blanks 111
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HOWARD ASSOCIATION
IIIILL ADELPHIA.
For the Relief of the Sick &■ Distressed, afflicted with
Virulent and Chronic Diseases, and especially
for the Cure of Diseases if Che Sexual Organs
Mclv ai advice given gratis, by the Acting Surgeon
Valuable Keprrts on Spermatorrhoea or Seminal
Weakness, and other Dbeasei of tne Sexual Organs
and on the New Remedies employed in the iMspelsa
ry, sent to the afflicted in Pealed letter envelopes, frco
of charge. Two or three stamps for postngo will be
nlvv I A o Addre3B ' Dr J SKILLTN HOUOII.
ION, Acting Surgeon, Howard Association, No. 2 S
Ninth Street, Philadelphia, Pa. [vlnsoly
ADDRESS
OF THE
DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL. COM
MITTEE.
To THE DEMOCRATS, AND AI.I. OTHER FRIENDS
OF THE CONSTITUTION AND UNION IN PENN
SYLVANIA.
The Democratic State Central Committee
address you upon subjects of the gravest mo
ment. The life of our beloved country is in
danger. The nation writhes under the throes
of wide-spread civil war. All our patriot
ism ; all our wealth ; all our physical pow
ers ; all of whatever virtue exists in the Re
public is invoked, and should be promptly
afforded to save the National Constitution
and the Union of the States from utter over
throw.
It? Hicro n Pofinojlrotrian wlio raluoc tlio
title of American citizen—who reveres the
memory of the men of the Revolution—who
values civil and religious liberty—who ab
hors anarch}- or despotism—or who claims to
p< ssess a manly, patriotic heart, that is not
prepared to pledge life, fortune, ahd sacred
honor for his country, in this her hour of
greatest need and peril ? None can with
hold such assurances of a just estimate of
the importance of preserving the existence
of our republican institutions. We approach
you with the full conviction that the hearts
ol the great body of the people of Pennsyl
vania are with their country in this great
crisis of he. destiny ; that all that is needed
is to be satisfied of a feasible mode of relief
and extrication, and of the most effective or
ganization to combine all the forces that can
be applied to speedily and effectually yield
the happy fruits of returned peace and pros
perity.
To clearly ind'eate the mode of relief, it
would appear to be proper to first determine
the cause or causes of our present difficulties.
Understanding the causes, it would seem to
be in the order of nature that restoration
shou d follow upon their removal. It. is not
c mpatib'e with the practical efficiency of an
address, such as this, to engage iu any elab
orate exposition or historical account of the
gradual progress of antecedent causes, that
have at last culminated in the dreadful re
sults we now behold. We shall, therefore,
necessarily be brief, and best discharge our
purpose by a statement of facts, which you
will all recognize as correct, and by the as
section of propositions aud conclusions which
we maintain, cannot be successfully contro
verted. The troubles that are now upon us
are those that the fathers of this country
foresaw might arte upon the decay of patri
otism, and against which they undertook to
guard by the Constitution of the United
and the establishment thereby of
what was deemed by them—and has, until
ricently, proved to be the harmonious ac
tion of the States and tl.e Federal Govern
ment—in their defined and just relations to
each other. Washihgton, in his Farewell
Address, pointed out these dangers; and,
above all, indicated as the evidence of a wan
ing attachment fur the Union, and as the
precursor of it> fall, the creation of sectional
parlies. It was in view of probable efforts
in this direction that he appealed to his
countrymen " to indignantly frown upon the
first dawning of every attempt to alienate
any portion of our country from the .est, or
10 infoeble the sacred ties which link togeth
er the various parts." Jlad the countiyuien
of Washington sufficiently appreciated his
patriotic warning, the wide-spread civil war
that now afflicts us would never have exist
ed j but, on the contrary, we should, at this
time, under the support which a most boun
tiful Providence is extending to us, bo in the
enjoyment of a degree of prosperity and hap
piness (we venture to assert) unequalled in
the history of nations. Most unfortunately,
sectional parties have grown up, begetting
sectional bitterness ; and already the title of
American citizens begins to Dale before the
invasive progress of such titles as Northern
er and Southerner.
Years ago men in the North, then a very
insignificant combination, began to assail our
Constitution and our Union. This faction,
basing its opposition upon a misguided senti
mentality in regard to the servitude of the
negro race 11 the Southern States, and allow
ing that sentimentality to swallow up all
true le lings of patriotism, and all duty as
citizens, boldly proclaimed their hostility to
the Constitution and the Union, which they
rightly claimed recognized and was pledged
not to invade the control of the States respec
tively over the institution of domestic slave
ry. Dislojal declarations 6uch as " better
no Union at all than a Union witu slavehold
ers," became the axiomatic dicta of this fac
tion, then and now (in its formidable propor
tions) best known as Abolitionists. With
out dwelling upon the progress and growth
of this faction, it is too lamentably true and
well known that proclaiming through its
leaders their chief object to be " the ulti
mate extinction of slavery," it attained to
such consequence that the people of tho
slaveholding States became alarmed and be
gan to form counter combinations to resist
the threatened overthrow of what they claim
ed to be rights that were intended to be sa
eredly guarded by the Constitution of the
United States At the same time there had
existed an insignificant, arcd of themselves
powerless, band of disunionists iu one or two 1
"TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT."—-Thomas Jefferson.
TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUG. 20, 1862.
of the slaveholding States, who seized upon
the opportunity thus affordd by the aggres
sive action of the Abolitionists to stimulate
these counter movements. These efforts
were too successful ; and materials, too, for
such efforts were being continually supplied
by the successes of the Abolitionists. Abuse
and obloquy against the slaveholder stream
ed out from some pul,.its in the North,
wheie the virus of Abolitionism hid been in
fused. Retaliatory epithets were indulged
in by pulpits in the South against the Aboli
tionists. Church organizations in the Union
were split up into organizations North and
South. Nominations for the Presidency
were made upon issues, in fainter or bolder
terms, involving the question of the exist
ence or limitation of the area of domestic
slavery. The decisions of the Supreme
Court of the United States were resisted, its
integrity assailed, and its remodelling avow
ed. These were followed by outbreaks, as
illustrated by the raid of John Brown into
Virginia. Meantime the retaliatory and dis
union movements in the South crystalized
and proclaimed thy monstrous heresy that
the Union was but an allience of sovereign
States, and that any one of its members
might, in the exercise of an unlimited sover
eignty, which was claimed for it, withdraw
from such union. This heresy was designat
ed, and as we all know, is familiarly called
Secessionism, and, under its banner, u great
and formidable party in the slave States was
rallied.
Thus were confronted two great sectional
parties—the Abolitionists North, and the Se
cessionists South—the very antipodes of
each other in their sentiments ; they met on
common platform of Disunion. Each
alike tended o overthrow the Constitution
and the Union. Each alike are the enemies
of the Republic. The Secessionists, claim
ing to act from the apprehension that the
threat for " the ultimate extinction of slave
ry" would be put m execution, succeeded by
bare majorities in some cases, and by the
more efficient organization of probable mi
norities in others, in procuring the adoption
of ordinances of Secession, or for the with
drawal of such State 3 from the American
Union as are now banded under the desigua
tion of the- Confederate Slates. Obtaining)
thus, the formal organization of a govern
ment, they set at defiance the Constitution
and laws of the United States, and under
took to resist their execution within the pre
tended jurisdiction of this revolutionary gov
ernment. The Government of the United
States, in strict accordance with its powers,
undertook to enforce these laws aud to de
mand obedience to them ; armed resistance
was at once inaugurated on the part of the
Secessionists, and thus began a rebellion and
civil war that has become one of gigantic
proportions, and for many of its characteris
tics one ot the most formidable that ever ex
isted among a civilized people. At its out
set, the appeal was made to the loyal men of
the North to fly to arms, in order to uphold
the Constitution aud laws, and to maintain
the Union. With the rapidity of magic this
appeal was responded to With unbounded en
thusiasm, and an armed force of over 700.000
men stood ready to obey the summons to
meet the foes of the Union. President Lin
coln, in his inaugural a Llress, has said :
" I have no purpose, directly or indirectly,
to interfere with the institution of slavery in
the Slates where it exists. I believe I have
no lawful right to do so, and I have no in
clination to do so."
The Congress of the United States, imme
diately after the battle of Bull Run, in Julys
1861,
Resolved, That the present deplorable civ
il war has been forced upon the country by
the disunionists of the Southern States, now
in arms against the Constitutional Govern
ment, and in anns around the Capital ; that
in this national emergency, Congress, banish
ing all feelings of mere passion or resent
ment, will recollect only its duty to the
whole country ; that this war is not waged
on their part in any spirit of oppression, or
fur any purpose of conquest or subjugation,
or purpose of overthrowing or interfering
' with the rights or established institutions of
those States, but to defend and maintain the
supremacy of the Constitution, and to pre
serve the Union, with all the dignity, equali
ty, and rights of the several States unim
paired ; and that as 60011 as these objects
are accomplished, the war ought to cease."
Thus the faith of the President and Con
gress was pledged to every loyal man in the
North that the war was to be carried on for
the Constitution as it is and the Union as it
was-. Under the inspiration of this high, pa
triotic, and holy purpose, our gallant coun
trymen have marched to the battle-field)
keeping step to the music of the Union, en
during privations and sufferings that would
have less patriotic and de
voted soldiers. The enemy, although mass
ed in formidable bodies, and supported by
an energy, skill, and munitions of war that
evinced an increased concentration of senti
ment ia behalf of the rebellion, yet, before
the mighty shock of our arms, inflicted by
the soldiers of the Union, they for a time
were vanquished ; their ffrts, towns, and
other strongholds were rapidly taken, and
amid the shouts of the exultant and trium
phant soldiery who had eulisted for the mere
purpose of re-establishing devotion to, and
the protection of, our proud national ensign,
tlie star-spangled banner there again spread
out iis folds. At the begiouiug ot these suc
cesses much attachment for the Union was
developed among the people where such suc
cesses occurred. It was hoped and believed
that, with a few more similarly important
blows inflicted upon the rebellion, its force
would have been spent, and that the people
of the rebellious States, being assured that
the pledges of the President and Congress
would be faithfully observed, would have re
taxed their efforts in behalf of their usurping
government, and that the Union men of the
South, and the returning sense of the ines
timable value of the Union to all divisions of
population there, would complete the resto
ration of respect and obedience to the Con
stitution and laws of the Federal Govern
ment. These hopes have not been realized,
and the explanation of this disappointment,
in a great degree at least, is found in the ev
idence afforded of the terrible fact that the
Abolitionists in the North are determined
that the white population or u.c e.uh ehnll
be exterminated or held in subjugation, and
that our government, shall be overthrown,
and the Union of these States finally and
forever broken up. Yes! exterminate the
whites of the "South, or govern them as a
subjugated people, and overthrow the Gov
ernment and destroy the Union, is their pur
pose. And we ask your candid considera
tion for a moment, until we present to you a
few points, from which you will see that the
inference is irresistible that this is the de
sign of this most disloyal band.
The Constitution and the Union were ear
ly regarded by the Abolitionists as the bar
riers that stood in the way of negro emanci
pation. Hence, such Constitution was de
nounced by them as '' a covenant with death
and an agreement with hell." So late as the
13th of June last, a portion of the members
of this banc!, at a meeting in Massachusetts,
passed a formal resolution, viz :
Resolved, That as Abolitionists, devoted
to the great work of overthrowing slavery,
we renew and repeat our old pledge, '' No
Union with Slaveholders," —no support to
any Administration or Government that per
mits slavery on any portion of its soil'—and
we value this war only as wc believe it must
lead to emancipation by order of the Federal
authorities, or to a dissolution of the Union,
which must speedily produce the same re
sult.
It i 2 unnecessary to even specify the prom
inent evidence that, from time to time, have
been afforded that the Abolitionists had firm
ly resolved upon the destruction of this Gov.
eminent. A few of them are found in the
unconstitutional, so called " Personal Liberty
Bills" of several States ; the repeated decla
rations of prominent party leaders, even in
the last Presidential campaign, (see the
speech 'delivered by Frank P. Blair, at
Franklin Hall in the city of Philadelphia, on
the 2.1 of October, 1860, one week before the
election,) in which he, quoting still nigher
authority, declared that the object of the
Republican party was " the ultimate extinc
tion of slavery." In the avowed determina
tion to resist the decision of the Supreme
Court of the United States, in the Dred
! Scott case, and in such declarations as made
I by Senator Wade, "a Union where all men
are equal, or no Union at all." Acting upon
this original purpose, and upon the convic
tion that a return to Congress of Senators
and Representatives from the Southern
States would result in their politiia! over
throw, the Abolitionists in the late Con
gress have pursued a policy that has alarmed
every loyal man in the North and forced the
conviction that our gallant armies in the
field, and the whole nation were to be
thwarted in their patriotic" purposes. The
resolution above quoted, adopted by Con
gress in July,-1861, immediately after the
Bull Run disaster, it was sought to re-affirm
in the present Congress, through a resolu
tion offered by Mr. Ilohnan, of Inuianna, in
the following terms :
Resolved, That the unfortunate civil war
into which the Government of the United
States has been forced by the treasonable at
tempt of Southern Secessionists to destroy
the Union, should not be prosecuted for sm
other .purpose than the restoration of the
authority of the Constitution and welfare of
the whole peop'e of the United States, who
are permanently involved in the preserva
tion of our present form of Government,
without modification or change.
This resolution was defeated by a motion (o
lay it upon the table, made by Mr. Lovejoy,
by the following vote, yeas 60, nays 58. Of
those who voted to thus defeat the resolution
59 were Republicans, while every Democrat
excepting one, and every Border State repre
sentative whose vote is recorded, voted in
the negative.
In co-operation with this most significant
declaration, by the Federal House of repre
sentatives, we had the military emancipation
proclamations of Generals Fremont and Hun
ter. Along with these we had the project of
Mr. Sumner, in the Senate, to blot out the
State governments of the rebel States, reduce
them to a territorial condition, ami to govern
them as sccti. Then followed various eman
cipation schemes, and among them the project
of confiscation of slaves nominally, but really
a bill to emancipate tbena. We cannot prob
ably better prove the operation pf such meas
ures upon the Southern mind, than to quote
the following extract from the reply of twenty
out of twenty eight representatives from the
Border Slave States to President Lincoln, in
reference to his appeal to them to adopt his
project that the Federal Government should
aid them with money to pay the master for
his negro upon his emancipation, viz:
The rebellion derives its strength from the
union of all classes in the insurgent States ;
and while that union lasts, the war will neVer
end until they are utterly exhausted. We
know that at the inception of these troubles
Southern society was divided, and that a
large portion, perhaps a majority, were oppo
sed to Secession. Now the great mass of
Southern people are united. To discover
why they are so we must glance at Southern
society and notice the classes into which it
has been divided, and which still distinguish
it. They are iu arms, but not for the same
object ; they are moved to a common end,
but by different and inconsistent reasons.
The leaders, which conprehends what was
previously known as the State Rights party,
and is much the lesser class, seek io break
down national independence and set up
State, domination. With them it is a ' war
against nationality. The other class is fight
mg, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve
its rights of prbperty and domestic safety
which it has been made to believe are assailed
by this Government. This latter class are
not disunionists per se ; they are so only be
cause they have been made to believe that
this administration is inimical to their rights,
and is making war on their domestic institu
tions. As long as these two classes act \
together, they will never assent to a peace.
The policy, then to be pursued is obvious.
The former class will never be reconciled, but
the latter may be. Remove their apprehen
sions. Satisf) them that no harm is intended
to. them as their institutions; that this Gov
ernment is not making war on their rights of
property, but is simply defending its legiti
mate authority, and they will gladly return
to their allegiance as 6oon as the pressure of
military dominion imposed by the Confederate
authority is removed from them.
Twelve months ago both Houses of Con
gress, adopting the spirit of your message,
then but recently sent in, declared with sin
gular unanimity the objects of the war, and
the country instantly bounded to your side to
assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of
that resolution had been adhered to wearccon
fident that should before now have seen the
end of this deplorable conflict. But what have
we seen? In both Houses of Congress wc
have heard doctrines subversive of the prin
ciples of the Constitution, and seen measure
after measure founded in substance on those
doctrines proposed and carried through, which
can have no other effect than to distract and
divide loyal men, and exasperate and drive
still further from us and their duty the peo
ple of the rebellious States. Military officers,
following these bad examples, have stepped
beyond the just limits of their authority in
the same direction, until in several instances
you have felt the necessity of interfering to
arrest them. And even the passage of the
resolution to which you refer has been osten
tatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a
principle which the people of the Southern
States regard as ruinous to them.—the effect
of these measures was foretold, and may now
j be seen in the indurated state of Southern
I feeling.
To these causes, Mr President, and not to
our omission to vote for the resolution recom
mended by you, we solemnly believe we are
to attribute the terrible earnestness of those
in arms against the Government and the con
tinuance of the war. Nor do we (permit us
to say, Mr President, with all respect for
you) agree that the institution of slavery is
'" the lever of their power," but we are of the
opinion that the " lever of their power" is the
apprehension that the powers of a common
government, created for common and equal
protection to the interest of all, will be
wielded against the institutions of the South
ern States.
Signed by
C. A. WICKLIFFE, Cha'M GARRETT DAVIS,
R. WILSON, J. J. CRITTENDEN,
JNO. S. CARLISLE, J. W. CRISFIELD,
J. S. JACKSON, 11. UUIDKR,
JOHN S. PHELPS, FRANCIS THOMAS,
CHARLES B. CALVERT, C. L. L. LEARY,
FDWIN 11. WEBSTER, 11. MALLORY,
AARON HARDING, T * MKS G. ROLLINS,
J. W. MENZIES, 'I IIGS. L. PRICE,
G. W. DCNLAP, WIT, A. HALI.
In farther pr< s'sc t m ol the emancipation
project of the Abolitionists we have the pro
position to arm and enlist the negroes as sol
diers. Indeed, we are informed, from official
sources, that one General in the army has
already organized a full regiment of negroes.
We forbear to discuss the question, whether
such soldiers (?) are not a burlesque upon the
name and whether clothing and arming ne
groes as such beside the waste of clothes,
arms and other supplies, is not "exposing us
to defeat in battle, from the clearly established
fact, that the negro if utterly disqualified by
nature to stand the musketry and artfllery fire
—not to speak of the bayonet charge of mod
ern warfare. This subject has infinitely great
er proportions when regarded in its effect to
discourage enlistments by our own race; re
sulting from the commendable repugnance of
the white man to be placed upon an equality
of military ?ank vritb the negro.
But not the least objectionable considera
tion is the fact, this inferior race having their
minds and passions inflamed by the tales of
real or imaginary wrongs which Abolitionism
is too careful to impart to them, will with,
1TEIIM8: 813b PER ANNXra^
arms in their hands, perpetrate the atrocities
of''the indiscriminate slaughter of all ages,'
sexes, and conditions"—barbarity in war
fare—of which our ancestors complained
against Great Britian who had employed
against them the merciless Indian 6ava- '
ges."
The history of negro wars and insurrestion- 1
in St. Domingo, and other West India Isl
ands, is replete with the barbarities of rapine
and slaughter of helpless women and infants,
that shock the sensibilities of the lowest de
velopment of humanity in the white man.
And yet, should the negroes in the Southern
States be employed and armed by the feder
al Government against the white population,
then the atrocities of the West India Islands a
wo may naturally expect to be repeated here*,
on a vastly more extended scale against such
a fiendish poiicy would not only the moral *
sensibilities of all the whites of the Northern
States who have not become brutalized by the
devilishness of Abolitionism be most painfully
shocked, but the whole civilized world would
condemn us, and probably, in the cause Of
humanitj', rise to stay atrocitioi so disgrace
ful.
But what sane man can doubt that under
such policy the last spark of Union sentiment
in the South would be extinguished, and the
entire Southern population become united as
one person against the Government It were
the merest folly to suppose otherwise! Ho#
then would such fighting bring back the re
volted States into the Union? Can the 8,000-
000 of white people there be held under oar
republican form of Government, in subju
gation ?Is it believed that the people of the
North can be maddened into the effort for
the extermination of eight millions of people,
with whom we have hitherto lived in a Union
held together by fraternal bonds, and most
are now bound to members of our own popu
lation by the closest ties of consanguinity 1
If we were to exhaust all our physical resohf
ces and all our pecuniary means, could we, if
we would, accomplish such purpose of exter
mination ? Can we hold the Southern States
or people in subjugation without overthrow
ing our Constitution and the Union ; without,
in fact, establishing a government the most
despotic ?
We need not answer for you these inquiries.
We know what must be the response of wvery
mind not demented by Abolitionism.
Have wc not shown, then, the policy of
Abolitionism, if carried out, is to the over
throw of our Constitution and Union ? that
Abolitionists are the enemies of the Republic 1
Believing we have done so, it remains to in
quire : what is the relief for us in this our
hour of gloom for our belcved country ? We
answer; Remove the causes ; remove Aboli
tionism and Secessionism. Put down the
former at the ballot box ; put down the latter"
(backed by arms) by force of arms. In the
execution of the latter, insist that the Gov
ernment shall stand by its plighted faith—to
couduct the war to uphold the Constitution
and the Union, and not as Abolitionism
would have it, to make disunion complete
and to overthrow the Constitution! Ad
Pennsylvanians, you have possibly a greater
stake in the preservation of the Union than
the people' of any other State. Should tbe
co-operative, yet, in some sense, hostile
movements of Abolitionism and Secessic lisur
succeed, and disunion become an establish
fact, Pennsylvania, owing to her ptcuba;
geographical position, would be exposed t<
the desolation and become the battle-field-o1
the conflicting forces that might undertake i.
settle all questions that would remain as it
heritage of disunion.
These, however, we forbear now to conteth
plate j for we are unwliling to believe that
" that God who presides over the destinies of
nations" will permit such a terrible dispen
sation to befal us. We are unwilling tmbe
lieve that the people of the free States will
ever become so maddened as to aid the spirit '
of Abolitionism that seems now to brood over
us like some evil genius, that would control
us to our destruction. It cannot be that we
are to have a doom worse than befel Babylon
after she had " become the habitation ot dev
ils and the hold 01-every foul spirit."
The only excuse offered by Abolitionism
| fur its policy, is the plausible fallacy that
" slavery is the cause of our threatened dis
union." To those who look only to immedi
ate and proximate causes, this position is
captivating ; but to those who remember that
the original Union which waged the war of
the revolution, was made up of thirteen slave
holding States j that the Union at the time of
the adoption ol the present Constitution, con
sisted of twelve slaveholding to one free State,
it is very plain, that instead of slavery pro
ducing disunion that, unless it had been rec
ognized and the faith of the whole people
pledged for its protection, this Union wouM
have never existed.
■ It would be as reasonable to argue thgrt
houses and money should •be txu rminateu,"
because so long as they exist there will be
incendiaries and thieves, as to argue that
slavery should be destroyed, because so Iqpg
as it exists there will be Abolitionist®!®,
Houses and money are not more
decidedly recognized by the ConsTtlwrcff
and laws of the Federal Government, as sub
ject to the laws and protection of the States 1
where they exist, than is the right of tt)6
master to the services of hjjt negro® slave it*
States where negro slaveis J
VOL. 2. NO