ibe Morilt branch democrat iEXARVEY SICKIJER, Proprietor.] NEW SERIES, ' llurth Branch fßmncral A weekly Democratic --y ~ devoted to Pol gggjay ; 'tics, News, the Ar*z B '(Rf ■\9 kiid Sciences Ac. Pub- %-j|s^sa' fished every Wednes- " • sy-. at Tunkhannock, fpW Wyoming County, Pa. y ] tfSm M BY HARVEY SICKLER. I TERMS: —I copy 1 year, (strictly in advance) 51,50 ADVERTISIN G-. 10 lines ort • J | less, make three Ifour ? two \thrce < six one one square weeks'weeks luo'tli mo'th'mo'tli year ! Square 1,00 1,25 2,25 c 2,87 3 00' 5.00 2 do. 2,00? 2.50: 3.25: 3.50 4.50j 6.00 3 do. 3,00 3,75: 4,75; 5,5U> 7,00] 9.00 i Column. 4,UU; 4,50' 6,50, 8,00 lU,0O; 15.00 A do. 6,001 7,00 10,0'J: I LOO; 17,00;e.-,,00 a do. 80m 9,50- 14.016 19,00 25,00? 35,00 1 do. 10,00! 12,00; 17.00: 22,00 29,60 40, 0 Business Cards of one square, with naper, 85. JOB WOBK of all kinds neatly executed, and at juices to suit the times. ftasiitfjMf r {[otirf.s. BACON STAND.— Nicholson, Pa. CL. JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf ] HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN & SURGEON • Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. OEO.S.TUTTOS, ATTORNEY AT LAV,', vJT Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Liick Pluck, Tioga street. "IT7M. M. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of- V\ fio in Stark's Prick Block, Tioga St., Tunk hannock, Pa. T ITTI.E Si DEW ITT, ATTORNEY'S AT jLi LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock, Pa. R. R. LITTLE. J UK WITT. JY. SMITH, M. I>. PHYSICIAN & Si if IKON, . OlTiee on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo crat Office, Tunkhannock, Pa. HARVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY \T LAW and GENERAL INSI'R.ANCK ACK.NT Of fice. Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan nock Pa. DR. j. c.roßSFXirs. iiAvrxG LOCAT ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend all calls iu the line of his profession—may 6e found ol Reemcr's Hotel, when not profession a'ly absent. Falls, Oct. 10, 1861. JL) D. J. C lIECKIiR A* Co., PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS, AVotild respeetfullv announce tij the citizens of Wy oming thai 'key have located at Muhoopany, where they will promptly attend to ail csiils in the live of their profession. May be found at his Drug Store when not professionally absent. ST. W. JIIIOA33S, ZV3T. D., (Graduate of the University oj Penn'a.) Respectfully offers his professional services t6 the citizens of Tunkhannock and vicinity. He can be found, when not professionally engaged, either at his Drug Store, or at his rcsideuee on Putnam 'Treet. WALL'S HOTEL LATE AMERICAN HOUSE/ TUNKHANNOCK, W YOJIING CO., I"A. THIS establishment has recently been refitted and furnished in the latest style Every attention will be given to the comfort and convenience of those who patronize the House. T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861. WORTH BRANCH HOTEL, MESIIOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA RILEY WARNER, Prop*r. HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will sjaire no effort to render the house an agreeable place ot sojoflrn for all who may favor it with their custom. RILEY WARNER. September 11, 1861. MAYNARD'S HOTEL, TT NKIIAWOCK, WY 0 M ISO COU NT Y, PKNNA. J 0 11 N MAY X A Hit, Proprietor. HA\ ING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of Tunkhannock. recently occupied by Riley Warner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share ot public patronage. 'lhc House has been thoroughly repaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a first class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor it with their custom. September 11, 1661. M. OILMAN, DENTIST. "W - ----=r~" = **"' AIT OILMAN, has permanently located ia Tunk * bannock Borough, and respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of this place and Surrounding cnuntry. ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS FACTION. w-gTOffice over iuttou's Law Office, near th e Pos Office. Dec. 11, 1861. "Blanks 11 Blanks 111 BLANK DEEDS SUMMONSES SUBPTENAES EXECUTIONS CONSTABLE'S SALES Justice's, Constable's, and legal Blanks of all rinds, Neatly arid Correctly printed on eood Paper tjnd for sale at the Office of the " North Branch Democrat." ■ HOWARD ASSOCIATION IIIILL ADELPHIA. For the Relief of the Sick &■ Distressed, afflicted with Virulent and Chronic Diseases, and especially for the Cure of Diseases if Che Sexual Organs Mclv ai advice given gratis, by the Acting Surgeon Valuable Keprrts on Spermatorrhoea or Seminal Weakness, and other Dbeasei of tne Sexual Organs and on the New Remedies employed in the iMspelsa ry, sent to the afflicted in Pealed letter envelopes, frco of charge. Two or three stamps for postngo will be nlvv I A o Addre3B ' Dr J SKILLTN HOUOII. ION, Acting Surgeon, Howard Association, No. 2 S Ninth Street, Philadelphia, Pa. [vlnsoly ADDRESS OF THE DEMOCRATIC STATE CENTRAL. COM MITTEE. To THE DEMOCRATS, AND AI.I. OTHER FRIENDS OF THE CONSTITUTION AND UNION IN PENN SYLVANIA. The Democratic State Central Committee address you upon subjects of the gravest mo ment. The life of our beloved country is in danger. The nation writhes under the throes of wide-spread civil war. All our patriot ism ; all our wealth ; all our physical pow ers ; all of whatever virtue exists in the Re public is invoked, and should be promptly afforded to save the National Constitution and the Union of the States from utter over throw. It? Hicro n Pofinojlrotrian wlio raluoc tlio title of American citizen—who reveres the memory of the men of the Revolution—who values civil and religious liberty—who ab hors anarch}- or despotism—or who claims to p< ssess a manly, patriotic heart, that is not prepared to pledge life, fortune, ahd sacred honor for his country, in this her hour of greatest need and peril ? None can with hold such assurances of a just estimate of the importance of preserving the existence of our republican institutions. We approach you with the full conviction that the hearts ol the great body of the people of Pennsyl vania are with their country in this great crisis of he. destiny ; that all that is needed is to be satisfied of a feasible mode of relief and extrication, and of the most effective or ganization to combine all the forces that can be applied to speedily and effectually yield the happy fruits of returned peace and pros perity. To clearly ind'eate the mode of relief, it would appear to be proper to first determine the cause or causes of our present difficulties. Understanding the causes, it would seem to be in the order of nature that restoration shou d follow upon their removal. It. is not c mpatib'e with the practical efficiency of an address, such as this, to engage iu any elab orate exposition or historical account of the gradual progress of antecedent causes, that have at last culminated in the dreadful re sults we now behold. We shall, therefore, necessarily be brief, and best discharge our purpose by a statement of facts, which you will all recognize as correct, and by the as section of propositions aud conclusions which we maintain, cannot be successfully contro verted. The troubles that are now upon us are those that the fathers of this country foresaw might arte upon the decay of patri otism, and against which they undertook to guard by the Constitution of the United and the establishment thereby of what was deemed by them—and has, until ricently, proved to be the harmonious ac tion of the States and tl.e Federal Govern ment—in their defined and just relations to each other. Washihgton, in his Farewell Address, pointed out these dangers; and, above all, indicated as the evidence of a wan ing attachment fur the Union, and as the precursor of it> fall, the creation of sectional parlies. It was in view of probable efforts in this direction that he appealed to his countrymen " to indignantly frown upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the .est, or 10 infoeble the sacred ties which link togeth er the various parts." Jlad the countiyuien of Washington sufficiently appreciated his patriotic warning, the wide-spread civil war that now afflicts us would never have exist ed j but, on the contrary, we should, at this time, under the support which a most boun tiful Providence is extending to us, bo in the enjoyment of a degree of prosperity and hap piness (we venture to assert) unequalled in the history of nations. Most unfortunately, sectional parties have grown up, begetting sectional bitterness ; and already the title of American citizens begins to Dale before the invasive progress of such titles as Northern er and Southerner. Years ago men in the North, then a very insignificant combination, began to assail our Constitution and our Union. This faction, basing its opposition upon a misguided senti mentality in regard to the servitude of the negro race 11 the Southern States, and allow ing that sentimentality to swallow up all true le lings of patriotism, and all duty as citizens, boldly proclaimed their hostility to the Constitution and the Union, which they rightly claimed recognized and was pledged not to invade the control of the States respec tively over the institution of domestic slave ry. Dislojal declarations 6uch as " better no Union at all than a Union witu slavehold ers," became the axiomatic dicta of this fac tion, then and now (in its formidable propor tions) best known as Abolitionists. With out dwelling upon the progress and growth of this faction, it is too lamentably true and well known that proclaiming through its leaders their chief object to be " the ulti mate extinction of slavery," it attained to such consequence that the people of tho slaveholding States became alarmed and be gan to form counter combinations to resist the threatened overthrow of what they claim ed to be rights that were intended to be sa eredly guarded by the Constitution of the United States At the same time there had existed an insignificant, arcd of themselves powerless, band of disunionists iu one or two 1 "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT."—-Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUG. 20, 1862. of the slaveholding States, who seized upon the opportunity thus affordd by the aggres sive action of the Abolitionists to stimulate these counter movements. These efforts were too successful ; and materials, too, for such efforts were being continually supplied by the successes of the Abolitionists. Abuse and obloquy against the slaveholder stream ed out from some pul,.its in the North, wheie the virus of Abolitionism hid been in fused. Retaliatory epithets were indulged in by pulpits in the South against the Aboli tionists. Church organizations in the Union were split up into organizations North and South. Nominations for the Presidency were made upon issues, in fainter or bolder terms, involving the question of the exist ence or limitation of the area of domestic slavery. The decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States were resisted, its integrity assailed, and its remodelling avow ed. These were followed by outbreaks, as illustrated by the raid of John Brown into Virginia. Meantime the retaliatory and dis union movements in the South crystalized and proclaimed thy monstrous heresy that the Union was but an allience of sovereign States, and that any one of its members might, in the exercise of an unlimited sover eignty, which was claimed for it, withdraw from such union. This heresy was designat ed, and as we all know, is familiarly called Secessionism, and, under its banner, u great and formidable party in the slave States was rallied. Thus were confronted two great sectional parties—the Abolitionists North, and the Se cessionists South—the very antipodes of each other in their sentiments ; they met on common platform of Disunion. Each alike tended o overthrow the Constitution and the Union. Each alike are the enemies of the Republic. The Secessionists, claim ing to act from the apprehension that the threat for " the ultimate extinction of slave ry" would be put m execution, succeeded by bare majorities in some cases, and by the more efficient organization of probable mi norities in others, in procuring the adoption of ordinances of Secession, or for the with drawal of such State 3 from the American Union as are now banded under the desigua tion of the- Confederate Slates. Obtaining) thus, the formal organization of a govern ment, they set at defiance the Constitution and laws of the United States, and under took to resist their execution within the pre tended jurisdiction of this revolutionary gov ernment. The Government of the United States, in strict accordance with its powers, undertook to enforce these laws aud to de mand obedience to them ; armed resistance was at once inaugurated on the part of the Secessionists, and thus began a rebellion and civil war that has become one of gigantic proportions, and for many of its characteris tics one ot the most formidable that ever ex isted among a civilized people. At its out set, the appeal was made to the loyal men of the North to fly to arms, in order to uphold the Constitution aud laws, and to maintain the Union. With the rapidity of magic this appeal was responded to With unbounded en thusiasm, and an armed force of over 700.000 men stood ready to obey the summons to meet the foes of the Union. President Lin coln, in his inaugural a Llress, has said : " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the Slates where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no in clination to do so." The Congress of the United States, imme diately after the battle of Bull Run, in Julys 1861, Resolved, That the present deplorable civ il war has been forced upon the country by the disunionists of the Southern States, now in arms against the Constitutional Govern ment, and in anns around the Capital ; that in this national emergency, Congress, banish ing all feelings of mere passion or resent ment, will recollect only its duty to the whole country ; that this war is not waged on their part in any spirit of oppression, or fur any purpose of conquest or subjugation, or purpose of overthrowing or interfering ' with the rights or established institutions of those States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Constitution, and to pre serve the Union, with all the dignity, equali ty, and rights of the several States unim paired ; and that as 60011 as these objects are accomplished, the war ought to cease." Thus the faith of the President and Con gress was pledged to every loyal man in the North that the war was to be carried on for the Constitution as it is and the Union as it was-. Under the inspiration of this high, pa triotic, and holy purpose, our gallant coun trymen have marched to the battle-field) keeping step to the music of the Union, en during privations and sufferings that would have less patriotic and de voted soldiers. The enemy, although mass ed in formidable bodies, and supported by an energy, skill, and munitions of war that evinced an increased concentration of senti ment ia behalf of the rebellion, yet, before the mighty shock of our arms, inflicted by the soldiers of the Union, they for a time were vanquished ; their ffrts, towns, and other strongholds were rapidly taken, and amid the shouts of the exultant and trium phant soldiery who had eulisted for the mere purpose of re-establishing devotion to, and the protection of, our proud national ensign, tlie star-spangled banner there again spread out iis folds. At the begiouiug ot these suc cesses much attachment for the Union was developed among the people where such suc cesses occurred. It was hoped and believed that, with a few more similarly important blows inflicted upon the rebellion, its force would have been spent, and that the people of the rebellious States, being assured that the pledges of the President and Congress would be faithfully observed, would have re taxed their efforts in behalf of their usurping government, and that the Union men of the South, and the returning sense of the ines timable value of the Union to all divisions of population there, would complete the resto ration of respect and obedience to the Con stitution and laws of the Federal Govern ment. These hopes have not been realized, and the explanation of this disappointment, in a great degree at least, is found in the ev idence afforded of the terrible fact that the Abolitionists in the North are determined that the white population or u.c e.uh ehnll be exterminated or held in subjugation, and that our government, shall be overthrown, and the Union of these States finally and forever broken up. Yes! exterminate the whites of the "South, or govern them as a subjugated people, and overthrow the Gov ernment and destroy the Union, is their pur pose. And we ask your candid considera tion for a moment, until we present to you a few points, from which you will see that the inference is irresistible that this is the de sign of this most disloyal band. The Constitution and the Union were ear ly regarded by the Abolitionists as the bar riers that stood in the way of negro emanci pation. Hence, such Constitution was de nounced by them as '' a covenant with death and an agreement with hell." So late as the 13th of June last, a portion of the members of this banc!, at a meeting in Massachusetts, passed a formal resolution, viz : Resolved, That as Abolitionists, devoted to the great work of overthrowing slavery, we renew and repeat our old pledge, '' No Union with Slaveholders," —no support to any Administration or Government that per mits slavery on any portion of its soil'—and we value this war only as wc believe it must lead to emancipation by order of the Federal authorities, or to a dissolution of the Union, which must speedily produce the same re sult. It i 2 unnecessary to even specify the prom inent evidence that, from time to time, have been afforded that the Abolitionists had firm ly resolved upon the destruction of this Gov. eminent. A few of them are found in the unconstitutional, so called " Personal Liberty Bills" of several States ; the repeated decla rations of prominent party leaders, even in the last Presidential campaign, (see the speech 'delivered by Frank P. Blair, at Franklin Hall in the city of Philadelphia, on the 2.1 of October, 1860, one week before the election,) in which he, quoting still nigher authority, declared that the object of the Republican party was " the ultimate extinc tion of slavery." In the avowed determina tion to resist the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, in the Dred ! Scott case, and in such declarations as made I by Senator Wade, "a Union where all men are equal, or no Union at all." Acting upon this original purpose, and upon the convic tion that a return to Congress of Senators and Representatives from the Southern States would result in their politiia! over throw, the Abolitionists in the late Con gress have pursued a policy that has alarmed every loyal man in the North and forced the conviction that our gallant armies in the field, and the whole nation were to be thwarted in their patriotic" purposes. The resolution above quoted, adopted by Con gress in July,-1861, immediately after the Bull Run disaster, it was sought to re-affirm in the present Congress, through a resolu tion offered by Mr. Ilohnan, of Inuianna, in the following terms : Resolved, That the unfortunate civil war into which the Government of the United States has been forced by the treasonable at tempt of Southern Secessionists to destroy the Union, should not be prosecuted for sm other .purpose than the restoration of the authority of the Constitution and welfare of the whole peop'e of the United States, who are permanently involved in the preserva tion of our present form of Government, without modification or change. This resolution was defeated by a motion (o lay it upon the table, made by Mr. Lovejoy, by the following vote, yeas 60, nays 58. Of those who voted to thus defeat the resolution 59 were Republicans, while every Democrat excepting one, and every Border State repre sentative whose vote is recorded, voted in the negative. In co-operation with this most significant declaration, by the Federal House of repre sentatives, we had the military emancipation proclamations of Generals Fremont and Hun ter. Along with these we had the project of Mr. Sumner, in the Senate, to blot out the State governments of the rebel States, reduce them to a territorial condition, ami to govern them as sccti. Then followed various eman cipation schemes, and among them the project of confiscation of slaves nominally, but really a bill to emancipate tbena. We cannot prob ably better prove the operation pf such meas ures upon the Southern mind, than to quote the following extract from the reply of twenty out of twenty eight representatives from the Border Slave States to President Lincoln, in reference to his appeal to them to adopt his project that the Federal Government should aid them with money to pay the master for his negro upon his emancipation, viz: The rebellion derives its strength from the union of all classes in the insurgent States ; and while that union lasts, the war will neVer end until they are utterly exhausted. We know that at the inception of these troubles Southern society was divided, and that a large portion, perhaps a majority, were oppo sed to Secession. Now the great mass of Southern people are united. To discover why they are so we must glance at Southern society and notice the classes into which it has been divided, and which still distinguish it. They are iu arms, but not for the same object ; they are moved to a common end, but by different and inconsistent reasons. The leaders, which conprehends what was previously known as the State Rights party, and is much the lesser class, seek io break down national independence and set up State, domination. With them it is a ' war against nationality. The other class is fight mg, as it supposes, to maintain and preserve its rights of prbperty and domestic safety which it has been made to believe are assailed by this Government. This latter class are not disunionists per se ; they are so only be cause they have been made to believe that this administration is inimical to their rights, and is making war on their domestic institu tions. As long as these two classes act \ together, they will never assent to a peace. The policy, then to be pursued is obvious. The former class will never be reconciled, but the latter may be. Remove their apprehen sions. Satisf) them that no harm is intended to. them as their institutions; that this Gov ernment is not making war on their rights of property, but is simply defending its legiti mate authority, and they will gladly return to their allegiance as 6oon as the pressure of military dominion imposed by the Confederate authority is removed from them. Twelve months ago both Houses of Con gress, adopting the spirit of your message, then but recently sent in, declared with sin gular unanimity the objects of the war, and the country instantly bounded to your side to assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of that resolution had been adhered to wearccon fident that should before now have seen the end of this deplorable conflict. But what have we seen? In both Houses of Congress wc have heard doctrines subversive of the prin ciples of the Constitution, and seen measure after measure founded in substance on those doctrines proposed and carried through, which can have no other effect than to distract and divide loyal men, and exasperate and drive still further from us and their duty the peo ple of the rebellious States. Military officers, following these bad examples, have stepped beyond the just limits of their authority in the same direction, until in several instances you have felt the necessity of interfering to arrest them. And even the passage of the resolution to which you refer has been osten tatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a principle which the people of the Southern States regard as ruinous to them.—the effect of these measures was foretold, and may now j be seen in the indurated state of Southern I feeling. To these causes, Mr President, and not to our omission to vote for the resolution recom mended by you, we solemnly believe we are to attribute the terrible earnestness of those in arms against the Government and the con tinuance of the war. Nor do we (permit us to say, Mr President, with all respect for you) agree that the institution of slavery is '" the lever of their power," but we are of the opinion that the " lever of their power" is the apprehension that the powers of a common government, created for common and equal protection to the interest of all, will be wielded against the institutions of the South ern States. Signed by C. A. WICKLIFFE, Cha'M GARRETT DAVIS, R. WILSON, J. J. CRITTENDEN, JNO. S. CARLISLE, J. W. CRISFIELD, J. S. JACKSON, 11. UUIDKR, JOHN S. PHELPS, FRANCIS THOMAS, CHARLES B. CALVERT, C. L. L. LEARY, FDWIN 11. WEBSTER, 11. MALLORY, AARON HARDING, T * MKS G. ROLLINS, J. W. MENZIES, 'I IIGS. L. PRICE, G. W. DCNLAP, WIT, A. HALI. In farther pr< s'sc t m ol the emancipation project of the Abolitionists we have the pro position to arm and enlist the negroes as sol diers. Indeed, we are informed, from official sources, that one General in the army has already organized a full regiment of negroes. We forbear to discuss the question, whether such soldiers (?) are not a burlesque upon the name and whether clothing and arming ne groes as such beside the waste of clothes, arms and other supplies, is not "exposing us to defeat in battle, from the clearly established fact, that the negro if utterly disqualified by nature to stand the musketry and artfllery fire —not to speak of the bayonet charge of mod ern warfare. This subject has infinitely great er proportions when regarded in its effect to discourage enlistments by our own race; re sulting from the commendable repugnance of the white man to be placed upon an equality of military ?ank vritb the negro. But not the least objectionable considera tion is the fact, this inferior race having their minds and passions inflamed by the tales of real or imaginary wrongs which Abolitionism is too careful to impart to them, will with, 1TEIIM8: 813b PER ANNXra^ arms in their hands, perpetrate the atrocities of''the indiscriminate slaughter of all ages,' sexes, and conditions"—barbarity in war fare—of which our ancestors complained against Great Britian who had employed against them the merciless Indian 6ava- ' ges." The history of negro wars and insurrestion- 1 in St. Domingo, and other West India Isl ands, is replete with the barbarities of rapine and slaughter of helpless women and infants, that shock the sensibilities of the lowest de velopment of humanity in the white man. And yet, should the negroes in the Southern States be employed and armed by the feder al Government against the white population, then the atrocities of the West India Islands a wo may naturally expect to be repeated here*, on a vastly more extended scale against such a fiendish poiicy would not only the moral * sensibilities of all the whites of the Northern States who have not become brutalized by the devilishness of Abolitionism be most painfully shocked, but the whole civilized world would condemn us, and probably, in the cause Of humanitj', rise to stay atrocitioi so disgrace ful. But what sane man can doubt that under such policy the last spark of Union sentiment in the South would be extinguished, and the entire Southern population become united as one person against the Government It were the merest folly to suppose otherwise! Ho# then would such fighting bring back the re volted States into the Union? Can the 8,000- 000 of white people there be held under oar republican form of Government, in subju gation ?Is it believed that the people of the North can be maddened into the effort for the extermination of eight millions of people, with whom we have hitherto lived in a Union held together by fraternal bonds, and most are now bound to members of our own popu lation by the closest ties of consanguinity 1 If we were to exhaust all our physical resohf ces and all our pecuniary means, could we, if we would, accomplish such purpose of exter mination ? Can we hold the Southern States or people in subjugation without overthrow ing our Constitution and the Union ; without, in fact, establishing a government the most despotic ? We need not answer for you these inquiries. We know what must be the response of wvery mind not demented by Abolitionism. Have wc not shown, then, the policy of Abolitionism, if carried out, is to the over throw of our Constitution and Union ? that Abolitionists are the enemies of the Republic 1 Believing we have done so, it remains to in quire : what is the relief for us in this our hour of gloom for our belcved country ? We answer; Remove the causes ; remove Aboli tionism and Secessionism. Put down the former at the ballot box ; put down the latter" (backed by arms) by force of arms. In the execution of the latter, insist that the Gov ernment shall stand by its plighted faith—to couduct the war to uphold the Constitution and the Union, and not as Abolitionism would have it, to make disunion complete and to overthrow the Constitution! Ad Pennsylvanians, you have possibly a greater stake in the preservation of the Union than the people' of any other State. Should tbe co-operative, yet, in some sense, hostile movements of Abolitionism and Secessic lisur succeed, and disunion become an establish fact, Pennsylvania, owing to her ptcuba; geographical position, would be exposed t< the desolation and become the battle-field-o1 the conflicting forces that might undertake i. settle all questions that would remain as it heritage of disunion. These, however, we forbear now to conteth plate j for we are unwliling to believe that " that God who presides over the destinies of nations" will permit such a terrible dispen sation to befal us. We are unwilling tmbe lieve that the people of the free States will ever become so maddened as to aid the spirit ' of Abolitionism that seems now to brood over us like some evil genius, that would control us to our destruction. It cannot be that we are to have a doom worse than befel Babylon after she had " become the habitation ot dev ils and the hold 01-every foul spirit." The only excuse offered by Abolitionism | fur its policy, is the plausible fallacy that " slavery is the cause of our threatened dis union." To those who look only to immedi ate and proximate causes, this position is captivating ; but to those who remember that the original Union which waged the war of the revolution, was made up of thirteen slave holding States j that the Union at the time of the adoption ol the present Constitution, con sisted of twelve slaveholding to one free State, it is very plain, that instead of slavery pro ducing disunion that, unless it had been rec ognized and the faith of the whole people pledged for its protection, this Union wouM have never existed. ■ It would be as reasonable to argue thgrt houses and money should •be txu rminateu," because so long as they exist there will be incendiaries and thieves, as to argue that slavery should be destroyed, because so Iqpg as it exists there will be Abolitionist®!®, Houses and money are not more decidedly recognized by the ConsTtlwrcff and laws of the Federal Government, as sub ject to the laws and protection of the States 1 where they exist, than is the right of tt)6 master to the services of hjjt negro® slave it* States where negro slaveis J VOL. 2. NO
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