cx mioioommvj
FIRMNESS IN THE BIGHT AS GOD GIVES U3 TO SEE THE RIGHT. Lincoln.
wffr-QmiA to frittta, itrotare, tiijtt, ome and fgisccUaneous p& ek, &r.
VOL. X
WAYNESBtJRG, PA., WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 16, 1867.
lie p(pSlw.
EVKKY WKDXBSDAi MUKNINU,
" by '
JAS. E. SAVERS.
OFKICB IS AV KI18' lll'II.IUNd, KA8I Olf TUB
COURT IIODSB,
TBBM8 OF BWSCBIPTIOX.
Two dollars a year, payable Invariably ill
advance. One dollar for six months, psyablu,
Invariably In advance.
TERMS OF ADVERTISING.
Advbbtibkmbnti inserted at $1 BO per squaw
fortlirec Insertions, andBOct. a square tor eacb
additional Insertion! (ten lines or loss counted
n square.)
Local advertising and Special Noticbs, 10
cents per line lor oxelnsertlon, with
lilieml deduction made to yearly ad vertisers.
Advertisements not marked with the num
ber of insertions desired, charged for until
ordered out
O-Obitinry notices and tributes of respocl
Inserted as advertisements. They must
be paid forln advance,
FIRST NiTIJN.IL BiMT
.. ('. FlenmuBH, Cashier.
DAY rUESDAYS.
I). BoKMn, Proa't
DISCOUNT
May HI, 'OO.-ly.
W.E. gapenT
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
WAYHESBURS, PA.
(grOmcu In N, Claik'a building,
febnrt!iiir
R A. H'COS-'Kl.t.. ' ' HOFFMAN.
M'RONMELL & HUFFWiAN
Attorneys and Counsellors at Law
tyagnuburq, Ptnn'a,
WfOtrv. the " Wright Honse," East
floore. CoUt, .')! ". &c, will receive prompt
attention.
ffaynesbnrg Au nst 28, ih;-. if.
lewis
N BALER IN I! oks Stationery, Wall Paper,"
Window Paper, &o. Sunday School
Books of all kinds Constantly offhand, Wny
oeiburg, Pa., opposite PostOfllco.
May '.), 'CO.-ly
'tvT U iS U V F M A ,
MERCHANT TAILOR,
room in bt-AOiiLnv's huii.uinu, wAYNusmma.
f STORK made to order, in finest and best
y style, (jutting and Pitting done prompt
ly, and according lo latest ibshlnn plates,
Block on band ami for sale. May 2, tf
TIIK GAME OF LIFE.
ted tor my signature, It, therefore, be.
, comes the tlutv ot the Executive, stand-
This lift Is but a game of cards, . , .,
,,,,, .,, ins between the legislation oi the one
Which mortals have to leaiu ; m
Each shuffles, cms and deals the pack, j und tho will ol the other, fairly expressed,
And eacb a trump doth turn ; to determine whether he should approve
Borne bring a high card to the top, the bill, and thus aid in placing upon
And others bring a low i the statute books of the nation a law
Some bold a hand quite nusuoi trumps,
While others none can show.
Seme shuffle with a practiced hand,
And pack their cards with care,
Be they may know, when they are dealt
Where'all the leaders are ,-
against which the people to whom it is
to apply havo solemnly, and with suoh
unanimity protested, or whether lie
should return it with his objections, in
the hopu that, upon reconsideration,
ritustools are mado the dupes of rogues, Coogre , acting us tho representatives
WATCHES
AND JEWELRY.
MAIN STMIVr, Ol'l'OSITR WHIOItT HOUSE.
KEEPS ON HANDS ALWAYS A choice
and select assortment of watches and
Jewelry. Repairing done at the lowest rates,
apt, iy
TAYLOR & HAAS.
Jewellers, No. 3, mmnucll's How.
Waynosburg, Pa
Having recently received an extensive stock
embracing watches, rings, eye glasses,
CX-aO O DHL S ,
&c. They are prepared to sell at low rates for
cash.
He-pairing done atsliort notice, anil in goon
sivie. """ ""
While rogues each other cheat j
And he is very wise, indeed,
Who never metis defeat.
When playing, some throw out the ace,
The bountlng cards to save ;
Bome play the deuce, and sonic the ten,
But many play the knave :
Some play for money, some forfait.
Ami some for worldly fame;
But not until tho game's played out
Oan they count dp their game.
When hearts ate tramps we play for love,
And pleasure rub s the hour--No
thoughts of sorrow check our joy,
In beauty's rosy bowor ;
We sing, we dance, sweet verses make,
Our cards at random play,
And while our trumps remain on top,
Our game's a holiday.
When diamonds chance to crown the
pack,
The players slake their gold,
Ami heavy sums are lost and wou
By gamblers young nnd old :
Intent on winning each bis game,
Doth watch with eager cc,
How he may see his neighbor's cards,
And beat him ou the sly.
When clubs are trumps look out for war,
On ocean and on land ;
For bloody horrors always come
When clubs are held in band ;
Then lives are staked Instead of gold,
The dogs of war are freed
Across the broad Atlantic now,
See I dubs have got thejead.'
La't game ofllll is when the'spade
Is turned hy hand of Time;
He always deals the closing game
In OVeryugO ami clime.
No matter how inUch each man wins.
Or bow much each man saves.
The spade will finish up Ihe game,
And dig the players' graves.
HAMILTON HOUSE,
D. G. BPERRY, Pbowubtor,
WAYNESBTJRG, GREENE CO., PA.
THE subscriber respectfully announces to
tho public that he ieis taken charge of the
Hamilton House, which he is determined to
conduct as a lb si. clnss bolel. Long experi
ence In hotel-keeping ins qualified him for
the business, and he feels perfectly confident
that he can satisfactorily entertain all who
may luvor him with a call. The house is
1....... M.1 i. 'rll i'iii'im li.'il ll 1,'iu mwlitt-immt u
thorough renovation and been re fitted in such i
Style as renders it quite pleasant. The rooms j
1. ...... 1 ii 1-. . . i 1 1 ii imi I mill nevelv iviinleil llie
I1M.I ...... i. unHtvH . . ,
table Is abundantly supplied with the best edi
bles the country ononis, ami pains are taken
to render guests comfortable. Hales as low
as those of other hotels. I). 0. Sriamv,
LIVCi'l,AIILK.
hen Is connected with the Hamilton House
a Livery Stable, with good horses, carriages
and buggies for the aeoomoda'lnn of the pub
lic, Horses boarded, and Well attended lo, at
moderate rates, D. 0, Hcititv.
ang B, 'UO.-ly
P EO F LE' 8 LI N E
STEAMER "CHIEF
TAIN, " It. It. AlUtAMS,
Commander, ('apt it.
C. Mason, Clerk; leaves
UrowtiBvlllc dailv at 7 A. M., for Pillsbuivh,
mud leave thut clival 5 v. si., daily,
8TKAMKR "ELECTOR," RonakT Pmi.
v.ips, Commander ; H. (1. Tavi.ok, Cleric ;
leaves Greensboro, for Piltsimrgb Mondays,
Wednesday and Friday, and return on Tues
day, ThurHdny nnd Saturday, leaving Pitts
burgh at 2 r. m, May tO,'BB.-Orn.
BTRNUUKArilY-WlTIIOIlT A TKAOIIKK,
A SYSTEM OF WHITING WHICH WH,L
nrovo of vast Importance to persons
Wishing lo take notes, transfer sermons or
npeccbes Into manuscript. It may ho ac
quired In a shot i. lime. Price, postpaid, CO
ccnls. AddrcBS A. It. WOOD.
Box 101, Wayncstnirg, Pa.
novt8-2mo.
fiBORIIE S JEWRY.
Dealer lo Books and Stationery, Mugaalnel,
DUy Papers Fancy Articles, &:., Wsy
csburg, Pa. api,'00-ly,
the nnmm veto.
Tu the Senate of the United States i
I have received and considered a bill
entitled 'An Act lo regulate the elective
franchise in the District of Columbia,'
passed by the Senate on the lillli of
December, and by tho House ot l!epre.
sentatives on the succeeding day. It
was presented lor my approval ou the
20th ultimo six (!'yn alter tho adjourn
ment of Congress and iH now returned
with my objections to the Senate, in
which Iltiuso it originated.
Measures having been introduced, at
tlio commencement of tho Brat session
of the present Congress, for the exten
sion oi tlie elective frnnuhise to persons
of dolor in the District of Colombia,
ste s were taken by the corporate au
thorities of Washington and Georgetown
to ascertain ami make known tho opin
ion of tho people of the two cities upon
a subject, so immediately affecting their
welfare as a community. The question
was submitted to the people at special
elections, held in the mouth of Decem
ber, 1805, when the qualified voters of
Washington and Georgetown, with
great unanimity of sentiment, expressed
thomselvea opposed to the contemplated
legislation. In Washington, in a vote
ot G,5jli tlio largest with but two ex
ceptions, ever polled in that city only
thiriy-flve ballots were cast for negro
suffrage) while in Georgetown, in an
aggregate 01 N1!I voles a number con
siderably in excess of the average vote
at the four preeeeing annual elections
but ono was given in favor of the pro
posed extension of llio elective franchise.
As ihcse elections seem to have been
conducted with entire fairness, llio re
suit must bo accepted uh a truthful ex
pression ot the opinion ot the people of
the District upon tlio question which
evoked it, Poiielliog ns, an organized
community, tlio same popular right as
tho inhabitant! of a State of Territory,
to make known their will upon matters
which effect flieir social and political
condition, they could have solectod no
mom appropriate modo of memorializing
Congress upon the subject of this bill
than through tliu giifYrugcs of their quai
nt tin; inhabitants ol the scat of govern
ment, will permit them to regulate a
purely local question, as to them may
seem best suited to their interests and
condition.
It should bo remembered that in log
islating for the District oi Columbia,
under tho Federal Constitution, the re
lation of Congress to its inhabitants is
analogous to that of a legislature to the
people ot a Stale, under their own local
Constitution. It docs not. therefore,
stem to bo asking too much that, in
matters pertaining to the District, Con
gress should havo a liko rc-'pect for tho
will and interests of its inhabitants as is
entertained by a Slate Legislature for
tho wishes ami prosperity of those for
whom they legislate. The spirit oi tho
Constitution and the ''cuius of our otov- i
eminent, require that, in regard to any
law which is to a Sect and have a perma
nent bearing upon a people, their will
should cxeit at least a reasonable mllu
enco upon those who are acting in Iho
capacity ol their legislators. Would,
fur instance, the Legislature of the
Slate of New York, or el Pennsylvania,
Or of Indiana, or of any State in the
Union, in opposition to llio expressed
Will of a large majority of tlio people
whom they were chosen to represent,
arbitrarily force upon theni. ns voters,
all persons of the Atriuail or negro race,
and make them eligible for olllce, with
out any other qualification than a cer
tain term of resilience within the Slate 1
In neither oi the Slaks I. ained would
the colored population, when acting to
gether, bo able to produce any great
social or political result Yet, in New
York, before he can vote, the man of
color must fullil conditions that arc not
required of the while citizen; in Penn
sylvania the elective franchise is resttlct
od to while f'reemon ; while in Indiana
negroes and mulattoes uro expressly ex
eluded from tho right of suffrage, It
hardly seems consistent with the princi
ples of right and justice that representa
tives of States where suffrage is either
denied the colored man, or granted to
him on qualifications requiring intalli
genee or property) should compel the
people of the Distiict ot Columbia to
tvv Ah evoeriiiooit. vebie.h their own eon- I
- j - '- - "
Btitucnts have thus far shown an unwil
lingness lo lest for themselves. Nor
does it accord with our republican ideas
hat the principle of elf-government
should lose its force when applied to the
residents cf the District, merely because
their legislators are not, like those of the i
States, responsible, through tlio ballot,
to the people for whom they are the
law-making power.
The great object of placing tlio seat of
government under the exclusive legisla
tion of Congress, was to secure the en
tire indepondenoe of the General Gov
ernment from undue Stale influence, and
to "enable ii to discharge, without danger
of interruption or infringement of its
authority, the high functions tor which
it was created by the people. For this
important purpose it wui ceded to the
United! Statos by Maryland and Virgi
nia. and il certainly never could have
been contemplated, as one of the objects
to bo attained by placing it under the
exclusive jurisdiction ot Congress, that
it would afford to propagandists or po
litical parties a place tor an experimental
test of their principals nnd theories.
While, indeed, the residents of tho scat
of government are not citizens of nny
State, and aro not therefore nllowcd a
voice in the electoral college, or repre
sentation in tho count iU of the nation,
they arc, nevertheless, American citi
zens, entitled ns such to every Guaran
tee of the Constitution ol our common
country. In nil matters, then affecting
their domestic affairs, tho spirit of our
democratic form of government demands
that their wishcB should be consulted
and respected, and they taught to feel
fill of their wants, and solicitous for their
prosperity. It was evidently contem
plated that all local que.-tions would be
left to their decision, at least to au ex.
tent that would not bo incompatible with
the obj'ct for which Congress was
granted exclusive legislation over the
sent of government. When tho Con
stitution was yet under consideration,
it was assumed, by Mr. Madison, that its
inhabit nits would be altowcd 'a muni.
oipal legislature, for local purposes, de
rived from their own suffrages.' When,
for tlio first time. Congress, in llio year
1800, assembled at Washington, Presi
dent Adams, in Ins speech at its open
ing, reminded the two Houses that it
was for them to consider whether the
local powers over the District of Colum
bia, vested by the Constitution in the
Congress of the United States, should
be immediately exercised, and lie asked
them to 'consi lor it as the capital of a
great nation, advancing with unexampl
ed rapidity m at Is, in commerce, ir.
wealth, and in population, and possess
iug within itself Ihojo resources which,
if not thrown away or lamentably mis
dircolod, would secure to' it a long
course of prosperity and self govern
ment.1 Three years had nol elapsed
when Congress was called upon to tle
terminc the propriety oi retroceding to
-Mary land and Virginia the jurisdiction
of the territory which they had respec
tively relinquished to the Government
of tho United Slates. It was urged, on
the one hand, that exclusive jurisdiction
was not necessary or useful to the Gov
ernment , that it deprived the iuhubl
touts oi the District of their political
rights; that much of tho time ot Con
gress was consumed in legislation per
taining to it; that it.? government wiu
expensive; that Congress was not com
petent lo legislate lor tha District, lie
cause the members were Strangers to its
local conoerns ; and that it was an ex
periment dangerous to the liberties of
the Slides. On ihe oilier hand, il was
held, among oilier reasons, ami success
fully, that the Conilttution tho acts of
cession of Virginia, oud Maryland, and
the act of Congress accept ng tho grant,
all contemplated the exercise of exclu
sive legislation by Congress, and that
its usefulness, if not its necessity, was
inferred from tho inconvenience which
was tVll for want of it by the Congress
of the Confederation, that the people
themselves, who it was said had been
deprived cf their political rights, had
not complained and did not desire a re
trocession ; that the evil might bo reme
died by giving them a representation in
Congress when tho District sliou'd be
come sufficiently populous, and in the
meantime a local legislature; that it the
inhabitants had not political rights,
they bad great political influence ; that
the trouble and expense of legislating
tor the District would not bo great but
would dimmish, and might in n great
measure bo avoided by a local legislature,
and that Congress could not retrooede
tho inhabitants without their ooniont,
Continuing to live substantially under
the laws that existed at the time of the
cession, and such changes only having
been made as were suggested by then
elves, the people of the District have
not sought, by n local legislature, ih.it
which has generally been willingly con
ceded by the Congress of the nation.
As n general rule, sound policy re
quires that the Legislature should yiel I
to the wishes of a people, when not in
consistent with the Constitution and the
laws. The measures suited to ono com
munity might not be well adapted to the
condition tf another; and the persons
best qualified to determine such qnes
tions tro those whoso interests are to
bo directly affected by nny proposed
law In Mm-BichusettH, for instance,
male persons aro nllowcd to vole without
regard to color, provided they possess a
Virginia, the District, dining the war,
became a place of refuge for those v. ho
escaped from Servitude, and it is yet the
abiding place ofa considerable propor
tion of those who sought within its lim
its It shelter from bondage. Until then
held in slavery, and denied all opportu
nities for mental culture, their first
knowledge of the Government was ac
quired when, by conferring upon them
freedom, it became the benefactor ot
their race ; tho test ot their capability
for improvement began, when, for the
lirst time, the career of free industry and
and the avenues to intelligence were
opened to them. Possessing these ad
vantages but a limited time llio great
er number perhaps having entered the
District of C lumbia during iho later
years of the war or since its termination
we may well pause to inquire wheth
er, after so brief a probation, they are as
a class capable oi an iutellig nt exercise
ot the right of suffrage, and qualified to
discharge the duties of offluial position.
The people who are daily witnesses of
their mode of living, anil who have be
come familiar with their habits oi tho't,
have expressed the conviction that they
are not yet competent to servo as elec
tors, and thus become eligible for olliee
in tire local governments under which
they live. Clothed with the eloctivo
franchise, their numbers, already largu
ly in excess ol llio demand for labor,
would be soon increase ! by an inllux
from the adjoining Slates. Drawn
from fields where employment is nbund-1
ant, they would in vain seel; il here, and
so add to the embarrassments already
experienced from tho large class ot idle
persons Congregated in the District.
llardly yet capable of forming correct
judgments upon the important questions
that often rriake the issues of political
contest, tiny could readily be made
subservient to the purpose's ot design
ing persons While in Massachusetts,
under tho census of 1860, the propor
tion of white to colored males over
twenty years of agi was ono hundred
and tidily to ono, hero the black race,
constitutes neatly one-third of the en
tire population, whilst tho sumo class
surrounds the District on all sides, rea
dy to change their residence at a mo
mnnl's notice, and with all iho facility
ol a noinatlie people, in order to enjoy
here after a short residence, a privilege
they find nowhere else. It is Within
their power, in ono year, to come into
the Districts in such numbers as to have
the supreme control of the white race,
and to govern them by their own olli
ters, and by li e exercise of all Ihe muni
cipal authority among the rest, of the
power of taxation over properly in
which they have no interest. In Mas
sachusetts, where they have enjoyed the
benefits of a thorough educational sys
tem, qualification of intelligence is re
quired, while here suffrage is extended
to all, without discrimination, as well to
the most incapable, who dip prove a
residence in the District ot one year, as
to those persons of color, who compar
atively few in number, are permanent
inhabitants, and having given evidence
of merit ami qualification, aro rccoguiz
ed as useful and responsible members oi
tho community. Imposed upon an un
willing people, placed, by the Constitu
tion, under the exclusive) legislation of
Congress, it would be viewetl as an ar
bitrary exercise ot power, and as an in
dication by the country of the purpose
of Congress to compel ihe acceptance ol
negro suffrage by Ihe States, It would
engender a feeling of opposition and bat
red between the iwo races, which, be
coming deep, rooted and ineradicable,
would prevent them from living togeth
er in a state of mutual friendliness
Carefully avoiding every measure that
might tend to produce such a result, and
following Ihe clear and well ascertained
popular will, we should assiduously en,
deavor to promote kindly relations be
tween them, and thus, when that popu
lar will leads the way. prepare for the
gradual and harmonious introduction of
this new clement into tho political pow
er ot the country.
It cannot be urged that the proposed
extension of suffrage in the District of
Columbia is necessary to enable persons
of color to protect either their' interests
or their rights. They stand hero pre
cisely as they stand in Pennsylvania,
Ohio and Indiana. Here, as elsewhere,
;.. ..il thai .,;., ,, .iljitl fm ,1..,.,..
certain degree of intelligence. In nL. ...,,...,,,.. disiineuiish Ibis classed'
persons rom oilizena of the United
States; lor they possess the 'full and
NO. 32.
illed voters
Entirely disregarding tho wishes of. "Wj00gh not permlttod practically
tho people ot the District of Columbia
Congress baa deoniod it right and ex
pedient to pass the measure now submit-
to participate in national concerns, they
are nevertheless under a pnternal gov
ernment, regardful ol their rights, mind-
population in that State of 1,231,00(1
there were, by tho census ot 1800, only
9,002 persons of color i and ot the male
over twenty years of age, there wore
0ii0,080 white to 2,002 colored. Hy
the somo official enumeration, there
wore in tho Distriot of Columbia 00,
704 whites to 14, 816 persons ot tho
colored raoo- Since thon, however, the
population of the Distriot has largely
increased, and it is estimated that ot tho
prcsont timo there aro nearly a hundred
thousand whitos to thirty thousand ne
groes. Tho oauso of tho augmented
equal benefit of all laws and proceedings
for the security of person nnd property
ns is enjoyed by white citizens.' and nro
made 'Subject to liko punishment, pains
and penalties, and to none other, any
law, stotule, ordinance, regulation 0(
custem to thucontrury notwithstanding. t
Nor, as has been assumed, are their suf
frages peccssary to aid a loyal soul uncut
here; for local governments already exist
ol undoubted fealty to tho Governmonl,
and arc sustained by communities which
were among the first to testily their de
votion lo the Union, nnd which, during
tho struggle, turniKlied ihoir till! quotas
In returning this bill to the Senate. I
dotiply regret that there should be any
contlict of Opinion between tho L gislu
tive and Executive Departments ol the
Government in regard to mcasu'os that
vitally ofRjQt the prosperity and pl ace of
tno country, sincerely desiring to re
concile iho States wiih ope another, and
the w hole people of the Government 61
the United States, il lias I een'my ean.ou
wish to co operate with Congress in all
measures having tor their object a proper
ami complete adjustment ot the quesl ions
resulting from our late Civil war. Har
mony between the co-ordinate branches
of the Government, always necessary for
the public welt re, was never more de
manded than at tho present lime, and it
will, therefore, be my constant nun to
preinole, as far as possible, concert ot
action between them. The differences
of opinion that have already oocured
havo made me only tho more cautious,
lest the Executive should encroach upon
any oft! o prerogatives of Congress, er,
by exceeding, in any manner, the con
'titlttlonal limit ot his duties, destroy the
equilibrium which should exist between
the severeral co-ordinate Departments,
and which is so essential to the harmon.
ions working of the Government. I
know it has boon urged that tho Execu
tive Department is more likely to en
large the sphere ot its action lhau either
ol the other two branches of the Govern
ment, especially in the exercise of the
veto power conferred upon It by the
Constitution. L should bo remember
cd, however, that this power is, wholly
negative and conservative In its charao
tor. and was intended to operate ns a
cheek upon unconstitutional, hasty, and
improvident legislation, and as a means
ot protection against invasions of the
just powers of iho Executive nnd Judi
cial Departments, Ii is remarked by
Chancellor Kent that 'to enact laws is a
transcendent power; and, it the body
that pos-essos it bo a full and equal rep
resentation of the people, there isd'ingci
of its pressing with destructive weight
upon nil the other parts of the machin
ery of government, It has, therefore,'
been thought necessary, by tho most
skilful and most experienced artists m
the science of civil policy, that strong
barriers should be erected for the pro
tection und security of the oilier neces.
sory powers of the Government Noth
ing has been deemed more lit and expe
dient tor the purpose than the provision
that the head of the Executive Depart
ment sliouM Peso constituted as to' He
cure a requisite share of independence,
and that ho s'.ould have a negative upon
the passing of laws; and that tho Judi
ciary power, resting on a still more per
manent basis, should havo (lis right of
determining upon the validity of laws
by the Standard of-the Constitution.'
Alter a full deliberation upon this
moHsuro, I oauu,ot bring myself to up
prove it, even upon local considerations,
nor yet as Iho beginning id' an experi
ment upon a larger scale. I yield to no
one in tho attachment to that rnlo ol
general suffrage which distinguishes our
policy as a nation. But there is a limit,
wisely observed hitoiin, which makes
the ladot a nrivlleao and a trust, and
which requires of some classes a time
suitable for probation and preparation.
To give it indiscriminately to a new
class, wholly unprepared, by previous
habits and opportunities, to perlorm the
trust which it demands, is to degrade it,
ami finally to destroy its power; for it
may be safely assumed that that no po
litloal truth is better established than
that su-'h indiscriminate and all-embracing
extension ot popular suffrage must
end at last in its destruction
Anpkkw Johnson,
Waspish ton, Jan 2, 1807.
THE DISTRICT SUFFRAGE VKTO.
Tlio Veto Message published in to day's pa
per compares favorably with Mr. Johnson's
former ellusions. The argument) have been
met und repelled so often that wo should
think he would lire reiterating,
"Taxation without representation" Is the
cry of pseudo chivalry nnd aotl-radlcalhm.
The theory is pood hut the application wrong.
The tifrmclilttd masses are those for whom
they so leuilily raise the gauntlet a naonppo-
ly r.f the people not tht people, Let them un
derstand the difference between a general
representation and a monopolized representa
tion and their slogan becomes the edict of sub
tle despotism.
The President cited UlO expression of the
people of Ihe District against such legislation,
staling that the number adverse was almost an
entirety, Sfmpfj' Because the ao,ooo ,;;
euW tsUtttfta had no voice hi llio matter. If
as be stales, there m e ono third colored popu
lation hi the District, ccrlainly their cluims uro
not to lie disregarded if lliey are unuble to
protest by the ballot.
Wo enn see nothing In Ihe shilly-shally
reasons he submits why tho bill should not be
come a law. It Is merely a summary of tho
hackneyed antipathy thai exists between so
called Democracy and the colored race. In
fuel, the niosjitgo is remarkable for but one
characteristic tie courtesy, tendered Con
gress. This amelioration ol temper may fore
go a return to his norma! sensibility. Had ho
Indulged In less unscrupulous aspersions con
ccr
Ing the recent campaign wo might almost con
the militia of the country.
General Puine's bill for organizing
the militia of ihe country is ono of the
moat important of the presont session,
liy its provisions all able bodied citizens
are to bo enrolled within sixty days nfter
the passage of tho act, and yearly thereafter-
A national guard of two rogi.
moots ol loyal volunteers from the mil
itia la to be established in each Con
gressional District. A bureau of militia
is to be established in Iho War Depart
ment, having nlits head a Major Gen.
who shall be the commander of the mil
itia, subject to the orders of the Presi
dent and Secretary of War The term
of service is fixed at three years. Tho
organisation shall be the same aa that of
the regular army. Tho officers are to
bo elected by the troopa, and comraian
sioned by the Governors, who aro to
exercise all tho authority over the na
tional guard that is, by tho Constitution,
reserved to tho States, The test oath is
to be. takenby all exercising authority.
The Government is to arm and equip
the troops, upon requisition ond proper
bond There is to be nn annual en
campment the number ot days ia asyot
undetermined. OA being called iuto
actual service, tho pay and allowance
Will be tho same as tho regular army.
Congress is to havo power to ordor the
national guard into servico to exocute
tlio laws of tho United States, or to sup.
pross insurrection in any State at tho
request ot its Legislature. In case of
war, Congress may order such n part of
tho national guard into aorvice aa ia
needed. All forms, parades, dress, &o.,
are to be according to tho regulationa ot
the regular army. Four schools of the
national guard aro to bo established by
Congress, with tho sauio course as at
West Point. Commissions in the army
shall bo granted only to graduates at
West Point, or ot theao 'schools ot the
guard, or those who havo served honor
ably, at least one year, in the militia or
army. '
THE CAPITAL.
Wabuihoton, D C. Jan. 9, 1867.
NEBRASKA lill.l. PASSED.
The Nebraska bill carno up at half
past twelve, and was discussed nntil
three, when a vote was taken. Tho bill
was passed with the Edmunds amend
ment In the following language)
Sec. o That this act ehall go into
effect with tho fundamental and perpet
ual condition that within said State of
Nebraska there shall bo no abridgement
or denial ot tho exercise ot the elective
franchise, or ot any other right, to any
person by reason of race or color, excep
ting Indians not taxed.
This was adopted by a very close
vote. It was defeated by a tie in Com
mittee of the Whole, IS to 18 but was
afterwards When the bill had been taken
out of Committee of the Whole into the
Senate, adopted by 20 to 18, Messrs,
Sherman and Eowlcr having come in to
swell the affirmation side.
The bill was then passed with the
amendment: Yeas 24, nays 15. Among
the negatives were Messrs, Eoater,
Grimes and llowe. Of the thirteen
ab-entccs, eight may bo sot down as
friends ol the bill, making 32 who may
bo counted upon to override tho yoto of
tho President, It will take thirty-five to
do it in a lull Senate, but there are
several Senators sick who cannot be
here. It will require close shaving to
get il over tho veto,
COI.OllADO.
The Colorado bill was then passed
with the same amendment that was at
tached to tho Nebraska bill.
NEW IIOL'NTI MIX.
Tho IIouso Ciiinmiuco on Military
Allan's obtained leave to-day to report
any time their new bill regulating boun
ties. It repeals the equalizing bounty
bill ot last tession, and provides that all
soldiers who have served more than two
years, shall receive a bounty of one hun-
.i i -i. il J ., .1 . o r
I (J lull ue-MUin ii yuur, ut-uuuiing ml vtuv-
crnment, State, and local bounties.
The presonl bounty bill is inoperative.
15LOOD WILL TELL.
Tho Richmond Dispatch is ercat on
i blood tho blood ot tho Virginians.
Commenting on mo propo mou ot Mr.
Scgur, that Virginia adopt the Amend,
ment, it says i
The blood ot tho Virginians is cava
lier blood. Good blood! Brave blood!
The noblo gontlcmen ot that State hate
cowards and contemn cowardice. We
numbers of tho latter class noods no ex- 0f mm to llio military service of the
plauation. Contiguous to Maryland and oountry.
..i! 011 I ul o ') h
do not hesitate, therefore, to pronounoo
ruing this body and their constituency dur-, the statement of Joseph Segur a calumny
on the nooio old uommouwealth, to
less a spirit of rompnsslon. I stigmatize it ns a base he, to spit upon it,
The Sonato immediately, upon tho reading to nail the slander to the counter.
of the document, passed tho bill over tho i Virginia, willing to disfranchise her Lee.
veto without debate ycaa 20 nays 10
absent non-voting It, just as wns expected
and required that they should doi Tho
House concurred, yoaa 113, hays 38. ,,' j
her Johnson, her Mahone, her thousands
ol brave soldiers and able statesmen.
Never! never! Virginia willing tOSB
critico her honor ? - It must be false,'