The Potter journal. (Coudersport, Pa.) 1857-1872, February 05, 1867, Image 1

Below is the OCR text representation for this newspapers page. It is also available as plain text as well as XML.

H. W. Mr4LARXET, Proprietor.
Devoted to the cuee of Republicanism, ttie in
lsr.-isof Ajfrio'-llure. the advancement of Education,
kad the best gocd t Potter C 'Ufiij < wvninx no
• xcept that of Principle, it Hill endeat o to aid in the
work of more fully Froedomizing our Country,
tf.W* Advertiseuents inserted at the following rates,
except where special bargain# are made, A "'square"
(• 10 lin-s of Brevier or 8 of Noopaiell tyi>eß :
1 q iar, 1 insertion #l 50
1 square. 2 or 3 < nsertion* 2 00
Kaeh subsequent insertion leas than 13 40 1
I aquare, 1 year -'0 'JO
ttu ine* Cards. 1 year 5 00
Administrator's or Executor's Notices - 3 00
Special and Editorial Notice* per line 20
VF~ All transient advertisements must be paid in '
kjvauce.and no notice will betaken of adverti-ements
from a d i stance, unless they are accompanied by the
money or satisfactory reference.
ft-F" lob Work, of all hiuds, executed with neatness
and despatch.
Freeaiul Aeeepted Aneient York Uasonx
171 UL ALIA LODGE. No. 342, F. A. M. grated :
J Meeting-on the 2d an i 4th * r edues laysoteach
Ynouth. Hall, in the 3d Story of the Olmsted Block, j
I>.O.Lxaßx*B*,Sec. Wit. SHEAR, *.M
. T. ELLISON. M. !..
reeiectful!y informs the citizens ot the village and '
Vicinity that he will promptly respond to all calls foi \
profession <1 set vices. Ortice on First Btreet, first dw:
wot of his residence. 17-40
— i
Coudersp..rt, Pa., will attend the several Courts j
Iu Potter ami Cameron counties. All business en- :
trusted to his care will receive prompt attention
Office on Main street, in re-idence.
A TTORNEVS AT LAW, Condersport, Penu'a
J\_ Will attend to all business entrusted to iheii :
earu with promptness and fi lelity. Will al-o attenc
the several courts in tine adj lining counties. Ottic.
In the second storey of tlie Olmsted Block.
\ TTORNEV AT LAW, Cor.der-port, Pa., wll I
attend to ail entrusted to him wilt cart
and promptness. At'endi Cou t- of adjoining coun |'
ties Otfioeon tJeoo:,dstreet,tio:ir tlie Allegany bridg' |
Oou4ersj>ort, i'a , wdl attend the Oourls ill Pot- ,
'er and 'he adjo'tnnc count es.
1")lIYt3ICI AX and Surgeon would /espectfully In- I
form the eiiiz-iis of Coudcrsport and vicinity
that he has opened an Office in the Coudetsport ;
Hotel, and will U-- ready at *1! lnn--s to make pro ,
calls. He i- a regular graduate of Buifalt
Med cal Co lege of I*%o. Jan 1 'C7.
"TAEALERS in Drugs, Medicines, Paints, Oil* J
Varnishes, f.-unps and F.nic. articles. Book* of ' |
■ iltiiidi-dehuu and Mi*sWlaneoa,Btarit,nery,l .k* ■
Ac, la Mannings old Jewelry Store. Jan- i, '67. '
A TTOR V KV3-AT I.AM", Uitw-srn, Penn'a.-
A Ag fnt* for ilif Collection f Hir iii rt tL- ■
t inicd StiiWuattd i-tjtte Government-,*U -li :u I'eusio..*
lliuuty. Arrears of Pay ,dce -Address Box U5, (arribur;*
L Land Bought and Sold, Taxv- piiC and Title- i
investigated. Insures property again-t fite in the Let-:
companies in the Country, and Personsauain-t A ei
dents In the Travelers liisiiran-.e Coinpnny of Hurt 1
ford. Business transacted promytly 17-29
H'ARDWAUE Mercnant, and Healer in Store?
Tin and Sheet Iron-Ware. Main street, louder ]
• port, Pcmi.'h. Tin and Sheet Iron Ware made to!
order, in good style, on sh'Tt notice.
MERCHANTS— Dealers in Dry Goods, Fancy
Go'tds, Groceries. Provision*,Flour,Feed,Pork,
kud everything usually kepi iu a good country store
Produce iKMJtrht nd sold 17 29
C. 11. hDI^O.W
M-EECHANT-WKLLSVILLB V Y.. Whole and Retail Dealer iu Dry Goods, Fancy and
WutpieGoods Cioihiiig.Lad.eoDressGoods Groceries.
Flour. Feed, .fee.. R -Jailers supplied on liberal terms
('lff A HI, EN .V JO A KS.
MERCHANT— Dealers in Drugs Medic nes, faint*.
Otis, Fancy Articles, Biatkniery, Dry Goods.
Groceries, Ac.. Main St ret, 'ood r-juirt. Pa
i>. E. OI.MSTI:D.
"A KERCH A NT—Dealer in Dry Goods Ready-made
A I CI-thing, Crockery, Oro or -s, Fl--ur! Feed,
Fork, Provisions, Ac., Main street, Cou iersport, Pa
*A KERCH ANT—Dealer in Dry Goods. G rnceries.
J.TI Provisions, Hardware, (joeensware. Cutlery.
t"d all Go., sti -ita'ly found fa a country store, no]
MUBOHNST liuri 1..
HC.VKR MILYEA,Propkii-'tor. Corner cf Main
. and Second streets Coadetsport .Potter Co.Pa.
A (. very StaGle is also kept in con tec Hon with tliis
flat-1. Daily Stasres to an 1 from the Railroads.
I'utter .lonrnal Jol-OfIiee.
H AYING lately ndlcdaSue new assortment of
JOB-TYI'E to our already large a-?ortnieni
xs e are tiotv prepared to do all kinds of work, cheaply
and with taste and nealnt—B. Or-te-e solicited.
Lewisville, Potter county, Pennsylvania.
TAKRTOX LEWIS. Proprietor. Harinir
J > taken this excellent Hotel, the proprietor wishes
0 make the acquaintance of the traveling pub ic .uio
eeU confident of giving salisf u tiou to all wtio may
all on him. —Feb 12. fi6 tf
t- MAliiif.i: WORK
Monuments and Tomb-Stones
of all kinds, will furnished on reasons
ble terms and short notice by
Residence : En'alis. l.v miles south of
Cottdersport, I'a . on the Sinneinahaning
Road, or leave roar orders at the Post Office
1 Pensions procur -d for Soldiers of the present I
War who are disabled by reason of wounds received
or disease contracted while in the service oft tie Unite* '
States ; and pensions, bounty, an 1 arrears of pay ob
la'ned for vidows or heirs of those who have died ot
killed while in service. All letters nfinqu ; ry
promptly answered, and on receipt by mail of a elate
ment of the c ie of claimant, I will'forward the ne
ecssary papers for their signature F-e- in Penslot
eas >s as fixed bylaw R -fersto Ho .-. lienson
A G. Olmsted, John t. Mann, and F \V Knox, Esq
JuneS 64 Claim Agent, Ooudersport, Pa.
I toll ! Itc-li ! Itch !
WIIE 4T()\'S Ol\T>| E\T.
Will ('lire the Iteli iu IN Hours!
Price 5 j cents. F>r sale b> a'l druggists. Bv sending
60 cents to WEEK-' 4c POrTKR, Sole Agents, 17(1
w ash ngton stn •.Boston, it will be forwarded l>y
? 'aSS ag.-.t . any pnrt of lite United State* , wky lyr.
The Htiur-e having untler considera-ion the bill
to profile for restoring to the States lately in
insurrection their full political rights.
Mr. Speaker, as the confederate popula
tion, five or six million in numbers, is to re
main in this country and to some extent
j shape its destiny, it is all-important that
we so reconstruct the Union that this pop
ulation may become an element of strength
rather than of weakness to the Republic.
Powerful as we are we can hardly afford to
allow a population so large, brave, and reck
less to settle down into chronic discontent
—forever to be to America what Ireland
is to Great Britain, Poland to Russia, or
Huugary to Austria—an ever-readv ele
iroent of revolution.
To avoid this result is the avowed purpose
: of both political parties; but strange to say,
with the same professed end in view, they j
j start out upon paths leading in quite op
posite directions. The Republicans claim
that the I nion can be best preserved bv re
; moving the causes of discontent and thus
| extinguishing the motives to disunion, while
i the Democrats think the Union can be best
1 preserved by tolerating, conciliating, and
! fostering the errors and wrongs from which
disunion sprang.
For instance, the preservation of slavery
was the original motive for secession. To
iestroy this motive the Republicans pro
pose to abolish and the Democrats to fos
ter slavery. Acting upon their theory, and
anticipating the final overthrow of the re
bellion. the Republicans began early in the
war the removal of its cause. They pro
hibited the extension of slavery, abolished
it iu the District of Columbia, forbade the
return of slaves by the Armv, repealed the
fugitive slave law, supported Fremont's,
Hunters, Phelps, partial and Mr. Lincoln's
more general ptoclaination of freedom, and
finally by an amendment of the Constitu
tion ptohibited it everywbare and forever.'
ihu> it WE* hoped that when the rebellion
should be suppressed no conflicting interest
would be left, about which the North and
150'Jth Could quarrel. J here appeared
however, to be a lingering hope in the
minds of the late masters that in a separate
republic the institution might still be re-;
vived iu some modified form and some
thing at least of their large Investment
saveJ, and to this extent the motive to re
new the struggle iu more propitious times'
survived. This hope and motive for dis
union would grow weaker and weaker as
the subject-race become more and more in
telligent, thrifty, and self-reliant.
To facilitate this result the civil rights'
and Freed men's Bureau, the franchise, and
many other minor bill* of like import were
passed by Congress. The advancement of
the negro was thought to be a greater hin
drance to the revival of the disunion insti- '
tuiion and a greater discouragement of
confederate outbreaks titan repealable laws
or amendable constitutions. This was tby
1 Repub'icau plan of reunion. The Demo
crats, acting upon their theory of fostering
and thus conciliating the flistubing ele
ment", opposed a 1 measuaes for einancipa
lion, and are still opposing bills for the im
proving the colored race. I do not ques
tion their sincerity. Quite likely they sin
cerely thought that the best way to unite
the Xoith and South was to yield to, ex
tend, cherish, and propitiate the cause of
disagreement. this is pa-sed. The
great work is nearly accomplished, and ]
refer to the course of the two parties upon
it only to illustrate my position, that thev
, seek the preservation of the Uniou iu di
ametrically opposite directions
| The Republicans bad hoped that bv tbe
| removal of this original cause of quarrel all
S incentives to disunion would disappear; but
jon the thresh hold of reconstruction another
' and to some extent an unexpected trouble
presents itself. Tbe confederacy had four
and a quarter years of nationality. Dur
j ing this time vast interests, passim s, and
resentments grew up under and centered
in it. She contracted many debts, a debt
in bonds and currency to her capitalists, of
damages to her property-holders, of honor
to her soldiers, memory to her fallen, and
alms to the suffering. The dead claim
homage, the maimed, widowed and orphans,
pensions, the impoverished payment, and
the leaders historic honors. These inter
ests and passions embrace all classes and
appeal to all hearts within the circutnfrence
of confederate power. This makes a cause
stronger than slavery. There is more mon
ey iu it by half, and quite as much to awak
en resentment or provoke resistance.
If these people come back with these in
terests unbarred by a constitutional amend
ment, bow can they avoid struggling to
save in the Union all that was risked in
the confederacy.' If they do not, thev
must l>e worse than men "or better than
angels. But these interests are in direct
conflict with the corresponding interests of
the Federal Government, The reunited
nation cauuot honor Gran! for preserving
the Union and Lee for attempting to de
stroy it.
We cannot mourn for the three Imndred
thousand Union dead and pension tire men
at whose hauds they fell. It will be anotb-!
er war of sectional interests to be fought'
&ebou? to toe principles of Irue Jletyoeirqeu, ti)c |)isseh)itptlon of Jijorqlitq, E.itefqtui'e qp? ftetrs.
over in tlie Halls of Congress, tin State
Legislatures, on the hustings, and then
again, if opportunity presents, on the Held
of blood. The "lost cause will take the
'j place of the slave power" with a larger in
vestment to back it, and a less repulsive
face to defend
What shall be done with this new ele- j
inent of disintegration and strife? The Re
publicans propose to dispose of it as thev
did slavery—bury it by another amend
ment of the constitution. And why shall
not this be done and the Union thus puri
tied and harmonized, restored at once ?
Does Congress stand in the way ? No, sir
for eight months the two
lican surgery and Democratic opiates—
were discussed and contrasted in these Halls
and almost everybody here came to the
conclusion that it was better to cure than
palliate the disorder. The amendment was
agreed to four to one. Do the people neg
lect their duty? No, sir; the amendment
was sent out to them and for three or four
months rediscussed. They approved it, and
in twenty-three of the twenty-six States j
elected Legislatures iustructed to adopt it.
Do these legislative servants disobey instruc
tiun>? No, sir; they are now assembling
and State alter State is recording its ver
diet Very soon these twenty-three States, ;
having a population in IB6'J of twentv-one
million five hundred thousand, and not less,
than twenty-seven mihions now, will send ;
to a perfidies Secretary the official evi
dence of the people's w ill. Delaware, three
counties large, Maryland, betrayed to the 1
I confederates by a servant less treacherous
than weak, and Kentucky, whose patriotism
m the great struggle hardly rose above a
dissembling neutrality, aloDe a negative an
By the census of iB6O the entire popu
lation of these three Sates, white and black,
was only 1,955.000, and cannot much ex- !
ceed those figures now. Who then stands!'
in the way? Not the Democratic party;!
the amendment was beyond their reach J -
when it passed Congress and was indorsed
by the people: not the President; the con
siitutiou withholds from him any authority j<
over the question of amendment. Who, •
then, stands in the way ? One old man i
who is charged by law with the duty of I
proclaiming the adoption of the amend- i
ment, bu who (the Chicago defeat being
still unavenged) has determined to incor- I
porate into the Union the debris of the I
late confederacy; to l>e in place of the ir- i
repre sible conflict the breeder of present <
broits and future lebellions—he stands in ! I
the way. He has contrived a theory of <
estoppel. The amendment, he tells us, isn
void without confederate sanction. The 1
wiil of the people of twenty-three States, 1
nay, the whole twenty-six if they had been :
unanimous, must go for nothing unless ap- s
proved by a few millon rebels scattered'(
through the confederate States. Having t
set up his theory, he undertakes to procure t
from these "misguided people'*—never more i
misguided than when led by hira—an ex
pression of dissent. IBs machinations are
r likely to be successful.
/ In iB6O tbe southern heart was fired bv
j the taunts and promises of northern Demo
crats. "The election of Lincoln," they
would say, "is an assault upon your insti
tutions and an insult to tbe South." Thev
piomis* d in case ot trouble to take care of
] 'he abolitionists. There should be no co
ercion; but when the trouble came they
shrunk away from the people they had
thus prompted, perhaps unintentionally,
to resist. A good deal of half-treasonable
criticism on the action of the Government
when deeply embarrassed and struggling
for life, a little secret encouragement and
' silent sympathy for the foe were the onlv
it jticeable departures from a strict neutral
ity. Their promise was broken. Let me
warn these confederates who have aban
doned their scheme of separation in good
fiith to bewaie of their old advisers and
their new leader.
Here, then, arises an intermediate ques
tion. It is not whether Confederate assets
shall be buried in the same grave with
slavery as the Republicans propose, ttor
whether they shall be tenderly taken up
and warmed into venomous life ia the
bosom of the Union as the Democrats pro
pose; but whether this question shall be de
. termiued by the SLaees in the Union or bv
the confederate States.
What then is the status of tbe ten con
federate States ? Are they States or Terri
tories in the Union? If States, thev can
control the other twenty-six on a question
of amendment; if not, not. They must be
one or the other. Some suppose they strike
intermediate ground by calling them over
thown, disorganize 1, or suspended States.
But certainly a State overthrow or suspen
ded is not at present an existing •State, nor
is a disorganized an organized State. It
they have no present existence as States
fey are only at the most theoretic States
which are no State.-*; or prospective States,
which are Territories. They have certain
ly not been acting as States during the
last six years, and they are only chrimed t->
be so because no way fur the severance of
a State from the Union is provided in the
Constitution. Once a State therefore al
ways a State. If they are States now thev
have been so for the last six years. Look
at the consequences. By article one, sec
tion five of the Constitution, no business
can be done in the absence of a quorum,
and a quorum is there declared to be a
majority of all the membere. Now, if the
conlederate States were also Slates in the
Union for the last six years this House con
sisted of two hundred and forty-two mem
bers, and no business could be constitution
ally done without the presence of one hun
dred and twen'.y two members. But for
all this lime we have acted on the hypoth
esis tuat the House was composed of only
one hundred and eighty-four members, de
ducting fifty-eight fur the rebel States and
that ninety-three made a quorum. The
Senate has acted on a similar presumption,
counting twenty-six instead of thirty-seven
as the constitutional quorum. Probably j
more than half of our legislation llks }een
enacted, as will appear of record, w hen ei
ther the House had less than one hundred
and twenty-two, or the Senate le's than
thirty seven members present. All this
must therefore be unconstitutional and void.
Again, a presidential election occurred
during the war. If tiie confederate State?
bad not forfeited their privileges as States
iu tlte Union they were entitled to cast
eighty electoral votes. These eighty votes
might have decided the contest, and they j
might thus have chosen the Commander-in-
Chief ol our Army and Navy to cenduct
the war against them; or by casting their
votes for Jefferson Davis they might have
defeated an election by the people and
thrown it into this House. What then?
we vote by States, (article two, section
seven,) aud two thirds of all the States
must he represented. If Kentucky and
Missouri had joined the confederaacy as
they attempted to do—and they actually
were represented in it during the entire war
—more than one third of the Slates would
have been absent, and the election of Presi
• lent would have become impossible. The
Senate would have encountered the same
difficulty in the election of Vice President. :
To perform this duty two thirds of all the
Senators must be present. That number
could not be had in the ease supposed, and
so we must go without executive officers
until the rebel Slates choose to relieve us
by sending representatives to aid iu eboos- j
iug them for us.
Suppose, again, pefidihg the war it 1
had become absolutely necessary to amend
the Constitution, that ali parties concurred
in its propriety, and the loyal States were
unanimous upon the subject, it could not
have been done without the consent of tbe i
confederate States. Though formed into;
a seperate republic and conducting a war
with this, not the slightest change in our
fundamental law, however necessary to our ■
salvation, could be had without their con
sent. And this etfltd of things would bave|
continued as long as the war continued,
even if it were a quarter of a century ; worse ]
than that, sir, in the light of this theory j
they were States in the Union until releas ;
Ed or expelled by an ameudment of thej
Constitution. Such an amendment requir- :
ed the consent of all the States. No mat-j
ter, then, how the war should terminate or,
whether it terminated at all, their power
over us could never be severed without
their consent. Seceding anj fighting would f
not do, you say, because these were uncon
stitutional acts. Hut whipping us, I would
suppose, would be quite as unconstitutional
as fightiug. If they bad succeeded in the
war and maintained a separate republic
they could have rim the if own government
and in part controlled ours in spite of us
The absurdity of this hypothesis protes the
I truth of the other. When a State rebels
and levies war against the Union, it there
by forfeits its privileges as a State, and can
only be restored by Congress.-
Absurd as the other theory is, upon it
I the Secrelar' o! State has undertaken to
bring back to the Union the confederate
population, freighted with all the belliger
j ent interest col'ectod by four and a quarter
years of nationality and war. How? Not
jby convincing the peoplej that has beeti
tried and failed. Not by executive pation
age, that has failed also. Not by Corrupt
• ing Congress, for his old lobbyist is power
i less here No, sir; he meditates the se
duction of another old man who happens
to hold the balance of power in the supreme
Court} vagite rumors of a mission to Eng
land are afloat. The Secretary seems to
think that a man who can betray his con
stituents arid misrepresent his State will
make a good misiepresenlative of the na
tion abroad; and why not send a second
| champion of bis theory to flaunt his soiled
j ermine at the court of St. James an 1 nego
tiate treaties for th epayment'of confeder
ate cotton bonds or a release* of claims for
the piracies of the Alabama ?
But his judge must have something to!
stand upon. The courts follow precedents -
and the Rhode Bland case stands in the!
way. This question is there held to be a
political one, to be decided by the political :
department of the Government. Eventu
ally he will insist that this decision has been
made and maJe in bis favor. To meet
this emergency lie k now and has been for i
some timer preparing his facts. The eman- i
cipatkm amendment was agreed to bv
twenty-three Stales out of the twentv-fivej
liieu IU the Union—many more than theii
- number required for its adoption; but in bis
s : proclamation hecbosetoomit from his count
. a portion of theee States and seven cou
i federate communities to make the number
;; required by bis construction. There is a
? precedent for his judge. So he submited
-1 without authority to these same comrauni
-1 ties the amendment now under considera
tion to be acted on by them in the capac
ity of States. There is another precedent.
The Interior is prompted to issue, agrieul
tnral land scrip which can only be given to
States to the Union, and the Treasury and
Post Office Departments are ordered out of
their line of duties to make some small rec
ognition of these communities as States.
These will make so many more precedents
for his judge. "
i lie Secretary first declares they are
States, treats them as States, procures other
Executive Departments to do likewise, and
then cites his acts and declarations to ena
ble a willing judge to decide that they are
States, and thus launch into the heart of
the Republic a confederate shell with fuse
still burning by a single tw itch of his
Mr. COOPER. Mr. Speaker,! simplf wish
to ask the honorable gentleman from Penn
sylvania, whether this House did not adopt
a resolntion making it the duty of Mr. Mc-
PHERSOX, its Cierk, to forward the very
constitutional amendment about which he
|is arguing to the different States lately in
rebellion before he knew the Secretary of
i State bad forwarded it?
Mr. SCOFIE LD. I do not recollect any
such action of the House. But if sent to
them by us it was only to allow them an
opportunity to prove their loyalty bv giv
ing it their assent. In the preamble to the
hill readmitting Tennessee their assent to
this amendment is recited, among other
things, as evidence of the loyality of the
government de facto, and as a reason for
legitimatizing it and admitting it into the
Union. For this purpose we of course de
;>ired them to have a copy, but, unlike the
Secretary of State, we did not expect that
the absent of these communities would
fasten this amendment upon the country
without the concurrence of three fourths of
the adhering States, nor that their dissent
; would defeat it if that concurrence was
' had.
The Secretary Is clever in work of this
kind. An English nobleman was at one
time exhibiting his kenoel to an American
| friend, and passing by many of his show
iest bloods they came upon one that seem
ied nearly uSed up. "This." said tbe noble
man, "is the most valuable animal id the
pack although he is old, lame, blind, and \
deaf "How is that?" inquired the visi
; tor. The nobleman explained: "His ed
ucation was good, to begin with, and his (
j wonderful sense of smell is still unimpaired. ,
We only take him out to catch tbe scent j
and put the puppies on the track and then
return him to the kennel * Do not sup
pose that I intend any comparison letween
the Secretary of State and that Veteran
hunter. Such a comparison vtould be nei
ther dignifieJ nor truthful, because tbe |
Englishman went ort to sayf C I have
owned that dog for thirteen years, and hard '
as he looks he never bit tbe hand that fed
him, nor barked oh d false trail." [Laugh-
ter and applause on the floor and in the
galleries, promptly Checked by the Speak
er.] I mistook the fa'l of the hammer for
a notice to quit. However, I have but
| little more to add The charge K often
made here aril elsewhere that the Rcpub
t lican policy of reconstruction leads to disin
tegration father than reunion. In reply
| to that charge I am endeavoring to show
that its tendency is to harmonize and ce
■ uient the L nion. I follow this narrow line
jof argument because it has fallen to others
to discuss that policy in connection with
the abstract principles of republican gov
ernment, justice, religion, humanity, and
i civilization already.
When interrupted I was going on tosav
| that the Secretary, in his efforts to bafflV
the Union policy of the Republican party,
will even claim that his guerrilla govern
ments have the implied sanction ot Con
-1 gross. For more than a year these organi
zations have usurped the control of public,
j affairs in their several localities and system
i atically oppressed an 1 persecuted the Union
; people there. For more than a year we
have leen inactive, if not 6rh*ntwitnesses of;
j these usurpations. We have taken no steps
; to suppress them nor to provide the people
with constitutional governments. The ex-|
| isting ones are otfly the confederate govern
merit- revived—more oppressive, ma ignant.
' and resentful,- under the feeble restraints ol
[a cowed opponent, than under the i-ou rule
of the confederate president himself. The!
despotism and barbarities of Davis were not
wanton. They had a purpose—the sue
cess of the confederate cause. '1 he "stern i
statesman" hlloWed no further license; but
under the Seward dynasty lynching and
murder h:r? become a pastime. Better by
far for the Union men of the South .f their ,
governments werfe again placed under the ,
restraining despotism of Jefferson Davis. (
At least he would not allow helpless au<J 1 <
unoffending j-eopie to be mobbed and ruur
Jered tor tro confederate or public purpose.
How rrmcb longer *hrfh we tvftn a deaf
liar to the cry of the oppressed ? iiow j ■
;' much longer shall we stand bef? tfhdl see the
brare men who fbf fotlf years, amid 01-h^
qut, persecution, imprisonment, ami tortutej
refnsed to forswear the flag, now wheft the
flag is triumphant, in part through their
sufferings, dri\en from ibeif homes or shot
down in the streets like Jogs? If v*e thus
meanly desert our friends the rebels them
selves will despise us. But how about the
Secretary, his Cunning, his precedents, and
his judges? They are not to be feared#
They may protract our national trouble and
delay the restoration of the Unioft ft little
longer; but that is all The people hare
concluded that the beet way to harmonise
and cemelit the Union is to bury whatever
is left of slavery and confederate national
ity in a common grave # and it will l>edon£*
The Nile may be dammed with bulrushes#
but the just, benignant, and well corwideied
purjioee of a forty-million nation cauffort be
turned aside by the tinkle of one old man'#
bell nor the rustle of another's gown. Fof
one lam ready for the rote# •
A l>riik;tril Menagerie.
The most foolish predicament a man cafl
get into is to get drunk. Iu drunkenries
every man shows his stron<;e-t and mot
ardent passion There are sis kinds of'
drunkards, and if you w;ll go into a city
drinking place, wbefe there are a dozed
men under the influence of liquor, you wul
find these six different animais:-
1. The ape-drunk. He leaps, and sings
and yells, and dances, making all sorts of
grimaces, and cutting up all sorts of mon
key-shines to excite the laughter of his fel
lows! O, terribly silly is tbe drunkard
2. The tiger-drunk. He breaks fbe bob
lies, breaks the chairs, breaks the heads of
fellow carousers, and ia full of blood and
thunder. His eyes are full of vengeance,
and his soul raves with mtirdeous furr. Of
this sort are those who abuse their fami
3. The hog-drunk. He rolls ift the dirt
on the floor, slobbers ai.d grunts, and go
ing into the street makes his bed in the
first ditch or filthy corner be may happe#
to fall into. He is heavy, lumpish and
sleepy, and cries in a grunting way for a
little more to drink.
4. Tbe puppy-drunk. He will weep for
kindness, and whine his love and hug yoii
in his arms, and kiss you with his slobber
ing lips, and proclaim how much be loves
you. You are tbe beet man be ever saw#
and will lay down bis money or life for
5. Tbe owl drunk. He is tvise Jft hi#
own conceit. No man mustditfer with him#
for his word is law. He is true in politics#
and all matter must be taken as authority#
His arm fs the strongest, his voice the
sweetest, his horse the fleetest, his tornipe
the largest# his town tbe finest of all the
6. The sixth and last aftima! of out tften'
agerie is the fox-drunk mart. H-> is crafty#
ready to trade horses, if he can#
Keen to strike a bargain, leering around
with low cunning# peeping thfottgh cracks
listeuing under the eaven,watching fof some
auspicious thing, sly as a fox, sneaking as #
wolf, he is the meanest drunkard of them a!!#
The COiiNlitiilloDal Amend merit.-
"1 he number of States which have acted
upon the Constitutional Amendment in ref
erence to restoration, excluding the disloy
al States, is not as great as many woul 1
suppose. Lp to this time the ratification
of the Ameudmenrt in the State* Represen
ted in Congress have been as follows; Con
necticut, June 27th, 1P66, T-ri lessee, July
19th ; New Jersey, September 1 ltb;Or.-g >i>
—; Ohio, January 4th; New York, January
10th j Kansas, January 11th The on y
rejection has been by Kentucky, January
Bth. The future probabilities are that, ir?
addition to the seven .States vvliHi Pr#ve
already ratified the amendment.: u l>o
confirmed by California, Ilfiriois, IniiantiV
lowa, Maine, Massachusetts, Micliigsiii>
Minnesota, is 3 .Uri, Nevada, New
shire, Pennsylvania Rhode Island V>fuiutiv
W e>t \ irginia,- arid Wisconsin, imrk-wig :*
total of ttventy-ihree. It will be" fcj&i&J
by Delaware aad Maryland, making a
of three on tb it side. If the dtretrine is
established that it only requires
fourths of the loyal States *< ratify tW
amendment, its success is estaWish'-d. Fiief
Southern States have tints far
the amendment as follows: Georgia Sep
tember 9th; Alabama l , December 7thy
South Carolina, December 19tii, V.rg.rri*.
January 9Lh. There ate yet to la? ItearJ
from, Arkansas, Florida, Louisiana l ,- Missrs--
sippi, North Carolina,- and Te\rf-.- tte-se*
it may be presumed, wi l go the MTHH way
making the votes of the States it? KV*!-*
lion, ten in number, against t' e mootere"-
If it is assumed that thtSe Statin foyer#
right to vote upon fclie subject,, i lre.- #i!f
iraw the votes of Ketftuckv, MaryiiVnd anJ
Delaware, making tire total rejection* ffa'r
teen. Ihe total of adoptions- wib bo
oventy three. The Ctfnstltu'ton reprrre*
•hree-lburths of the States shall a
'•institutional Amendment, aid if
Southern States have any i-a ; in tin- mat *
er it will lie rejected.
- # ■
ip Johnson, MmnU-r ..f Ootv
TOSS from this Sute, died last- w,,k.