' 1 : 1.71.
111
t.• r
YVOLUDIE: XL..IIII7DIBER 27.
THE
'POTTER JOURNAL
PUBLISHED By
41.1. i Mo4lainey, Propkietor,
?II..YRA.R, INVARIABLY IN ADVANCE.
•
* *.Devoted to the cause of Republicanism,
the+intereks of Agriculture, the advancement
•f Education, and the best good. of ~Potter
!couify. 'Ovining no guide except that of
?rinciitle, it will endeaver to aid, in the work
'Of nioiefullyYreedomizing our Country.
s inserted at the following
Yates, except where special bargains are made.,
'1 Square [lO line's] I insertion, -.- - 50
ii 44 " 3 " $1 50
ach subsequerit iniertiori less than.l3, 25
Sauake tbree months, .- - . 250
I": 4 ; 4.."- 4' 00
" .nine " - "5,50
1 " one year, 600
1 1 delumn six months, - - - - - - - 20 00
I ~ .7istr:: -it -" - -r- ---- 10 00
7 00
1 ; fi 1 per year. • 40 00
i , u tg u 20 00
AdminiitrAtoec or Executor's Notice, 200
:Business 'Cards, 8 lines or less, per year 5 00
special and EditorinlNotices, pc-... line, . 10
* * *All`transient advertisement's, must be
paid in advance, and no notice will be taken
sof advertisements from a distance, unless they
are.accompaniedby the money or satisfactory
reference. i
* * *l3hinks, and Job Work of all kinds, at
tended-to TW'omptly and faithfully.
BUSINESS CARDS.
, .
EULALLA LODGE, No. 342, F. A. M.
-STATED Meetings on-the 2nd and 4thWedne.s
••days of each month. Also Masonic gather
tig's..on.evcry Wednesday Evening, for work
axigtpkictice, at their lintl in Coutl'ersport.
• B. S. COLWELL, W. M.
, .
HAVES, Sec'y.
JOHN S.: 3I ANN,.
ATTORNEY AND COUNSELLOR AT LAW,
.Cciudersport, Pa.:, will attend the several
'Ceurtiin Potter and 31Tean Couhties. All
buianess entrusted in his care will receive
prompt attention. Office corner of West
and Third streets.
ARTIIUR G. OLAISTtIII,
ATTOR:NEY COUNSELLOR . AT LAW.
Coudersport, Pa., will attend to all business
entrusted to his care, with pre uptnes and
fideity. Office on Soth-we'st comer of Main
andTourth streets.
ISAAC BENSON
ATTORNEY AT LAW, Coudersport, Pa., will
attend to all business entrusted to him, with
4ra and promptness. Office on Second st.,
near the Allekherly Bridge.
F. IV. KNOX,
ATTORNEY . AT LAW, Coudersport. AN'i I i
regutirly attend the Courts in Putter :1:1••
the adjoiuiug Counties.
0. T. ELLISON,
TRACTICING.PII Conder,:port.
respectfully informs the citizen of the vil
lage and vicinity that he will -proniply
spond.tq.all calls for professional servict-
Office.oa Main st., in building formerly (N.
cupled by C. W. Ellis, nsq.
C. S. E. A. JONES,
;HALM:I,S IN MUGS, MRDICINS, PAINTS
Oils, Fancy Articles, Stationery„ Dry Good:.
Groceries, &c., Main st., Coudersport, Pa.
D. E. OLMSTED,
DEALER IN . DRY GOODS, READY MADE
Clothin, Crockery;Gioceries, Sc., Main st..
Coudersport, Pa.
•
COLLINS SMITH,
DEALER in Dry Goods,Groceries,yrovisions.
liaidware, Queensware, Cutlery, and all
GOods . uittally found in a country Store.—
Coudersport, Nov. 27, Hui.
COUDERSPOItT HOTEL,
GLASSAIRE, Proprietor, Corner o-
Main and Second Streets, Coudersport, Pot
. ter Co: Pa.
A:Livery Stab . le is also kepi, in conned
lion with this flOtel.
MARK GILLON,
TAlLOR—nearly opposite the Court House—
will make alt clothes intrusted to him in
the latest and best styles —Prices. to suit
the times.—Give him a call. 13.41
OLMSTED
OLMSTED & KELLY,
•
DEALER IN STOVES, TIN & SHEET IRON
WAREi Main st., nearly opposite the Court
Howse Coudersport, Pa.. Tin and Sheet
IrOn Ware made to order. in good style, ou
shoit notice.
. . ,
Ulysse .. s
Academy, •
PO retains as .Principal, Mr.E.R.GAMPBELL,
Proceptrese, Mrs. l'ilsrrie JONES GRIDLEY ; AS
sistont,, , Miss , ADA WALKER The expenses
per:Tot:atore : Tuition, from $5 to $6 ; Board,
from.sl.solo $1.75, per week; Rooms for self
legarding from $2 to $4. Each term commences
upon -Wednesday, and continues Fourteen
weeks. Falrterm,Aug.27th,l662;Winter term,
Pec.loth, 1862 ; .and Spring term, March 25th.
1863. 0.,8.: BASSETT, President.
- - W. W. GRIDLEY, Sect'y.
LeUistille, July 9,
_186'3.
MANHATTAN HOTEL.
.: .
. I NEW YORK.
THIS Popular Hotel is situated near the
1 corner of Murray IStreet and Broad
way ,opposite, the Park within one block
orthe Hudson River Rail Road and near the
Brießaillßoad Depot. It is one of the most
11.0.4?
plea fLa and convenient locations in the city.
, p#i,ll & .ins . T.1 t. 50 per day.
... . 1 N. lIDd,dINS, Proprietor.
, - i'4l). I: tit, 1863. '
The Rochester Straw-Cutter.
OLMSTED, .V, KELLY; Coudersport, have
eiclusive agency for this. 'celebrated
machine, n this, county. It is, covenient, do
able, and CHEAP. Dec. 1, 1860.-42
UrNow is the time to subscribe for your
CouritT Paper—TlLE JOURNAL.
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11. 1 4,
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President Lincoln on Vallan
dlgbain and Arbitrary Arrestft.
• .f.
A greA"Delticierhtle meeting" was held
at Albany on the 16th ult. to denounce'
the arrest of Vallandizham and dewand
his restoration to liberty. This meeting
having unanimously
Res - oh:id, That we demand that the Admin
istrationl shall be true to the Constitution ;
shall recogniie and maintaidthe.rights of tbe
States arid the liberties of the citizen; shall
dverywhCfe, outside of the lines of necessary
military Occupation and the scenes of insur
rection, exert all its powets to maintain the
supremaby of the civil over military law.
Resolved, , _That, in.view - of.these_ principles,
we denounce the recent assumption of a mil
itary •contiamidelto:seize add' try a' citizen - of
Ohio, Clement L. Vallandigham, for no other
reason than wortli: addressed to a public
meeting,in criticism of the course of the Ad
ministration, and in of the
mil
itary orders of that General.
Resolved, That da i s assumption of power by
a military tribunal, if 'Sticbegsfally asserted,
not only abrogates the right of the people to
assemble and discuss . the affairs of Govern
mont, the liberty of. speech and of the press,
the right of trial by jury, thC law of evidence,
and the privilege, of hubea4 corpus, but it strikes
a fatal blow at the gupremacy of law, and the
authority, of the State aad Federal Consti
tution,
&a., &c.,—olosed as follows
Resolt4d, That the President, Vice-Presi
dents, and Secretary of this meeting be re
quested to transmit a copy of these resolu
tions to his Excellency the President; of the
United States, with the assurance of this
meeting of their earnest and hearty desire to
support the Government iu evefy chnstitu-
Gonad and lawful measure to suPpress the ex
isting Rebellion.
The 4ceri obeyed this request, in a
note which reads as follows :
To his Excellency the President of ;he United
States :
The undersigned; officers of a public meet
ing held at the City of Albany on the 16th
day of May. herewith transmit your Excel
lency a copy of the resolutions adopted at the
said meeting, and respectfully raquest your
earnest consideration of them. They deem
it proper on their pzrsonal responsibility to
state that the meeting was one of the most
respectable as to numbers and character, and
one of the most earliest in the support of the
Union, ever held In this city.
Yours. with great regard,
ERASTLTS CORNING, l'res't,
To all of wnieh . the following.an , wer
has been returned by the President :
• II:XI:Ca:Mu 3IASSION : WASIIINGro.,
Jiine 12. ISG:S.
ENA:ZII.:6 C.,ICSiNC;
ENTI,EN EN : ~1 1r ru. :o.ay 19.
put,ffi•
~ :6•.itoi;..t•ld at N. V. .m iii
16 , 11 ti.e too h, tca r, it d
veral :I_u
The te-olutium-, a- i un, -t d
•rei.t.,ivable into two propo , iiiio,—Lir,i.
tiro exproz•sten of a purpo:se :o tie
eau,e of tile Union, to secure : ni•ace I hr.
vietor), and to support the .Utnini-tia
tion in every colistitutiutial and lawful
measure to suppress :he Rebellion ; and
secondly, a declaration of censure upon
the Administration for supposed uncon
stitutional action, such as the making of
wihtary arrests. And, front the two
propositions, a 'third is deduced, which is
that the gentleman composing the meet
ing are
.resolved_on doing their part to
maintain our common government and
country, despite . the folly or wickedness,
as they .may conceive, of any Adminis
tration. This poAtion is eminently pa
triotic, and as such I thank the meeting
ancicongratulate the nation for it. ny
own purpose is the-same ;'- se that the
meeting ! and myself have a common ub
ject, and can have no difference, except
in the choice of means or measures for
effecting that object.
And here I ought- to close this paper,
and would close it, if there were no ap
prehensibn that, more injurious conse
quences 'than any merely personal to my
self might *follow the censures systemat
ically cast upon, me for doing what, in my
view of duty, I could not forbear. The
resolutiobs promise to support me In every
constitutional andlawfal measure to sup
press the Rebellion; and I have not
knowingly employed, nor shall knowingly
employ,' any other.. But the meeting, by
their resolutions, assort and argue that
certain military arrests, and proceedings
following them, for which .I am ultimately
responsible, are unconstitutional. I think
they are not. The resolutions quote from
the Constitution the definition of treason
and also the limiting safeguards and guar
antees therein provided for the citizen on
trial; for' treason, and 9n his being h.dd
to answer for capital or otherwise infam
ous crimes, and, in-criminal prosecutions,
his right to a speedy and public trial by
an impartial jury.' They proceed to re
solve "that these safeguards of the rights
of the citizen against the pretensions of
arbitrary power were ithended more es
pecially for his protection in times of
civil commotion.' And, apparently to
I demonstrate the proposition, the resolu
tions nreeeed : "They were secured sub.
stantially to the English people after
years of protracted civil war, and were
adopted, into our Constitution at the cicsc
of the Revolution." Would not the de.
monstration have_ been better if it could
have been truly said that these safeguards
E1MM32321
ile , l;otea to the illifteiPles of Pdo Datooeile9, an? the VsseligiAtiorl of ffoillit9, gitehtttiv/
COUDERSPORT, POTTER COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, JUNE 24, 1863.
had . been adopted and applied during the
civil, wars and during our Revolution,
instead, of after the' one and at the close
of the other? I, toe, am devotedly for
them after civil war, and before war, ,
and at all times, " except when, in cases
of rebellion or invasion, the publie safety
may require" their suspension. The res
olutions proceed to tell us that these safe
guards "have stood the test of seventy-six
years of trial, under our republican sys
tem, under circumstances which show
that., while they constitute the foundation
of all free government, they are the ele
moots of the enduring stability of the
Republic." 'No one denies that they
have 'stood the test up to tho, beginning
of the present Rebellion, if we except a
certain occurrence at New Orleans; nor
does any one question that they will stand
the nine test much longer after the Re
bellion closes. But these piovisions of
the Constitution have no application to
the case we have in hand, because the
arrests complained of were not made for
treason—tsat is not for the treason defined
in the Constitution, and upon conviction
of which the punishment is death—nor
yet were they made to hold persons to
answer for any capital or otherwise infa
mous crimes; nor *ere the proceedings
following Kin any constitutional or legal
sense, "criminal prosecutions." The, ar•
rests were -made on totally diffeent
grounds, and the proceedings following
accorded with the grounds of the arrests.
Let us consider the real case with whieli
we are dealing, and apply it to the parts
of the Constitution plainly made for snob
cases. •
Prior to my installation here, it had
been inculcated that any State bad a law
ful right to secede' ford the national
Union, and that it would be expedient to
exercise the right whenever the devotees
of the doctrine should fail to elect a Pres
ident to their own liking I was elected
contrary to their liking; add, accordingly,
so far as it was legally possible, they had
taken seven States out of the Union, had
seized ninny of the United States forts.
and had fired upon the Unito States flag.
all before I was inaugurated, end, of
course. before I had done any official act
whatever. The Rebellion. thus began.
on ran in7o the present Civil War; and,
in certain respects, it began on very tin
, equal terms between the parties. The
in-urgents had been preparing for it more
than 11,ittv years while the Government
el taken no steps- to resist them. The
form, r had carefully considered all the
means which could be turned to their ac
count. I: undoubtedly was a well-pon
:eiLd reliance with then. that, in their
"en unr:•stricted efforts to destroy Union.
Loustitution, and law, all together, the
Governinent would, in a great degree, be
restrained by the same Constitution and
law fret!, arresting their progress.' Their
sympathizer, pervaded all departMents of
the Government and nearly all cetecuu
pities of the people. From this material,
under Over of "liberty of speech;" "lib
erty of the press,' and -habeas corpus,"
they hoped to keep on foot among us a'
most efficient corps of spies, informers,
suppliers, and eiders and abettors-of their
cause in a thousand ways. They knew
that in times such as they were inaugur
atir.g, by the Constitution itself, the "ha
beas Corpus" might be suspended; bgt
they also knew they had friends who,
would make a question as to who was to
suspend it; meanwhile. their spies and
others might remain at large to help on'
their cause. Or, if, as has happened, the
Executive should suspend the writ, wt h
out ruinous waste of time, instances 'of
arresting innocent persons might occur;
as are always likely to occur in such
cases ; and tben a clamor could be raised
in regard to this, which might be, ni
least, of some service to the insurgent
cause. .It needed no very keen percep
tion to discover this part of the enemy's
programme, so soon as, by open hostilities,
their machinery was fairly put in motion.
Yet., thoroughly imbued with a reverence
for the guaranteed, rights of individuals,
I wa- slow to"adopt the strong measures
by degrees I have been forced to regard
as being within the exceptions of the
Constitution, and as indispensable to the
public safety. Nothing is better known
to history than that. courts of justice are
utterly incompetent to such cases. Civil
courts are organized chiefly for trials of
individuals, or, at Most, a few individuals
acting in concert; and this in quiet times,
and•on charges of crimes well defined in
the law. Even in times of peace, bands
of horse-thieves and robbers frequently
grow too numerous and powerful for the
ordinary courts of justice. But whht
comparison, in numbers, have such bands
ever borne to the insurgent sympathizers
even in many of the loyal States ? Again :
a, jury too frequently has at least one
member more ready to hang the panel
than to hang-the traitor And yet,again,
he who' dissnades one man from volun
teering, or induces one soldier to desert,
weakens the Union cause as much as he
who kills a Union soldier in l battle Yet
this dissuasion or inducement may be so I
conducted as to bo no defined crime of
which atiy civil court would take cog
nizance.
Ours is a case of- rebellion—so called
by the resolutions before me—in feet., a
clear, flagrant, and gigantic ease of rebel=
lion ; and the provision of the Constitu
tion that "the' privilege of
,the writ of
habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
unless when, in cases' of rebellion or iq
vasion, the public safety may require it"!
is the provision which;'especially applies
to our present case. This provision plainly,
attests the understanding of those who
made the Constitution, that ordinary
courts 6f justice .are inadequate to "cases
of rebellion"=----attests their purpose that,
in-Such cases men may be held in custody
whom -the courts, acting on ordinary
rules, would discharge. Habeas corpus
does not discharge men who are proved to
be guilty of defined cringe; and its sus
pension. is allowed Sy the Constitution on
purpose that men 'May be arrested and
held who cannot be proved to be guilty
of defined crime, "when, in cases of rebel
lion or invasion, the public safety may re
quire it." This. is precisely our present
case—a case of rebellion, wherein the
public safety does require the suspension.
Indeed, arrests. by process of courts, and
arrests in cases of rebellion, do riot pro
ceed altogether 'upon the same basis. The
former is directed at the small per cent
age of ordinary and continuous perpetra
tion of crime ; -while the latter is directed
at : sudden and extensive uprisings against
the Government, which at most, gill suc
ceed or fail in no great length of time..
In' the latter case, arrests are made, not
so much for what has been done, as -for
what probably would be done. The lat
ter is more for the preventiVe and less for
the vindictive than the former. In such
cases, the purposes of 'men are much snore
easily understood than in cases of ordi
nary crime. The Man . who stands by and
says nothing when the peril of his Cray
eminent is tiiscusseA cannot be misun
, derstood. If not hindered, he is sure to
help the•enemy ; much more, if he talks
ambiguously—talksl for his country with "buts" and "ifs" and '"ands." Of how
little value the constitutional provisions
have quoted will be rendered, if arrests
'shall never be WHO until defined crimes
shall have . been conimitted, Ditty bv illus
tinted by a few notable exaa,ples
John C. Breckinridge, Gen: Robert E.
Lee, Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, G en
John B Magruder, Gen. Willjamiß.
Prestwi, Gen. Siwlon B Buckner. and
Commodore Franklin Buchanan. now oe,
cupying the very •I4ghest places iu the
Rebel war service,) Were ail' within the
power of the Govertithent since the Re.
hellion began, and !were Dearly as well
known to be traitors then as now. Un
questionably if we had - seized and held
them the insurgent cause would be much
weaker. But no ode of them had then
committed any crime deuced in the law
Every one of them, if arrested, would
have been discharOd On hu bats 'corpus
were the writ allowed to operate. In view
of these and similar cases, I think the
time not ,unlikely to come when I shall
be blamed for having' made too few arrests
rather than too many.
By the third reselution . , the .meeting
indicates their opinion that .itilitary ar
rests may ba constttutional in localities
where rebellion. actually exists, but that
such arrests are unclonstituional in locali
ties where rebellion or insurrection does
not actually exist 'They insist that such
arrests shall not be wade "outside of the
lines of, necessary ,military occupation,
and the scenes, of insurrection." Inas
much, however, as the t Constitution itself
makes no such, die
l inction; I au, unable
to believe that, there is any such consti
tutional I distinction I concede that the
class of arrests complained of can be con
stitutional only 'when in cases of rebellion
or invasion, the public safety may require'
them ; and I insist that in 6uoh cases they
are constitutional - licherever the public
safety does require them ; as well in'
places to which they, may prevent the Re
bellion extending as in those where it
may be already preSailing; as well where'
they way restrain mischievous interfer
ence with the raising and supplying of!
armies to suppress the Rebellion, as where
the Rebellion May .ctually be ; as well!
where they way restrain the enticing men
out of the army; as Where they would pre
vent mutiny in the army; easily consti
tutional at all placed where they will eon.'
duce to the public ,safety, as against the;
dangers of rebellion or. invasion. Take!
the particular case mentioned by the!
meeting. It is asserted< in substance,l
that Mr. Vallandignaha - was,by a willitary !
commander, seized and tried "for no other I
reason than words addressed , tea public'
meeting, in-criticism of the course of the,
Adininistration, and in condemnation of!
the Military orders of the General. Now,
if there be no mistake about this; if this;
assertion is the truth and the whole truth;
if there was no
_other reason for the ar-i
rest, then I concede that the
_arrest was I
wrong. But the arirest, as Innderstand,j
was made for a very different reason. Mr j
Vallandighatn avows his hostility to the
War on the, part of the Union; and Ills
• .
. •
a 1 1 ,t 4; Made because -he was laboring,
wit sere effect, •- bto prevent the raising
'
of rocips]; to encourage desertions front,
the army; and to leave the Rebellion
wit mut an adequate military force to sup - -
preis it. , .. He ]was not arrested
.because
he Was damaging the political prospects
of ithe Administration, of the personal
interesisi of the Commanding General,
bui because he was damaging the Army,
up u 014, existence and vigor of which
Vt.:life of the Nation depends. He was
wa ring upon the Military and this gave
th Military constitutional jurisdiction to
layl .
hands upon him. If Mr. Vallandig
ham was not d'amaging the Military; pow
er bf the country, then his arrest was
made onl mistake of fact,. which I would
he l r] , lad to correct on reasonably satisfac
tbryet ]
evidence:7
] I understood the meeting; whose reso
lutions I am considering, to be in - favoi
of suppilessing the rebellion by military
foiJce--by armies. Long experience has
shewn that armies cannot be maintained
unless desertions shall be punished by the
swiere penalty of death. The case re
quires, and the law and the Constitution
sanction] this punishment. Must I shoot
,
a sainpluiinded soldier boywho deserts,
while I must not touch a hair of a wily
agitator who induces him to desert ? This
is bone the less injurious when effected
byl getting a father, or- brothe, or friend,
into a pill:die Meeting, and there working
i 1
uptna his feelings till 'he is persuaded-to
write Ole soldier boy that he is fighting
in la bad cause, for a wicked Administra
tiob of a contemptible Government, too
ill• to largest and punish him if he shall
ert. l I think that in such a case to
uce the agitator and save the boy is
onliconstitutional, but withal a great
cy. I
[f I br
utiont
thatl
lal w'
1
Ile wren' , on this question of eon
' ,0
nil power, my error lies in belies.-
certain proceedings are constitu
ten, in cases of rebellion cu inva
public safety requires, them,
, ould not be constitutional when,
bsence of 'rebellion or invasion,
is safety does not require ahem :
(words, that the Constitution is
:s application, in all respects the
eases of rebellion or invasion
* the public safety, as it is in
rofoutici peace and
_public seem.
be Constitution - itself makes the
n 3 ; and 1. can no more be per
t:it the Government can consti
takeHo strimg measures in time
ion, Inicatise it can be shown that
1
-.N c"tild not •lawfullv be taken in
oi r•eitee,l than I can be 'persuaded
a particular drug is'not good utedi
i fur 4• sick wan, because it can be
wit unit to be good for a well one. Nor
I able to appreciate the danger appro.
led blv the inecting• that the Amen
i -
people will, by nicana of. military
Jsts ddring the.,llebellion,losethe right
Public Discussion, the Liberty of
ueh.avil the Press, the Law of Evi
.:e, Tiial by Jury, and Habeas Cur
tlin ughout the indefinite peaceful,
;hick I trust lies before them,
than I am able to ty..ieve that
i „
in cent° contract so "strozig an apps-,
1
for emetics during temporary illness,
) perl'ist in feeding upon during the
inder of his healthful life. ... • - -
givilng the resolutions that earnest
ideration which you request of me, I
or o‘ l erlook the fact that the.Meeting l l
'
kits 'Democrats."
,Nor cau I, with
respelct for their known intelligence,
l ,thc fliirly presumed deliberation with
i li they prepared their resolutions, be
i tinted to suppose that this occurred
• ecident, or in any way other than that.'
:y pre to designate themselves
dmocrats" rather than "American - eit-
eh w
he a.
nub!
Mier
IRE
'e, in
~lv -
1
I of
net
cid I
awe
the
thu
hen
ica
re,
wore;
tite
89 t
izei s." !In this time of national peril, I
wold hive preferred to meet you upon a
lcv 1 one step higher than any . party
plat ',arm i because I am sure that, from
sue mo elevated position, we could do
liettler battle for the country wo all love
than we Possibly can from those lower
one.i.rhere, from the force of habit, the
prejudie+ of the past, and selfish hopes
of tie future, we are sure to expend much
of or ingenuity and- strength in finding
faul
f
with. and aiming blows at each
otti r. But, since you have denied me
this, I will yet be thankful, for the coun
try'i sake, that not all Democrats have
don so. He on whose discretionary judg-
mer t Vallandighamsvas arrested and
trio is alDemocrat, hiving no old party
affinity with me; and the judge who re
ject.d the constitutional view expressed
in t a ese resolutions, by refustng to dis
cha , ge Vullandighain on habeas cor
pus, ia Democrat of 'better days, than
thes• . ; haying received! his judicial man
tle the bands of President Jackson.
And stil more, of all those Democrats
obly expositog their lives and
WIIOEI
Itbeii blood on the battle-field, I
I cling
i lear
1 . whit whit
'amide
e are
iident
`7uent
ned that many approve the
MI
ave takeri with Mr. Vallandia
e I have not heard of a single
I cannot assets that
moing it
Oil
none such. And the [Janie or
Jackson recalls an instance of
the
Pre
hi:itory : After the battle of
~~
TERIIT3.--$1.50 PER ANNUM, _
New Orleans, and while the fact that the
treaty of peace had been concluded wait
well known in the-,pity, but before the
official knowledge at% had arrived, Gent
Jackson still maintained martial or mill;
tary law. NoW, that it could be said the
war was over, the glamor against martial
law, which had existed from the first;
grew more furious. Among other things-,
a Mr. Louiallier published a dennnoiatori •
newspaper article. ' Gen. Jackson arrested
him. A lawyer by the name of Morel
procured the United - States Jildge f
co issue a writ of habeas corpus to telleie
Louiallier.' Gen. Jackson arrested
• •
both the lawyer and the judge. A Ar.
Hollander ventured . to say of some park
of the matter that ''rtt was a dirty triolo
Gem Jackson ar‘sted him. When the
offieer undertook to'serre the writ of ha;
• s corpus, Gen. Jackson took it front
inn, and sent hie away with a eopy.
Holding the judge in custody a few days) ,
the General sent him beyond the limits'
of his encampment, and set him at lib;
erty, with an order to remain till the rat:
ification of peace should be regnlaaly an;
nouneed, or until the British should have_
left the Southern . coast. A day or twa
more elapsed; the . ratification of a treaty
of peace was regularly annonnced,and the
judge, and others were fully liberated. A
few days more, and the judge called Gen.
Jackson into court and tined him $1,000 . .
for ,having arrested him and the others.
named. The General paid the fine, and'
there the matter rested for nearly thirty'.
years, when Congress refunded principal
and 'interest. The late Senator Douglas,
then in the Rouse of Representatives',
tuok a leading part in the debates, in
which the constitutional question was
much discussed. I am not prepared to
say whom the journals would show ttlt
have'voted for the measure.
It may be remarked : First, that, we
bad the same Constitution then as now, ;
secondly, that we then had a case of in
vasion, and now we have a case of rebel
lion; and, thirdly, that the permanent
right of the People to Public Discussion;
the Liberty of Speech and of the Press,
the Trial by Jury, the Law of Evidonee,
and the Habeas CorPo, suffered no del;
ri went whatever by that conduct of Gen:
Jackson,or its subsequent approval by the
American Congress.,
And „yet, let mehsay that, in my own
discretion, I do-not know whether I would
have ordered the arrest of Mr. Vallandig;
ham. While 1 cannot shift the reopen;
sibility from myself, I hold that, as a gen'.
eral rule, the countiander in the field ia
the better judge of the necessity in aoy
particular case. Qf course, I must prat,:
tice a general'directory anreiisory pow
er in the matter.
One of the resolutions expresses thia
opinion of the .'meeting that arbitrary ar
rests will have the effect to divide and
distract those whO should be united in
suppressing the Rebellion, and I am spe•
cifically called on 'to discharge Mr. Val
landigham. 1 regard this as, at leans,r
fair appeal to me on the expediency of
exercising a Constitutional power which
I think exists. —ln response to e f aeh ap;
peal, I have to say, 't gave me pain when
I learned that Mr Vallandigham beet
been arrested—that is, I was pained that
there should lime seemed to be a mimes;
sity for arresting him—and that it will
afford me great pleasure to discharge hint
so seen as I can, by any means, believ4
the public safery will not suffer by it. I
further say that, as the war progresses. iii
appears to me, opinion and action, which
were in great confusion at first, take Atari
and fall into more regular channels, e 6.
that the necessity for strong dealing with
them gradually decreases. I have every
reason to desire that it should cease alto
gether ; and far from the least is nay re:
gard for the opinione,and' wishes of shoos
who, like the. meeting at Albany, donlare
their purpose to sustain the Government ,
in every Cotstitutionai and lawful maw
are to suppress the, Rebellion. Still, I
must continue bath! ao much as may aegis*
to beiequired by the public safety.
1
A. LINCOLN;
Avarice is more opposed to scosossi
than liberality is.
It is better to need relief than to
the heart to give it.
Temper is so good a thing, tbtt
should never lose it.
To grow up, to the skies we Einat
planted lovrin the dust.
The greatest miracle ever wrought' S J
love is the reformation of a coquette.
Enjoy your own !life without cbmpsfe
ing it with that of another:
Parties at a dead!loek should erfriebfet
themselves with a skefeton key.
; -
Take not the pcb9 i
of your own reitheige
confirmation of ithat you may say.
It is a very easy thing for a mew:6'llo
wise for other people.
Angry friendship is not unfrcglridt4lif.
as bad as calm enmity. "
el