edines in to disturb and impede the natural and-healthful flow of human 'affairs. Nor can it be disguised that a band, of . secret societies,. extended over the tr,liole_ country,. in correspondence and concert with each other, and marshalled tindtr a central organization, are capable of being Wielded with immense efficiency for sinis ter purposes, nay, of-being converted into _engines for subverting the liberties of the people. Masonry, at one time, was fast growing to a gigantic strength, which threatened to overpower all other inflnen t cea, and rule the nation. Association is always an element of power, and that in proportion to its closeness and extent.— However open and public it may be, union is strength, and, if it Overspreads a coun try, it will often control and revolutionize it, as is shown by the history of the Jaco bin clubs of France, inul of the political parties in this country. Conducted in the most open manner, associations sometimeg wield their mighty power for the, worst of purposes. Fortified by secrecy, they are bereft of the strongest antidote to their evil tendencies. Their ()lily safety lies in the full publicity and thorough discussion of all their transactions. We conclude, therefore, that these evils and eviltendencies are inherent in the very nature of secret societies ; that they are balanced by no corresponding benefits, and show very clearly that they ought not to receive the favor and support of Christian people. It is indeed alleged that they nourish a spirit of benevolence among ther members ; that they provide essential relief for them and their families when afflicted; •and dint some of them dO much to secure good morals generally among their members. This is plausible. But in answer to it we observe: / 1. .That our chief reliance for promo ting benevolence and good morals general ly, must be the gospel and grace of God. Torn from this living root, this evangelical basis, all experience show that sound mo rality will quickly wither and expire.. All other Methods are einpirical and delusive. The bid tree. cannot bear good, fruit, and every plant which 'our heavenly Father hath not planted shall be rooted up. In, proportion as we vigorously ply the g )s -pal means to make- trim better, we way expect success: in proportion as. we for sake them to try other devices, defeat. 2. Even admitting all that is claimed in this respect ; it is no compensation for the manifold evils and. dangers which have been sho,wn to inhere in the very nature of secret societies. 3. Tice species of benevolence and char ity thus fostered, is defective, because it is too narrow and exelusive. It may render men benevolent to a clan or party, to whom they are attached by secret bonds and mystic symbols ; but does it make them generally, benevolent, and lead them "to do good unto all'inen as they have opportu nity," universally, to do unto others as we would that they should do unto cis,? Says Christ, "If ye love them that love you, what thank have ye? do not even the pub licans and sinners the same ?" Ile who is merciful or charitable only when, by a mysterious sign, lie is assured that the suf ferer is a member of his society, or i'a l the wife or child of such member, is far from the disinterested benevolence of the gospel. We do not deity that many members of these societies may have a more enlarged benevolence, or that they may be bright examples - ofthis virtue on its broadest scale. What we claim is, that the sort of benevo lence fostered by them is of a narrower scope. 4. It is a costly way of relievin g the af flicted. The magnificent lodges, brilliant badges, and other gorgeous insignia; the numerous gala days ; the time consumed in the frequent meetings of these societies, render them the most expensive of all meth ods of ministering to the distressed. A lirrre part of the funds contributed to them are thus absorbed before they find their way to the suffering. AU the advantages of these societies in this respect, can be far . better accomplished by those mutual aid and other charitable associations which spring up in populous places doing all the good, without any of the evil involved in the system of secret associations. Finally: there is no necessity and no excuse for secrecy in the manner of pro meting these objects. ' In this free country itko-Ithere is not the shadow of a pretext for se-. crecy in the proceedings ''of any good or ganization. In despotic countries, where 'the freedom of speech and of the press is restricted, there is some reason why" men should associate secretly to discuss what they cannot discuss openly. This was the cause of those secret societies which arose in Germany near the close of the last century. .Historians have justified or palliated them on this sole giound of their absOlute necessity, while they speak of them as in their own nature dangerous to the state. But in this country no such . plea exists. We are at liberty to speak what is true, and to do what is good, with none to molest or make afraid. And the' more perfectly good and true our sayings and doings are, the More they will prosper under the fullestdisclosure and scrutiny. We arc therefore Shut up, so far as we • may be called to give counsel, or , exert licence on this subject, to the apostolic in junction ; "lIAVE NO COMMUNION WITH TIIK • UNFRUITFUL WORKS OF DARKNESS, BUT :.:RATHER REPROVE THEM." ' • TOR RENT, THE 'TWO-STORY Washington sheet, adjoin •ing that of Mr: William Wisotskey. There is a.Stable attached to the property: terms inquire of A. R. STE -.I*SON, Esq; .f•t.tyaburg, Feb. 6, 1646.-3t* •-. GARDEN SEEDS—A fresh supply ' .7 II just received and for Sale at the Drug - .stote of S. 1 . 1. - Gettyebuir„, Jan. 10, 1840. OREGON, important Correspondence. • : Trrln compliance with the several resolutions of Congress, requesting the President to lay before that body ro much of the late correspondence be tween the Plenipotentiaries of the United States and Great Britain, in relation to the Oregon Ter ; ritory, as might not he incompatible with the public interests—the President, on Saturday last, transmitted to the House - of Representative?, a mes Sage. communicating the following correspon• which, in consequence of its importance, j we give to our readers in full, to the exclusion o: other less interesting matter: MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. MCLANE. DPP.% 'FITMENT OP STATE, tsioNoTax, DECEMBER 13, 1845 The President has received information from a Variety of sources, which lie cannot disregard, that Great Britain is now ma king. extensive warlike preparations. As her relations with all, the Powers of Eu rope seem at presenyo be of a peaceful character, the prevailing inference here is, that these preparations look to a rupture with the United States on the Oregon question. It is of vast importance that this Government should, as early as possible, ascertain their true character. You are therelbre instructed to embrace the first op portunity of bringing this subject to the notice of the Earl of Aberdeen, in such a manner as you may deem most expedient. The President is also anxious to learn your own opinion upon this subjcct with the least practicable delay. I iun, die. JAMES BUCHANAN. Louis iIIcLANE, Esq., &c. MIL MCLANE TO MR. BUCHANAN LONDON.JANUARr Sin :-][ received on the 29th of Decem ; ber yodr despatch, dated the 13th of that month I . and on the day following I sought an interview with Lord Aberdeen, in order that, in c'onforinity with your instructions," I might brim).. to his notice the warlia'fire parations making-by Great Britain, hd, if possible, ascertain their real character a . d object. It will not escape you that upon such a subject it is not always easy to obtain very categorical answers, or entirely definite oflicial and I did not doubt that a frank personal conference was the best, if not the only mode, of obtainingany satis factory information whatever. In introducing the subject I adverted at the same tune to the information the Pres dent had received from a" variety of sour ces, of'the extensive warlike preparations making by Great Britain, and the natural inference upon his part that in the present pacific state of the relations of Great Brit- ain with all the powers of Europe, they could only look to a rupturs,Witly the Uni ted Si•aies on the Oregow*.esitim. Lord Aberdeen said very , promptly and frankly that it would be improper to dis guise that, with the sincerest desire to a -1 void it, they were obliged to look to the possibility of a rupture with the 'United States ; and that in such a crisis the war ! like preparations now making would be useful and important ; but he stated at the same time, very positively and distinctly, ! that they would have been made in the same .way and to the same extent, without Iregard to the relations of Great Britain and the United States. • He also adverted to the. fact that such preparations as were actually making had been commenced before the relations be tween the United States and Great Britain had become as serious as they now appear ed to b.:, and therefore could not at that time have had any connexion with difficul ties whch had sive° grown out of the Ore gon question.' He thought, too, that the representations as to the extent of the prope -1 rations must'have been exaggerated. He denied that they related particularly, as I had been informed, to a distant service ; or that they were making any addition to the old form of marinc..., l l-Ie stated that the most extensive or formidable parts of their preparations were the fortifications of the principal and exposed ports and stations, which he thought could hardly be suppo sed to guard against, invasion from the U nited States ; and to the increase of the number of steam vessels in lieu of the old craft, which it appeared other nations were about to adopt, and which.he confessed he thought "a, matter of doubtful policy. In short, he assumed the preparations in pro-, gress to be only part of a wise and pru dent system of national defence and pro. tcction, and of preparing in time of peace tbr the exigencies of war, it should unfor tunately came from any quarter whatever; and lie distinctly repeated his disclaimer that they had particular reference to a rup ture with the United States on the Oregon question or any other ground. In regard to my own opinion upon this subject, which the President has been pleased to desire, it is altogether probable that the possibility of other difficulties from other quarters in ' Europe +44. * may have its influence in dictating the policy of the extensive preparations in progress in all pads of the kingdom ; and, with unabated confidence in the frankness and straight forwardness of Lord Aberdeen. and with out meaning to distrust in the slightest de ' greee the sincerity of his disclaimers in our recent conversation, I do not think it ought to be assumed by any one that war like preparations upon such a scale as that upon which they were undeniably making here could not have even an indirect refer ; ence to the possible contingency of a nip ture with us. And at the same time it is I perfectly obvioui, that they are in a great degree,and especially so far as they consist of an augmentation_in the number of steam ! vessels and Of the naval marine generally, precisely 'of the character• to be. the most appropriate and the most useful in a war with our country.. lam not prepared .to say nor do j deem .it material to dectde, how far wr dare a right to expect an ex-, .licit disclaimer of the character and pure poses of the warlike preparations now ma king by Great Britain, under the circum stances. They may be the dictate of vari ous motives of policy, and the . result of many causes ; and, without attempting to assign to each its,particular influence, I am by - ifb means prepared to admit that the ap prehension of difficulties .With the United States had no share in them - ; and it very clear that if 4a rupture with the .lini d States should grow out of our presnt di 1- collies, this ,country will be as fully -- and effectually prcpared.for it at all points, and for all possible purposes, as if that, and that. alone, - had been the object of all her war like preparationS. She will be in a situa tion to act and strike as promptly and sig- nally as she could have been with . her en ergies exclusively directed to tliat end ; and I feel it my duty to add, that not to expect, in case a rupture becomes unavoidable, that that this Government, thus in complete ar mor, will promptly and vigorously exert her utmost powers to inflict the utmost pos sible injury upon our country and all its interests, will not be doing justice to such a crisis. I think it ought to be expected, indeed from all I learn, I cannot doubt, that, in ease of hostilities, the aim of this government will be to strike its heaviest blow at the commencement, in the expectation of being thereby enabled to shorten the duration of the war. *. I have the honor to be, &c. LOUIS McLANE. The Hon. JAMES BUCHANAN, Secretary of State, Washington MR. PARVAIHAM TO MR. BUCHANAN WAScll NOTON, Dr:CEMLIF:R 27, 1845 An attentive consideration of the.present state of affairs, with reference to the Oregon question, has determined the British Gov ernment to instruct the undersigned, her Britannic Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, again to re present in pressing terms to the Govern iney,t• of the U. S. the expediency of re , . (erring-the whole' question of. an equitable division of that territory to - the arbitration of some friendly sovereign or State. Her Majesty's Government deeply re grets the failure of all their etlbrts to effect a friendly settlement of the Conflicting claims by direct negotiation between the two Gov ernments. They are still persuaded that great ad vantage would have resulted to both par ties from such a mode of settlement, had it been practicable, but there are difficulties now in the way in 'that course of-proceed ing which it might be tedious to remove, while the importance of an' early settle ment seems to become at each moment more urgent. Under these circumstances, her Majes ty's Government think.that a resort to zu bitration is the most prudent, and, perhaps, the only feasible step which could be ta ken, and the best calculated to allay the, existing effervescence of popular*feeling which might otherwise greatly r embarass the efforts of both Governments to pre serve a friendly understanding between the two countries. The Government of the United States will see in the proposal which the under signed' is thus instructed to make, ,a proof of the confidence of the British Govern ment in the justice of their own claim.— They will also see in it proof of the rea diness of the British Goiernment to incur the risk of a greater sacrifice for the pre servation of peace and of their friendly re lations with the United States. It is made in a spirit of moderation and fairness of which the world will judge. The British Government confidently hope that the Government of the United States will not reject a proposal made with such - a - friendly intention, and for a pur pose so holy. There' is nothing in it, they are convin ced, not perfectly compatible with the strict est regard fUr the honor and just interest of both parties, particularly when it is con sidered otwhat small value to either is the portion of the territory which in reality forms the subject of controversy compared with the importance of preserving a state of piece and good will between two such nations. The undersigned takes advantage of this opportunity to renew to the lion. James Buchanan the assurance of his high con sideration. R. PAKENHAM To lion. JAMLS BUCIIANA:.:, &c. &C. MR. "gUCIIANAN•TO MR. PARENIIAM. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WAstoswroN, J.ui 3. ISU The undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor to ac knowledge the receipt of the note of Mr. Pakenham, her Britanie Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and , Minister Plenipotentia ry, dated the 27th ultimo, by which, under instructions from his Government, he pro poses to the .Government of the United States "the expediency of referring the whole question of an equitable division of that (the Oregon) territory to the,aibitra tion of some friendly sovereign or State." The undersigned has submitted this note to the President, who, titer haying bestow ed upon it that respectful considthation so eminently due to any proposition eminating from the British government, has instruct ed him to give it the following answer : Thq. British Government do not pro pose to refer to arbitration the question" of title to the Oregon territory, claimed by the two powers respectively. It is a pro position to ,refer to a friendly sovereign or State, merely the partition or "equitable division" of that territory between the par ties, It assumes the fact that the title of Great Britain to a portion of the_territory is valid, and thus takes for granted ,the very question in dispute. Under the proposition, the very terms of the submission would contain an, express acknowledgment of the right of great Brit ain to a portion of the terrnory,and would necessarily preclude the U. States from claiming tlie whole beforq :. the arbitrator. This, too, in the face of the note of the undersigned to Sir. Pakenbdm of the 30th of August last, by which the President had asserted, in the most solemn form, the ti tle of the United . States to the whole terri tory. Even if there were not other con clusi,ve .reasons for declining the. propoSi , ti. , this, alone would be deemed sufficient .y the President. - The President heartily concur• with the ITiTush Government in their regret that all attempts to settle the Oregon question by negotiation have hitherto failed. He can not, however, concur with that Govern ment in the opinion that a resort to arbitra tion, and especially on the terms proposed, would be followed by happier' consequen ces. On the contrary he believes that any attempt to refer this question to a third power, would onlyinvolve it in new difli 'culties. In declining this proposition, the Presi dent refers• to the sentiment expressed in the note of the undersigned of the 30th of August last, to which allusion has already been made, that he "cherishes the hope that this long-pending controversy may yet be finally adjusted in such a niminer as not to disturb the peace, or interrupt the har mony now so happily sfibsiSting between the two nations." The undersigned avails himself of this occasion to renew to Mr. Pakenhatn as surances of his distinguished- considera tion. JAMES BUCHANAN. Right Hon. RICHARD PAKENHAM, &C. &C. MR. PAKESTIAM TO MR. DUCILANAN WAsinNriToN, .I.lNuAitir 6, 18-16 The undersigned, her Britanic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo tentiary, has had the honor to receive the note of ti n Secretary of State of the United States, dated the 3d instant, in answer to that of the undersigned, dated 27th ultimo, containing a proposal for referring the question of an equitable 'Partition of the Oregon territ3ry to the arbitration of some friendly sovereign or State.' The undersigned will take an early op portunity to transmit this communication to her Majesty's government. The undersigned has the honor to renew to Mr. Biichanan the assurances of his dis tinguished consideration. R. PARENHAM. To 11011. JANES 131.7CHANAS, &c. &c. Ma. PAKENIfAM TO MR. BOCHANAN. WAsioNtrioN, JAsVAIIT It. 1516 With an anxious desire to contribute by every means in his power to a satisfactory conclusion of the question pending between the two governments respecting Oregon, the undersigned, her Britannic Majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipo tentiary, has reflected on the contents of the note addressed to him on the 3d instant, by the Secretary of State of the U. States,, in answer to that which the undersigned had the honor toaddess to him on the 27th of last month. The note of the undersigned proposed to the govertiment of the U. States, that the whole question of an equitable partition or the Oregon territory should be referred to the arbitration of some friendly sovereign or state. In his answer, the Secretary of State informed the undersigned that his propoi tion could not be accepted. That it did not propose to refer to arbitration the question of the title, to the Oregon territory claimed by the two powers respectively. That in proposing to refer to a friendly sovereign or state merely the partition or equitable diVision of the territory between the parties, it assumes the - fact that the ti tle of Great Britain to a portion of the ter ritory is valid, and thus takes for granted the very question in dispute. That under this proposition the very terms of the submission would contain an express acknowledgement of the right of Great I3ritain to a portion of the territory, and would necessarily preclude the United States from claiming the whole territory before the arbitrator; and this, too, the Secretary of State goes on to observe, in the face of his note to the undersigned of 30th August, by which the President had asserted in the most solemn form the title of the U. States to the whole territory. It is not the purpose of the undersigned in the present note to renew the discussion as to the title of either party, Great Britain or the U. States, to the whole or to any part of the Oregon territory. He must, however, beg leave, with ref erence to the observation which he Jhas just quoted, to remind the U. States Secretary of State, that if the government of the U. States have formally advanced a claim to the whole of the Oregon territory; it is no' less certain that Great Britain has, in a manner equally formal, declared that she, too, has rights in the• Oregon territory, in compatible with the exclusive claim ad vanced by the U: States. ' This declaration, arising from a convic tion equally sincere, will, the undersigned is persuaded, be viewed with the saute con sideration by the government of the Uni tad StateS, as they expect that their own declaration should receive at the hands of the government of Great Britain. This premised, the ..gabject of the. under signed in addressing to:Mr. Buchanan the present communication is to ascertain from him whether, supposing the British -gov ernment to entertain no objection to such a course, it would suit the views of the United StateS government to refer to ar bitration. not, as has already been proposed, the question of an equitable partiti9 of the territory L but the question of title is ~tthcr of the two powers to the whole ' territo ry, subject of course to the Olidition that if neither should be found; in the opinion of the arbitrator, to possess a complete title to the whole territory, there should in that case, be assignedlo each that -portion of territory high Would, in the opinion of the arbitr *ng power, be called for by a just ippreciatio of the respective claims of each. The undersigned has suggested a refer qnce on the above principle to some friend ly sovereign. or State... • • This-the . undersigned behieves to be the course ustidlly followed in such cases;.it! is that which has already been resorted to by the two governments, (and more than once.) But there may be other forms of arbitration, perhaps, more agreeable to the government of the U. States. There might be,•for instance, a mixed commission, with an umpire appointed by common consent; or there might be a board composed of the most distinguished civil ians and jurists of the time, appointed in such a manner as should bring all pending questions to the decision of the most en lightened, impartial and independent minds. In the present position of affairs, and feeling how much the interest of both coun tries require an early as well as an amica ble and satisfactory adjustment of existing difficulties, the undersigned earnestly in vites. the Secretary of State to take the sub ject of this note into consideration, With a • view to such an arrangement on the .prin ciple of arbitration as may seem to the government of the U. States to be most just, wise, and expedient. The undersigned takes advantage of this! opportunity to renew to the lion. James Buchanan the assurance of his high con sklerati on. B. PAKESITAM To the HOB. JAMES BUCHANAN, &C. MR. BUCHANAN TO MR...PAKENHA'N. DEPARTMENT Or STATE, WASIIINOTON, FED. 4, 18 The undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the 'honor to ac knowledge the-receipt of the-:nOte of Mr. Pakenham,-her Britannic Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentia ry, dated on the 16th ultimo, by which he again proposes a reference of the Oregon question to Arbitration. Under his pres ent proposition the powers of the arbitra tor would not, as in his last, be limited in .terms to the division of the territory be tween the parties, but would extend to the question of their conflicting titles. There is, however, a condition annexed to this offer which exposes it to the same objec tion, in point of fact, if not in form, which was prominently presented in the answer Of the Maier:signed to Mri , ealcenham's last proposal. - This condition is, "that if nei: ther (Tarty) should be found, in the opin ion of the arbitrator, to possess a complete title to the whole territory, there should, in that case, be assigned to each that por tion of territory which would, in the opin ion of the arbitrating l'ower, be called for by a just appreciation. of the . respective clainis of each.' If the Government of the United States should consent to an ar bitration upon such s•contlition, this might and probably would be construed into an intimation, if not'a direetinvitation, to the arbitrator to divide the territory _between the parties. Were possible for the Pres ident, tinder any circumstances, to consent to refer the subject to arbitration, the title, and the title alone, detached from every other consideration, is the only question which could he submitted. if not' con fined to a single point, so strong is the nat ural disposition of arbitrators to please both parties, that in alinnA every instance, whether of national or individual contro versies, they make a compromising award. We have a memorable example of this in our last arbitration ' with Great Britain. Notwithstanding that the Arbitrator, under' the terms of the submission, was clearly and explicitly confined to the -decision of which was the line of highlands described ill the treaty of peace of 1783, yet, instead of pursuing any range of highlands what ever, he advised that the line should run a long the bed of a river, and actually divided the territory in dispute between the parties by "the middle of the deepest channel of the St. John's." The undersigned might content himself, in answer to the present proposition, with a reference to the observations contained in his last note to -Mr. Pakenham of the 3d ultimo. In that it was plainly intimated not only that there are "other conclusive, reasons for declining the pr.Tosition," in dependently of the one which had been prominently stated, but it was expressly asserted as the belief of the President "that any attempt to refer this question to a third Power would only involve it ill new diffi culties." • The undersigned will, however, proceed to state'a single reason which, apart from the intrinsic difficulty of selecting a suita ble arbitrator as well as other considerations that might be adduced, is Conclusive on the mind of the President against a reference of this question to arbitration, in any form which can be devised, no matter what may be the character of the arbitrator—whether sovereign, citizen, or subject. Tins reason is, that lie does not believe the territorial rights of this nation to be a proper subject for arbitration. It may be true, that, un der peculiar circumstances, if the interests at stake were comparatively small, and if both parties stood upon an equal footing, there might be no insuperable objection to such a course.' But what is the extent of territory in dispute on the present occasion? It embraces nearly thirteen degrees of lat itude along the northwest coast of the Pa cific, and stretches eastward to the slum - flit of the Rocky Mountains. Within its lim its several powerful and prosperous States of the Union may be embraced. It lies contiguous, on this continent, to the ac knowledged territory of the U. States, and is destined, at,no distant day, to be peopled by our citizens. This territory presents the avenue through which the commerce of our Western States- can be profitably conducted with Asia and the western coasts of this-continent; . and its ports, the only harborsbelonging to the U. States to which our numerous Whalers and other vessels in that region can resort. And yet, vast as are its dimensions, it contains not a single safe and commodious harbor from its south ern extremity until . we approach the 49th parallel of latitude. It is far from the intention of the under signed again to open the discussion of the conflicting claims of'dm two Powers to the Pregon territory: It is sufficient for him to state the continued conviction of the PresideuLthnt the U. States hold the best title in existence to'the of this terri- to-. Under this eonviation, 116 cannot consent to jeopaid for his country all the great interests involved, and by any possi bility, however remote, to deprive the Re public of all the good harbors on the coast, by referring the question to arbitration. Neither is the territory in dispute of equal, or . nearly , equal, value to the two powers. Whilst it is invaluable. to the United States; it is of infinitely sMall im portance to Great Britain., To het. Ore gon would be but a distant colonial pos session of doubtful value, and which; from in the natural progress of hu an events, site would not probably long 'lough enjoy to derive from it essential be flits ; whilst to the United States it wouldhee.onte an in tegral and esential portion of the republic. The gain to great Britain she would never sensibly feel; whilst the loss to the United States would be irreparable. The undersigned is perfectly aware that such considerations can have no bearing upon the question of the title of either par ty. They are presented solely for the purpose of explaining the views of the President in his refusal to,adopt any mea sures which should withdraw our title from the control,of the government and people of the United States, and place it within the discretion of any arbitrator, no matter how intelligent and respectable. The President cordially concurs with the government of Great Britain, in desi, ring that'the present controvery may be amicably adjusted. Of this he has given. the strongest proof before the whole worlds .) e w He believes that, a. 1.11 ere are no to - na-• tions on the earth mor closely bound to gether by the, ties of commerce, so there are none who ought to be more able or willing to do each other justice, without the interposition of any arbitrator. JAMES BUCHANAN Right Hon. Mt:nun) PAKENII AM. t