B - z ROZZIP.T VIEITE SaIDIDZETOZTO
VLU S 3
-"With sweetest flowers enrich'd.
From various gardens coll'd with core."
FOR THE GETTVSSORGH STAR AND DANNER
WILLIAMSPORT, PA.• April 10, 1837
The annexed really beautiful lines were dedi
cated by their nuthor to a friend on the death of
his beloved and endeared mother. It is pleasing
to contrast lines so full of true poetry with the
drug which our Literary Periodicals are burthened
with; and how shameful it is that genius such as
the author is gifted with, should "waste its fra•
grance on the desert air," amidst tho woods and
wilds of the Allegany mountains, where silence
reigns in solitude eternal
LINES ADDRESSED TO If. F. M.
.ON THE .11BA2"H OF HIS MOTHER
[DV Mne. LYDIA JANE PIERSON.]
Mourner! shall I bid thee dry
The tears of filial grief?
Shall I bid thee cheek the sigh
That gives thy heart relief?
Oh, I cannot! for I know
That resignation's silent tears,
Are balsam to the wounds of woe,
Cool balm to eankering cares.
Thou will find no love so pure
As her's whose love ie past;
None that can so long endure,
So fervent to the last.
Oh, how a pious mother's love
Will fondly agonise and bear;
Presenting at the Throne above
The object of its care.
,Never more to that kind breast
Wilt thou confide thy cares—
That unwearied home of rest
Of thine infnutine years,
That fondbreast will'thmb no more
With hopes, and fears, and cares for thee
Even the lastest pang Is o'er
Of poor humanity.
Closed forever are those eyes,
Whoseleams of love and joy,
Heightened all the °mocks
Of her light•bearted her;
Thou wilt meet the sunny beam
Of her approving love no more;
Or bathe in that consoling stream
Thy heart with.an,guish sore.
Yet, reflect, those eyes have shed
Full many a tear for thee;
And many a night beside thy bed,
have wntch'd with agony.
An their watching. now are o'er.
Their latest tears are dried away;
And they shall wake to weep - no more
At the last joyful day.
Though ihou never more may'srlicar
Her kind consoling voice,
Whispering softly hope and cheer
When blighted are thy joys;
Though thou ne'er shalt clasp again
The hand that stay'd thine infant head;
ituntstera tows tnyintnr;,---,- , -..
And smooth'd thy cradle bed!
Yet, reflect; whilehl tlMlCiaat!
Her mortal body lies,
The spirit in immortal blocm •
Is blest in Paradise-!,
An that holier world abo've
.
Where 'no care, no atairican come;
All her pure and tender love,
Lives in Heavenly bloom.
Woold'at thou call her back again,
From Heaven's °static bliss,
To feel the grief, the care, and pain,
Of such a world as this?
All such Selfish grief repress,
And follow to the bright abode,
Where thou may'st share her blessedness
Before the TIIIIMO of God.
.awtoa4aultcomo
LETTER : TO MR. COOPER
GETTYSBURGH April 28, 1837.
"'DEAR Slat—Mr. Blanchard having pubisbed a
speech. which purports to have been delivered in
the Courthouse, in Gettyshurgh, on the subject
of Abolition, tho undersigned respectfully request
that, if it be practicable at this late ditto, you
would write out your speech delivered in reply
to Mr. Blanchard. on the first•evening of the do.
bate, and furnish the same for publibation—assur.
ad, that by so doing, you would gratify tho Pub•
lic.
Your's, respectfully,
A. B KURTZ,
J. B. DANNER,
JOHN EMMIT,
ROBERT MARTIN,
ELI H. BENTLY,
JAM= Cosecs, Esq.
MR. COOPER'S REPLY.
GETTYSHURGH, May 5, 1937.
Getrrtzmnru—ln compliance with thrliequest con
tained in your leiter of the 28th ult.. I. have written
out my remarks made in the Court-housei in reply to
Mr. Blanchard; oil the subject of Abolition Having
spoken without note/. 1 have been obliged to rely on
my recollection; but in substance, I believe you will
End no material difference between *Ow was spoken
and what is written. The folletningrettutrks embrace
but a portion of the subject dimuisedAuring the con
tinuance of the debate,and conseqinnitly but a portion
army views in relation to the slams- lam opposed
to slavery; in favor of free'discuosion; I believe that
Congress has the,power to aboliah Slavery In the Dis
trict of Columbia; td prohibit its introduction into the
Territories hereafter to be errand into States; that
an'Ainuest expression of opinion: , ipon any subject is
nokf•violation of the constMitional rights of the other
States, or the citizens of the other States; that the
right of petition is guarantied to the People of this
Union. and ought not to be abridged; but that slavery
la a domestic institution of the States wherein it exists,
and can only be abolished by the legislation of those
States; that any organized opposition to it by the peo
ple of the non - slave-holding States is mischievous and
wrong; that the schemed' the abolitionists is imprac
ticable; that it tends to retard the emancipation of
the slave, and makes big_ bondage mere intolerable;
and,,runny, that the agifittion of this subject endan
gers the. Union.
Very respedfully, your obedient servant.
JAMES COOPER.
Messrs. KinT 4 Z, EMDIIT,
and
XISICTLY.
&Ur. Cooper's Remarks.
Mr. CUAIIIMAIV:—The gentleman who challen
ged to this discussion, and who has just now sat
down, seems to he perfectly acquainted with all
-the tricks of the trade, of speechmaking. With
most commendable modesty, ho tells you of the
smallneas of his own abilities, his youth and iner
.perience, and lioni much his noble cause must suf
fer from the feebleness of its advocate; and, at the
same time, he informs you—what no doubt Bur
prises you to hear—. -that his opponent is an Aland
:entity lawyer, %OM can give to vice the semblance
of virtgo, o r .'make the worse appear the better rea-
son." This is far less true, than moilcst.and court
In Courts, sir, age is sometimes determined by
inspection—and, as this seems-to be a part of the
issue which the gentleman has made up, and wish
es to try, I have no objection that you count the
wrinkles which time has chiseled in our brows,
and then say, who has the advantage of years on
his side—this raw youth,who has,for many months,
been peddling his abolition 'notions' from one end
of the State to the other, or myself. But "mur
der will speak, tho' it be with most miraculous or
gan," and our modest friend, by chance, lets it be
known that he is a very Hercules in debate, and
that lately, at Washington, in this Stet; ho fairly
vanquished the learned Faculty of the College,
the president Judge of the Court, and the Bar to
boot. So, sir, you see that, unless I stood upon
vantage ground, by having the best side of the ques
tion, I should have but little chance with my well
trained and powerful antagonist
Mr. CLI4IIIMAN:—If I have learned aright from
the tenor of the gentleman's speech, the object of
Abolitionists is to work a reformation in the Gov
erntnent of the country. It may be true that there
are imperfections in the present system. It was
framed by men, fallible and liable to err, and it no
doubt partakes of smite of their infirmities. But
where is the - Government that is perfect? Plato
dreamed of such an one; but such an one the world
has never seen, nor can see, while man is the im
perfect, weak, and selfish being that ho is. But
the framers of our own Constitution,the fundamen
tal law of tho land, were as free from weakness and
human infirmities as men are likely r ever to be
found. They were new from the.fiery furnace of
the Revolution, purged from the dross of selfish
ness,iamidst its perils and its toils; the pledged ad
vocates of human liberty, and the sworn foes of
tyranny, they came to the discharge of the high
trust that had been committed to them, with hearts
as pure, and a devotion as ardent, as aver glowed
in human bosoms' for human rights. Their wis
dom, too, had been proved by the successful issue
of a contest, which hnd been raised and controlled
by their energies; yet a newer generation, wiser
and purer in its own conceit, would tear down the
edifice which their hands have built, and erect in
its stead some crude fabric, whose foundations
would fail while it was yet in the hands of the
builders.
The subject of Slavery was not overlooked by
the framers of the Constitution; It prevailed in n
majority of the States, and had done so from an
early 'period of our colonial existence. It was al
ready an evil that had the antiquity and sanction
of more than a century, and to which the people
of the States in which it existed, had become at
tached. These States had stood shoulder to shoul
der with the others in baffling against English op
pression for the rights of man. The most renown
ed leaders of that Revolution were citizens of those
States; their patriotism and devotion to the cause
bad been ardentand undoubted; but they were un
willing to abandon the Institution of Slavery.—
They were sovereign and independent States, and
as such, joined the Union, which it was deemed
wise to form, reserving to themselves, as did the
other States, all such rights as had not been con
ceded to the General Government. That Union
was the result of a compromise, but it was a wise
one, whatever abolitionists may say to the contra
ry, and if it had not been formed—which could
not have been done on other terms—at this day,
instead of being the great, powerful and respected
nation which we are, we should have been the
miserable, dependent vassals of some foreign mas
ter; or, with all of Slavery that now exists, we
should have been engaged in waging perpetual
war upon each other. The object of Government
is to secure the greatest amount of happiness to
the greatest number, and that, I believe, in an
eminent degreeltarr been attained by the American
Constitution; it has its imperfections, hut such are
inseparable from the very highest efforts of human
patriotism and wisdom,
My object, in my further remarks, will be to
show, that as Slavery is a &Meade institution ofl
the States wherein it exists, it can he only abolish
ed by the legislation of those States themselves;
that it was intended by the Constitution, that all
the rights reserved to the States should be enjoyed
in peace; that any organize& opposition to those
rights is a violation of the Constitution; that the
scheme of emancipation proposed by the Aboli
tionists is impracticable and mischievous,alike both
to master and slave, aggravating the fOrmer, and
thereby rendering more hopeless the bondage of
the latter; and, finally,that it tends to foster a spirit
adverse to the permanency of the Union.
I have stated, Mr. Chairman, that it 4 , , as inten
ded by the Constitution, that all the rights reserved
to the States should bri enjoyed in peace, and that
any organized opposition to those rights is a viola
tion of the Constitution. Yet sir, while I believe
this,l would maintain to my latest brcath,tho right
of petition, the right of speech, and the liberty of
the Press; and rather than forego them, much as I
love this Union; I would pray for its dissolution,
if at such a price they might be saved; for when
those are taken from us, we ourselves will bo but
slaves, and abolition benevolence and abolition
Pat vAno
sympathy may find objects, on which to expend
themselves without travelling beyond the sphere of
wisdom and duty. But there is a wide difference
between the expression of our opinions, in regard
to the propriety of the laws and institutions of our
sister States, and an organized warfare upon them.
To differ in opinion about men, or measures, or
institutions, is inseparable from the constitution of
the humxn mind; no two men think alike, or form
the same opinion in relation to the same subject;
and this diversity of opinion is productive, perhaps,
of more harmony thip discord, in the world. To
differ in opinion with my neighbor about his busi
ness, and to express that opinion, is not to do him
wrong; but if I organize a society to thwart him
in it, or denounce him for pursuing it, then I do
him an injury, and ho has a right to complain.—
Tin Dow maxim is, that man shall so exercise
his own rights as to do no hurt to those of another."
As long as wo only differ in opinion with our
Southern brethren about the institution of Slavery,
and confine that difference to a mere expression of
opinion, we violate none of their Constitutional
rights, and they have no ground of complaint. If
they complain of us for this, or seek to prevent ua
from exercising this right, they are guilty of au
attempt to abridge our Constitutional rights, and
we become the injured party. But, by the Con
stitution, the right of holding Slaves is guarantied
to the States in which the institution of Slavery I
"I wan NO OTHER REAMING, NO OTHER SPEAKER OF KY LIVING ACTIONS, TO KEEP NINE HONOR FROM CORRUPTION."--SHAHS.
AligiftfEramainaezer. Epo20 9 caticozaDQaut s max sag azgovqb
In Pennsylvania there is no S!avery: it was long
ag '.abolished by an act of the State Legislature
the only way in which it could be done. It was
not done by holding meetings in Maryland or
Virginia, or by Lecturers traversing the States of
New-Jersey or Now-York. It was a free-will act
of Pennsylvania herself, neither advised, dictated.
or pressed by the other States, or the citizens of
the other States; and it is possible, nay it is proba
blo,that if such interference had been attempted, it
would have resulted in retarding the abolition of
Slavery, or, perhaps, in entirely preventing the
passage of the Art of 1780, by which Slavery 'was
gradually abolished, and by which almost every
trace of it was swept from the State.
But I may ho asked—how such interference
could have produced this result! I answer—by
exciting hostility and passion, which blind us to
our true interests, as well as to a sense of justice;
and such has been the effect of Abolition operation.-
on the South. A few years ago the South was
willing to admit, almost as one man, that Slavery
was an evil. But the last session of Congress has
seen Jens C. CALHOUN, in his place, on the floor
of the Senate, avow Slavery to be a real and posi.
tive good; and, paradoxical as it may seem, neces
sary to tie safety and permanency of Republican
institutions! Maddened by Abolitionist denuncia
tions, and by an interference deemed unconstitu
tional and wicked, he sees through a false medium,
and deems that a good which is pregnant with
evil. And, sir, this was what was naturally to
have been expected from the course which was
pursued. When those who were esteemed great,
and good, and noble, were denounced as thievmv,
and man stealers, and murderers—as a kind of hu
man tigers, who were wont to prey upon the
groans and blood of human victims; when WAMP.
DIGTO 11, and MADIRON, and MAIISUALL. and other
of our country's greatest benefactors, were denoun
ced as murderous tyrants while they lived, and,
being dead, ns expi ding their offences in hell—no
wonder that Southern men should be wrought to
frenzy! I only wonder, that the tongue that ut
tered such impious slanders, did not rot from the
contagion of the corruption of the heart in which
it was conceived! Sir, I again ask, is it astonish
ing that the South should be hostile to Abolition,
when such is the course that Abolitionists have
iiursued, which they continue to pursue! Is it
not rather astonishing, that the slander of these
men, whose fittne is •the property of the whole
country, has not awakened a burst of indignation,
both in the North and in the South, long enough
to silence forever those impugners of the noblest
American names? Ho who couples the names of
W.teutNoTosr and HENRY with tyrsnny and
crime, is no American: he must be some foreign
hireling, paid and trained for the business of de
traction. Such a course could not win the South:
the efibct of it has been to estrange it from the
North, and confirm it in its attachment to the In
stitution of Slavery.
But the gentlernaq insists that Slavery is an evil;
that it is right to denounce it as such; and asks
his oft repeated question, ""is it wrong to do rigbt!"
exists; and it is the very object of the Constitu
tion to protect the people of this Union in the
peaceful enjoyment of all the rights which it con
fers upon them. Any organized attempt.therefore,
to invalidate those rights, however it may be at
tempted to be glossed over, is a violation of the
spirit and intention of that instrument. If this be
true, then are Abolitionists, as far as they can be.
violators of the Constitution; for their whole effort,
according to their own declarations, is to get up an
organized opposition to the institution of Slavery.
in the States where it does , not exist.tn put it down'
in the States where it .Llen exist. This, sir, is a
palpable and unwarranted interference.
But IA us look at abolition in another aspect.—
Is the scheme of emancipation practicable, and
has it produced slily salutary effect! Let us ex
amine this part of the subject.
In the Convention which assembled in Virginia
in 1829 or 1930, the question of abolition found
ninny able and fearless advocates. The institution
of slavery was fiercely denounced as being fraught
with innumerable moral and political evils„ and
public sentiment was rapidly setting in the same
direction, as is evident from the rumberof masters
who emancipated their slaves, during several of
the preceding and succeeding years. But the
Genius of Emancipation has fled, and the evil
Genii, who delight in human thraldom and human
degradation, have" taken her place, and their har
binger was the echo of the cry of "abolition" from
the North.
A t n subsequent period, Kentucky seemed rapid
ly approaching the time, when Slavery would be
abolished within her borders. When the question
was agitated in her Legislature, in the Lower
House a majority of ten members was in favor of
abolition; in the Senate there was a majority °font
opposed to it. Shortly after this, the abolitionists
of the North commenced their crusade, and the
consequence is,thot abolition Inis,at present, scarce
ly an advo:thte in the State. In the Convention of
Tennessee, in 1832, a spirit equally favorable to
emancipation was manifested; but now no voice is
heard to advocate the cause of the Slave; his
friends aro silent, save when they are heard la
menting or denouncing the folly of foreign inter
ference, which has defeated all their benevolent
designs, and rolled back the tide which was hasten..
ing to wash the stain of slavery from the State.—
In Maryland, a similar feeling prevailed, and in a
similar manner has it been obliterated.
Such are the effects which Abolition movements
have produced, and such are the effects that ought
to have been anticipated from the course that was
pursued. The States are all jealous of their res
pective rights, and opposed to every thing that
looks like an encroachment upon them, whether it
be on the part of the General Government or the
State Governments; or froth whatever quarter it
may come. There is nothing which the States
have guarded with ouch jealous care, as what is
called "State Rights," and any invasion of them
has always been followed by hostility to the party
so invading them. , The warmest political attach
ments and Flirty union have, more than once,been
severed and broken up from such a cause. What
then was to bo looked for, in the presentease,
from what the Stamm States regarded as an act
of foreign and improper interference? Nothing
but hostility to the measures that were pursued,—
Every thing that was done here; was regarded es
nn net of oflicious intermeddbng with matters with
which we had nothing to do; and the consequence
was, that the cause sought to be advanced
larded.
I answer, that it is not right to do wrong, and
that that produces wrong never was right. The
rule by which we are to judge of good and evil is
of Divine origin, namely, "Judge the tree by its
fruit." Try Abolition by this rule:—what fruit
has it prsduced? Nothing but bitterness and mis
ery even to the Slave. Instead of making his
"yoke easy and his burden light," it has increased
his hin!en, and made his yoke to gall. The gen
tlemin asks me, "will you admit that Slavery is
an evil?" and when I answer in the affirmative, he
exclailles 4hen why nGt give your voice in favor
Aberfinnr The answer is easy—because I .
do not wish to increasn and perpetuate the evil, as
I think I have shown I would do, were I to join
the Al.olition line and cry. I have attempted to
show- 7 -haw fir I have succeeded is for those to
~my who have heard me—that the conduct of the
Abolitionists is unwise; that they ere neither ac
ting the part of philosophers nor philanthropists—
' not of philosophers, because their attempt is un•
wise, serving only to aggravate the master end
deepen the misery of the slave, instead of securing
him the boon of liberty—not of philanthropists,
because philanthropy is enlightened benevolence,
actually alleliating misery and misfortune,furnish
ing the antidote and not the poison.
Mr. Chairman,there is another question to which
I would draw your attention, and that of the audi
ence. Is this the proper field for the operation of
AboUticnists! The gentleman has spoken about
Cie persecution of the Apostles and the early
Christiaris. Doubtless ho remembers one part of
the Bible as well as another: will he be good
enough to tell us whether the Apostles converted
Ithe Gentiles by preaching in Jewry, or the Greeks
by preaching in Rome? -There Is a maxim, too,
which I would recommend to him, namely, "the
whole need riot a physician, but they that are sick."
But Abolitionists do not practice upon this prin
ciple: they are ultra homocrrithists, who would
cure the sick by doctoring the sound; that is, sir,
l it Ibe sick, they will cure me by giving you medi
eine.
.South Carolina, they tell you, is,sick, full
of mord! diseases and sores, and they have set a
, boat curing her by pouring their Abolition nos
trums into Pennsylvania, who is sound and well.
These men quite surpass the Quack Doctor, in the
Puppet Exhibition of "Punch and the Devil,"
who vaunts his power of healing in the lines
"I can cure the palsy and the gout,
"And if the Devil's in you, I can drive him
oat."
This worthy, great as were his powers of heal
tug, and miraculous as had been his cures, could
not set the bones of the absent: it was requisite
that he should be present to feel the pulse of his
patient, and inquire into the nature of the disease,
before be administered his pills, or prescribed his
remedies. But the sect of Abolitionists, to which
the gentleman on my left belongs, bears more re
semblance to another sct.of Quacks, who can see
their patients diseases in water, and cure thorn by
hanging Ain the chinEicey,or burying It in a partic
ular aim of the moon.
But, sir, Lvvill abjure this levity: it befits not
theaubject, fur his one of seriousness, which, in
its eonseguilices, is mere likely to produce tears
and blood than matter for jest and ridicule. The
continuance of its agitation, in the present spirit,
is as pregnant with evil'.; as Pandora's box, without
l cven hope at the bottom. In the first place, it has
no tendency to abolish slavery, or ameliorate the
condition of the slave, but a contrary one; for in
---.: States than one, it has caused tint Ciluelment
!of laws to mate Slavery perpetual, by making it
penal for any ono to propose its abolition. It has
also made the chattleism of the slave, about
which the gentleman has talked so long, more
complete. It has torn from him the little remnant
of his hopes, and made his bondage doubly cruel,
by the knowledge of the perpetual servitude of
hinaself, his children, and his children's children.
Vct these men, with mercy and liberty always in
their months, continue to add rivet after rivet to
the fetters of the slave, until they will have plun
ged him into remediless bondage, by bringing a
bout a di.welution of the Union, and causing a Con
, federacy to be erected on tlie principle of holding
human beings in perpetual slavery- Of this, how
ever, my opponent says there is no danger;because
Abolition operations have no such tendency; be
cause it is not the interest of the South to dissolve
the Union; and because fear will compel the South
to adhere to it. .
It is conceded, that, if the agitation of this ques
tion would produce a dissolution of the . Union,the
condition of the. slave would be more hopeless.—
Let us examine whether them is canter of a dis
solution being produced.
Ever since the agitation of the celebrated "Mis
souri question," the south has been exceedingly
sensitive on the subject of Slavery. Whenever
that subject has been,even incidentally,brought in
. _ _
question, it has produced a degree of angry excite
ment, unexampled in the history of the discussion
of other subjects. If this be true, is it not reason
able to anticipate amore alarming and dangerous
degree of excitement, when an organized warfare
is n't only waged against the institution of Slave
ry, but against the rights and• character of the
Southern States! When it is boldly and wicked
ly asserted, that those States are a dead weight—
a worm than dead weight; that they obscure the
glory, aml area clog to the prosperity of the Union;
and Then Societies are formed, and Newspapers
esrabli-led, to promulgate and render permanent
those sentiments...no wonder that their love for the
Union should grow cool. When it is denied that
they have been participants in the privations and
the wits, through which our fathers, like the Isia-
elites through the wildemms of old, reached tho
"ptoinised lane of peace and independence; when
it is fozgotten whose guiding hand, under Heaven,
was c-the pillar of cloud by day, and the pillar of
fire by night," to conduct therryto that promised
land—no wonder that they feel aggrieved, and do-
sire to be sundered from those who have become
their denouncers and revilers.
In a country go wide and extensive as this,
stretching from the bleak North to climes in which
spontaneously grow the olive an the orange, so
diversified in climate, in soil, and productions, and
consequently in interests, there must skyey-3 exist
subjects ofditrenmcei and contention. These it is
the duty of the patriot to allay, not to foment anti
increase. Mutual forbearance ought to he inculca•
tell and practicettin' order to countervail thaeffects
which naturally grow out of such causes. But
these men, who are “wiso above what is written,"
hunt eam-rly after aubjexta of crirnination, anti en-
dearer to increase sectional jettleuities, by Coto-
ments calculated to inflame sectional prejudice.—
Within the hour, the gentleman has made many
i such; to one of them I shall briefly allude. He
has told you, that it would be better for the North
that the South should secede from the Union; and
I by an argument worthy only of the low and vile
!demagogue, ho has attempted to prove his propo
' sition., He has told you, nine-tenths of the reve
nue of the country is paid in the non-slave-holding
States, and therefore the people of those States
bear nine-tenths of the burdens of Government.—
The gentleman has not learned even the A. B. C.
principles of the financial system of the country,
or he would have learned, that it is not the impor
ter, but the consumer, that pays the duty which is
the chief source of revenue; and that a large a
mount of those articles, on which duties are paid,
are consumed in the South. Such statements as
these, which can only excite sectional hostilities,
cannot be blamelessly made, nor their authors ex
cused, on account of ignorance. The conduct of
him who trifles ignorantly with a subject which in
volves the happiness of millions, is as reprehensi
ble as that of the empiric who trifles with and
sacrifices human life at the shrine of cupidity and
ignorane. And who is it that does not feel indig
nant, when he sees this glorious Union, the fruit
of the poured -out and mingled blood of Warren,
Mercer, Scammel, and of him who fell at Quebec.
about to be sacrificed by charlatan rage or misgui
ded zeal?
But Abolitionists tell you there is no danger.—
Yet we all know that the South is full of excite
ment, on account of the insurrectionary writings,
which have been poured into it from the North.—
Look, too, at the conduct of the Southern mem
bers of Congress, while the question was pending
on the motion ,to censure Mr. Adams. Every
Southerp scat was at one time vacant, and gloom
sat upon the countenances of all who loved the
Union. It was believed that the day was already
ncar,even at the door,when the people of the North
and the South would be no longer one. The storm,
was averted; but its energies are not extinguished,
only repressed; and, even now, the sound borne
to us from the South is sullen and portentous, like
that which comes as the herald of the earthquake
or the volcano. Still, if you believe the Abolition
ists, there is no danger; their cry is still "peace!
peace!" although they are waging war against the
Union of the States. But I hope it will be unsuc
cessful; that those fraternal bonds, which bind to
gether the North and the South, may never bo
Atl
dared; that when future, generations shall stand in
our place,the United Constellation, will still chino
in our banner, unbroken and undimmed.
The time prescribed to me by the resolution,
passed nt the commenceme9t of the debate, has
passed, and I must conclude. I will only add,that
the gentleman has entirely failed - to show how the
aboi.tion of slavery is to be effected. The example
of the mnncipation of the West India slaves, of
which he hes spoken, is a widely different natter
from the emaiNipation of slaves in this country.—
The British Gm - eminent is a consolidated one;
the Legislative poWer, for ^ t and every part of
England and her depandencies,is ;reitf4l in Parlia
ment; a single act of the Legislature upon tru7!!nb
ject would, therefore, at once sweep away Slavery
from every :province or colony comprehended in
the Act. But here the General Government has
no power to abolish Slavery; it would require a
separate Legislative act of each of the Thirteen
States in which Slavery masts, to elielish it. The
mernhars of these legislatures, unlike a majority
of the members of the British Parliament,havo pro
perty in,and live amongst, the Slaves proposed to
be set free. The turning them loose would be a
groat detriment to the masters and to the commu-
nity. Crime and pauperism would be multiplied
and society generally would suffer from it. Bu
a majority of the members of British Par}lumen,
have no property in the Colonial slaves; neither
they, nor the Island of Great Britain, could suffer
from the freeing of slaves in the Islands; three
thousand miles away. In England, there was no
•hing to prevent Slavery to be swept away by a
single act of Legislation.
Deferre4 eirtieles.
AMERICAN TEMPERANCE IN ENGLAND.-
The Chancellor of the Exchequer of Great
Britain has, at the solicitation of Mr. Buck.
ingham, given orders that the pamphlets is•
sued by the American Temperance Socie•
ties, may be imported into that country free
of duties.
UNUSUAL TRIAL AND CONVICTION.-At
the April term of the Superior Court for the
county of Jasper, Georgia, Mrs. Matilda
Cogswell Was tried for the murder of her
stepson, Hiram Cogswell, a youth of eleven
years of age. The evidence was entirely
circumstantial. The jury retired to their
room with the case about 3 o'clock in the al
ternoon, and returned earlykihe ensuing
morning with a verdict of guilty. Sentenc
ed under a special provision of the penal code
of the State, in such cases, to imprisonment
and labor in the penitentiary during the natu
ral life of the convict.
al-The following article, which appeared in tho
wAbbottstown Intelligencer" a few weeks'ago as
an advertisement, has been translated and its pub
lication requested in the "Star."
Beware of a Swindler!
We deem it our duty to warn the Citi
zens of the United States ofa swindler, who
calls himself ADAIII KONIO, (sometimes
Adam King.) Ho is a native of Michelstad,
in the grand Dukedom of Hessen. His trade
it beerbrewer. About 6 years ngo he came
to Gettysburg and got married; and carried
on the beerbrewing business for some years
till he made his escape, after running in
dobt in every way it, was possible; borrow.
ing money and buying any thing people
would trust him with. The above mention
ed Adam Konig, is spare in statue and small,
a roman nose, black hair,not fluent in speak
ing, about 2S years old and consiantly
tv after strong liquor—not after watert—
Last fall one of his brothers arrived from
Germany, pretending to be a baker,but hay
ing the appearance of a fatted pig! This
latter one,h is brother dispatched &few Weeks
before his elopement from Gettysburgh—.
probably to prepare quarters in the west,
EvoL i'--$4.0.0,
whore they intend to begin Anew whatthey
left undone here! Adam Konig must have
about $1,500 with him: out of which !rebels
cheated' the people here. The lest hail's
seen was in Pittsburg, from whew* it las
supposed he travelled to Cincinnati. HI.
wife died some yeamago, but his oily child
he len here unprovided for.
Gettysburgh, Pa. 1114 11FI, 1A37.
Printcre, in the West would 'do well to
honor Adam, by copying the above. notice.
Prom the Hanover Herald.
The Encampment.
The Encampment of Volunteers COM*
menced en the 4th instant, although not at
tended by no many companies as was. ex
pected, passed ell' remarkably we11..110-
Greys received the Geitvaburgh qiutrds,
under Captain M'CttsstiY, accomPanied *
the band, near M'Sherrystown, on Thirsday
at noon, and after escorting them to their
quarters, marched down the York road to
meet the Pennsylvania Riflenrier. under Cap
rain HAY, which company, after marching
through a part of the town, was also escort
ed to their tents on the common. At six
o'clock in the evening, the companies un
der their respective captains, performed
sundry military evolutions, in the presence
of a large number of spectators, all 'of whom
expressed their admiration at the good ap
pearance and discipline of the members:
On Friday morning Gen. T. C. Mria . ,t x
and Brigade inspector Scow appeared on
the ground, the firat of whom assumed the
command; after manceuvering forsome time
on the - common, the whole body'were
ched down the York road to meet the'York
Country Troop,under the command of Cap
tain HAMMY. This troop has latelyadopt.
ed a new dress whick gives theme very im
posing appearance. On the return of the
several companies to town, they were pare
ded through our streets, and from thence,
marched to the common, where
,they were
subsequently under duty for the greatest
part of the day.
In the evening, the encampment was
ted by , a large number of lathes and gentle
men, who greeted their viaitere, with the
smile of approbation. The good feeling
and desire to please mandbeted by all could
not fad in producing a happy etfect,, and al
though the exercises of the day bad , been
very fatiguing, the buoyant spirits and cheer
ful smiles of the volenteere bore testimony ,
that gloom and despondency were banished
from their bosoms.
On Saturday they all returned to the ir
homes, leaving behind them many Whom
their short visit had made; friends, and so,:fiur
as we can learn, all pleasod with the recep
tion met with.
qqqqq 77 ' l
We ask a. iFtlni of tife "" rin g
Letter from the President of Ll> 11..tates Bank,
Ccir Itiddle's Letter to the
lion. John Quinri Atdansts.
PHILADELMIA, May 12th, A 837.
MY DEAR SIR: --You are good enough to
express a wish to know my own views of tha
present state of things, and I hasten to give
them without reserve.
You may perhaps remember that in my
letter to you of the 11th of November last,
I stated what seemed the real causes of the
embarrassments then existing, and the ap
, propriate remedies for them, adding that by
their adoption "confidence would be restor
ed in twenty-four hours, and repose at least
in as ninny days." Six months' further ex
perience has only confirmed that opinion.
1 believe now, as I believed then, that the
events of this week might have been readily
prevented—and that the unhappy preseve
ranee in the measures then deprecated, has
reduced then country to its present comytOtt,
But I have no leisure now to discutsS.-
subject, and no disposition to indulge is
unavailing regrets. It will be more prOfita=
ble to look distinctly at the present position
r,f the banks and the country, and to suggest
their respective duties to themselves and to
each other.
All the deposit banks of the Government
of the U. &Otos in the city of New York
suspende' specie payments this week—the
deposite banks elsewhere have followed their
example; which was of course aeopteti by
the. State blinks not connected with the
Government. I bay of course, because it
is certain that when the Government banks
cease to pay specie, al( the other banks
must cease, and for this clear reason: • The
great creditor in the United States is the
Government. It receives for duties the
notes of the various banks, which are placed
for collection in certain Government banks
and are paid to those Government banks
n specie if requested.
Now if. these. Government Banks, the
depositories of the public revenue, will not
pay specie for the very warrants drawn
upon thorn by the Treasury. the Govern
ment of the United States from that moment
ceases to pny specie to the citizens of the
United States. As moreover the Govern
ment receives for duties only specie and the
notes oespecie-paying Banks, the instant its
own deposit Banks cease to pay specie, the
Government must refuse to receive the
notes of its own deposit Banks ant eats
receive no notes except those of Blinks not
deposit Banks. On_ thsion hand the n she
Government is hound to pay its dew%
specie, and it has nomeans of prucurmit
specie except from the Banks`not eeeteettled
with the Treasury, so dist these Benloollgoi
all their notes collected end paid into the
Treasury for duties converted ittinterintiv.
ly into specie for the use ofthe
—while the deposit Bank. wilt not sow dilr
debts to the other Books iospecie, per pet
the Treasury wareante _.ia_ epeieie; Take,