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WILLIAM BREWSTER,} EDITORS.
SAM. G. WHITTAKER,
F,,.e Vroikac#4
[From the Newark Daily Advertieer.]
Judge Marsh, of N w Jersey, in
Favor of Fremont,
We stated, some days ago, that llon.
Ephraim Marsh, of this State, who presi
ded at the National American Convention
which nominated Fillmore and Donelson,
had decided to support Fremont and Day.
ton. IN'u have just received from him the
following letter to his colleagues, (who,
with him, represented the Americans of
this State in the Convention,) in which he
ably reviews the principles at stake in the
contest, and gives his reasons for support.
ing the Republican candidates. Ire only
retteraces the convictions of every honest
practical man who has reflected upon the
subject—that the only issue in this comest
is between the extentionists of slave pow
er, headed by Buchanan, and the friend:
of freedom in the Territories, who .have
nominated Fremont ; and to support Mr.
Fillmore, would be only enSting his vote
for the former—or, nt best, throwing it a
way. l'he letter will be rend with inter
est, and produce a powerful effect upon
those who have hitherto sympathized in
the cause in which Judge Marsh was first
enlisted :
Sertoomor's MOUNTAIN'S, N. Sep. 10.
Messrs. J. H. Lynn. J. W. Mien, L Ott,
E II Grandin, J. Cornell, J. Weeks:—
Genamten—Having been constrained
by the course of public events, occuring
since the meeting of the Amer:e.m `ration•
al Convention by which the lion. Millard
Fillmore was nominated for President of
the United Stows, over which Convention
I hod the honor to preside, to renounce that
nomination, you, as my colleagues in that
Convention. arc entitled to toy reasons for
so doing, and I will proceed briefly but
frankly to sta'e them.
It was known 'o my friends nt Philadel
phia that the pro slavery platform there a
dopted, and which drove so many North•
ern delegates from the Convention, was re
pugnant to my sentiments and sympathies.
But confiding in the principles of Mr. Fill
more, who, in the Legislature of New
York, and in Congress, had ever acted
with the friends of freedom, I acquiesced,
in an exceptionable platform, In view of
the perfidious repeal of the Missouri com
promise, and the nggressions nod outrages
perpetrated by Missourians urn Kansas,
with more titan the approval of the Gene
ral Government, I looked for some expres
sion of the sentiments which pervaded the
whole North—sentiments that Mr. Fill
more had ever professed, in his letter of ac
ceptanco. But in this expectation I was
disappointed, There was n studied and
significant avoidance, in that letter, of the
question upon which lie knew, as we all
know, the Presidential election is to be de
cided, either in favor of or against slavery
extension. Nor was I less disappointed in
finding the friends of Mr. Fillmore in Con
gress, voting steadily, throughout a pro
tracted session, with the supporters of ag
gressioti and outrage in Kansas, and per
sisting in such votes, after, by the report of
the Kansas Congressional Committee, it
had been irrefragably proven that the elec
tions in Kansas hail been Carried by arm•
ed bodies of men front Missouri ; that an
infamous code of Territorial laws had been
enacted in Etnsas by Missourians; that
free presses in Kansas had been destroyed
by Missourians ; that settlers in Kansas
had been robbed and murdered by Missou
rians ; that organized and armed bodies of
men from Missouri and other slave States
had sworn, in secret Societies, that Kansas
shall become a slave State ; and finally,
that all these outrages were perpetrated
with the aid and approbation of a United
States Judge and Marshal, and in the pre
sence of United States troops. But these
great wrongs, though arousing the just in
dignation of freemen, have elicited no
word of reproof front Mr. Fillmore. On
the contrary, in his speech at Albany, he
astounded tho country in declaring that
the election of Col. Fremont, by the spon
taneous suffrages of a majority-of the citi
zens of the republic, would occasion a din
solution of the Union. And up to the last
vote in the called session of Congress,
when the friends of Freedom endeavored,
in the Army Appropriation bill, to protect
the citizens of Kansas by the adoption of
a conservative proviso, lion. Mr. Haven,
the confidential partner and partisan of Mr.
Fillmore, voted with thu pro-slavery ma
jority. Indeed, since the commencement
of the just closed session of Congress, sla
very has not obtained an advantage that it .
did not owe to the votes of Mr. Fillinore's
friends; nor has freedom encounter.' a
defeat that did not come from the same
quarter of the House of Representatives
His friends, holding the balance of power,
turned the scale, when it would turn in fa- ;
vor of slavery,
And where, or in what respect has Mr.
Fillmore profited, politically, by all these
sacrifices of principle?—all these violations
of duty—all these surrenders of indepen
dence—nll this self-abasement What
has been gained by battering freedom for
slavery ?
His nomination was demanded by oar
Southern brethren, as you know, who
would only consent, even" to his nomina
tion, upon terms that drove most of the Nor.
them delegates out of the Convention. It
Was painfully apparent in the deliberations
of our Convention that Americanism was
but a secondary object. Slavery was with
them the paramount consideration. While'
for the sake of the broad American princi
ples that had taken hold of the public
mind, we were prepared to ignore the sla- ;
very question, they insisted upon !flaking!.
it, and did make it, the primary article of
faith in our platform.
And how, aftqr a imposing terms which
have shorn the American pasty of its
Northern strength, do the South Ameri
cans act? Have they kept or broken faith
with us ? In North Carolina, whnlse elec
tion is just over, the American party is
virtually disbanded. The Hon. Mr. Pu.
ryer, nn American member of Congress
from that State, concedes the State Co Mr.
Buchanan, though, aside from slavery,
there is an acknowledged political majori
ty against him.
In Kentucky, where was one year ago
a triumphant American majority, our par
ty is beaten if not annihilated. Col. Hum
phrey Marshall, a gallant leader seems to
have nailed his colors to the mast ; but
that only proves that he is "faithful among
the faithless."
The lion. Mr. IVnllcer, of Alabama,
ajneinher of our Convention, who was a
mong the nest zealous advocates of Mr.
Fillinore's nomination, has, from his seat
in Congress, proclaimed his abandonment
of Mr. Fillmore and his adhesion to Mr.
Buchanan. Senator Jones, of Tennessee,
with Senators Pratt nod Pearce, of Mary
land, lite long opponents of the democrat
ic party, have proclaimed themselves in
favor of Mr. Buchanan, rod now stand a
long with Senators Cass, Douglass, Atch
ison, &c., upon the Cincinnati platform.
There has been, within the last three
mouths, and since the issue which is to
give freedom to or force slavery into Kan
sas was made up, a regu'ar political stam
pede from the Southern ivhig and Ameri•
can parties over to thu support of Mr.
Buchanan.
Now what, let me inquire, does all this
mean ? Mr. Fillmore, as you well know
' was the nominee of the Southern States.
Those delegates were not only fir hits,
but would take none else. Why, then, do
they abandon him ? Simply because they
having but one interest in politics and
watchfully consulting the political barom
eter, aro guided by its suggestions. They
calculate the chances and the cost of the
Presidential election. The plw form upon
which they placed Mr. Fillmore offended
Northern sentiment the action in Con
gress,and the events in Kansas, have a
wakened throughout the North and West
an indignation so deep and prevading ns
to deprive Mr. Fillmore of the votes of
! every free State. To qualify himself for
acceptance in slave States, Mr. Fillmore
had to talie"gr winds which necessarily re
pelled the free States; and having thus
lost the North, the South, for that reason,'
abandons him. In this the South acts un
derstandingly, and is true to herself. Mr.
Fillmore became valueless to slavery the
moment it was certain that he could not
subsidize the North. And although aban
doned by those who nominated him, nei
ther Mr. Fillmore nor his friends can just
ly charge the South with bad faith, for
the terms of the compact were distinctly
understood. They aimed, with Ameri
canism ns a cover, to extend slavery. Ile
was to bring Northern strength. Unable
from the stringency of the term imposed,
and the enormity of the outrages perpetra
ted in Kansas to do that, the consideration
failed, and the South declares for Buchan
an, instead of Vintner°, ns the most avail
able candidate. If, therefore, the South,
as It has done whenever a "Northern man
with Southern principles" ceases to be
useful, lets Mr. Fillmore "slide," he must
console himself, as did Cardinal Woolsey,
with the reflection that, if he "had served
freedom with half the zeal he has given
to slavery, he would nor now be left na
ked to his enemies." Nor is this poetic
truth only, for while serving freedom no
man was inure honored and prospered than
Millard Fillmore ; rising, as he did, from
station to station, higher and higher, in j
the State and national .4in aliments, and
gC LIBERTY AND UNION, NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE. "
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1856.
enjoying, until tempted by ambition, to a
bandon his principles and party, universal
regard and confidence.
Shall we, North, then be required to
adhere to a nomination, which has been
deliberately abandoned by the South ?
Shall we cling to Mr. Fillmore after those
most earnest for his nomination are sup
porting Mr. Buchanan ?
This is the practical question. Let us,
therefore, look it practically in the face :
Even tho present state of the canvass,
all but one or two of the Southern Slates
are not only sure to vote for Mr. Buchan
an, but are made sure by the votes of
Southern Americans, who were pledged
to Mr. Fillmore. As the canvass pro
gresses, the Northern sentiment developer
and concentrates in favor of Col. Fremont
the remaining one or two Southern States
will declare unanimously for Mr. Buch
anan, on whom the whole South will be
visited.
On the other hand, the free States, wiih
the exception of New Jersey and Penn
sylvania, have, or in the progress of the
canvass will, declare for Fremont. The
nominee of the American party, abandon
ed by the South, though espousing its
principles, and repudiated by the North,
because of his subserving to the South,
is driven into New Jersey and Pennsylva
nia, two States, upon which his friends
hang a "forlorn hope." But does Mr. Fill
more, or any sane man, suppose or pre•
tend that he can carry either of these
'States I Assuredly not.
It is certain, however, and it is conce
ded, that a union of the Americans Ind
Republicans in both tittes, would take
them from Buchanan and carry them
where they belong, into brotherhood and
fraternity with freedom.
May I not, then, rely upon the patriot
ism
of my American friends, appeal
.to
them with confithMce in furor of union
here in my own State, and in our sister
State of Pennsylvania, for the snlce of,
that glorious Union which we all love
nod cherish as an inheritance more pre.
cion:t than any other gift, though encurn.
bored, as portions of it necessarily teas,
with slavery ? Does nny one tell me in
reply that our American principles forbid
this union? Of such let me inquire what
has bean clone, or sought to be done, lie
Southern Americans in Congress to carry
out our principles? Have they passed.
or nttemi,ted to puss nay laws upon the
American question ? Or have their voices
nncl votes been given constantly in favor ,
of slavery extension ? In refusing to unto
with our friends of free Kansas, (the
on
aly issue involved in the contest) Ameri
cans in New Jersey and Pennsylvania are
with their eyes open to the inevitable re
nidnig Mr. Buchanan, whose nations
and State platforms contain open donna
eiations of the American party, to carry
these States. Yes, nothing is more cer- ;
lain than that New Jersey and Pennsyl
vania con elect or defeat Mr. Buchanan.
The rel,nsibility either way rests with
the Americans. We can teat or be ben
ten by the party that is avowedly hostile
to freedom and Americanittn. We cannot
elect Mr. Fillmore, and for one, after the
course pursued in Congress by his itn•
mediate representatives, after his own this
loyal declarations in furor of a dissolution
of the Union in the event of Col. Fre
mont's election I run free to soy I do not
disire his success.
I have heard but two tangible reasons
urged against Col. Fremont. The first is
that he is a sectional candidate. This is
neither Ills fault nor the fault if those who
supported him. The repeal of the Missou
ri compromise was a national question and
a national wrong.
The extension of slavery beyond its con
stitutional boundary is a national question.
If, as in the repeal of that compromise, na
tional compacts were violated, may not the
people seek national redress In what
way, or by what means, eon that wrong be
righted but in a constitutional manner th ro'
the ballot boxes ? The freedo m of Kan
sas and Nebraska wns violated by the ac
tion of the Executive and Legislative de
partments of the government. May we
not, without incurring the reproach of sec.
tionalism, endeavor to re establish freedom
in those territories by reforming the Exec.
utive and Legislative departments !
Who set up the cry of sectionalism when
General Jackson, from Tennessee, and Mr,
Calhoun, from South Carolina, were PITS-
Went and Vice President ? Why Fillmore
himself, who now councils a dissolution of
Union if Fremont and Dayton should be
elected, supported sectional candidates for
President and Vice President in 1828 and
1834. The idea of dissolving the Union
for such a cause is, I not happy to see, de•
flounced by enlightened and patriotic Soo.
there men.
General Houston,the dis:inguished Sea
ator .from Texas, in his cloning speech in
the Senate sail— , They say if Fremont is
elected forty thousand bayonets will bristle
about the capital—that the South, in fact,
will secede. Mr. President, I scorn the
suggestion. There will be neither twist
ding bayonets nor secession if Col. Fre
mont shall be elected by a majority of the
people. 'though I sin not hi, supporter,
I shall respect the majority of the people;
and to Col. Fremont, as the chief magi,
trate of their choice, I shall pry my res.
pietist homage." The Hon. Henry Win
ter Davis, a talented and eloquent Ameri
can member of Congress from Maryland,
holds the following sentiments, which am
much more becoming an American than
those uttered by Mr Fillmore at Albany :
'Mere are men who go about the coun
try declaiming about the inevitable conse
quences of the election of Fremont ; and
the question is asked whetlier that simple
fact is not sutlicient, not merely to justify
but to require a dissolution of the Union ?
The question has been asked me tealay.
That is n question which I de not regard
as even n subject of discussion. It never
trill be done while men have their reason.
It never will be done until smno party bent
upon acquiring party power, shall again,
and again, nod again exasperate beyond
the reach of reason the Northern and Sou
thern minds, as my Southern friends have
now exasperated the Northern mind. It
would be an act of suicide, and sane men
do not commit suicide. The act itself is
insanity. It will be done, if ever, in a
tempest of fury and madness which cannot
st pto rer.son. Dissolution, means death,
the suicide of Liberty, without a hope of
resurrection—denth, without the glories of
immortality ; with no sister to mourn her
fall, none to wrap her decently in her win
ding sheet and bear her tenderly to a sap
! tdvii re—dead Liberty left to all the horror
ei reers ption, a loathsome thing-, with a
.s..ake through the body, which men shun,
cast out naked on the high Way of nations,
where the tyrants of the earth who feared
her living, will mock her dead, passing by
on the other side, wagging their heads and
thrusting their tongues in their cheeks at
her, saying, ' , Behold her, how she that
was fair among the nations, is fallen ! is
fallen ! ocly the few trine men who
loved her out of every nation will shed
tears over he dissolution as they pass, and
cast handfulls of earth on her body to
quiet her manes, while we, her children,
stumble about her ruined habitations, to
find dishonorable graves wherein to hide •
our shame. Dissolation ? Dow shall it
be ? who shall make it ? Do men dream
Lot and Abraham parting, one to the east
and the other to the west, peacefully, be
cause their servants strive? That States
will divide from States, and bounder} , lines
trill be marked by compass and chain ?
Sir
that will be a protentions commission
that shall settle that partition, for cannon
will be planted nt the corners and grinning I
skeletons be finger posts to point the way.
It will be no line gently marked on the
bosom of the republic—some meander
ing vein whence generations of her chil
dren have drawn their nourishment—but
a sharp and jagged charm, rending the ,
hearts of great Commonwealths, lacerad
ated and smeared with fraternal
On the night when the stars of her con.
stellation shall hill from heaven the black
ness of darkness forever will settle on the
liberties of mankind to this Western
world."
The other objection to Mr. F'retnont ad
dresses itself - particularly to Americans.—
It is alleged that he is a Roman Catholic.
The force of this objection depends up
on its truth or falsity. It is a simple ques
tion of fact. The charge originated in
the New York Exprcs , , and rested upon
the declaration of Alderman Fulmer, who
says that when nt ltrown's lintel, in
Washington, in the wittier of 1833, he saw
Col. Fremont worshipping in a Catholic
Church ; that lie conversed with the Col
onel on the subject of religion, and that
lie defended the extreme doctrines of the
tiomish Church. lit' reference to the
columns of the same Empress, it is shown
that Col. Fremont was, during the whole
of the time Alderman Fulmer locates him
nt Washington on board of ocean steamers.
An examination of the register and cash
books of Brown's Hotel shows that Col.
Fremont was not, during, the years of 18-
5.2 and '53, at that hotel. Here is con.
elusive, independent evidence that Alder
inns Fulmer is mistaken. This testimony
is confirmed by Col. Fremont's denial of
the whole story. The archives of the
Episcopal Church at Washington show
that Col. Fremont's children had Protes
(ant baptism. Mr. Livingston, who was
Cul. Fretnont's companion across the
Reeky Mountains. sa,t, that he carries
cluivx ,:, ~.., t ii L . , •1,
~. !,,,
._.,___•, ,=; .P'' ~/ ‘.;;-. - 1 4/ '..-.;> .
with hirn a pocket Protestant Bible. Ho it, exhibits an infatuated thoughtlessness
presented his wife with a Protestant pray- of the future. To turn from it as unit .
er book before their marriage. i portant will be suicidal to the liberties of
His preceptor says that he received a • your country.
Protestant education. Col. Fremont says No nation of men, taken as the whole
to everybody that inquires of him, that he body of the people, since the world began,
is and ever has been a Protestant. And ever occupied a position so highly and
yet not only in the absence of all testimo. fearlessly responsible to liberty, to human
ny, but after every allegation has been dis. ity, to the world, as that now held by the
proved, those who fabricated continue to
. fternien of the United States. The victo
reiterate the falsehood, and I am sorry to ry or the defeat of liberty and humanity,
add, that too many intelligent, honest elec. the continuance or overthrow of our free
tors, who would require better evidence to government, the upraising or downcast.
Mg of coining ages, are absolutely and sal.
convict a dog caught with the wool in his
mouth, of killing sheep, believe that Col, einnly, fellow citizens, in your keeping.—
Fremont is a Papist. i May the patriotism of Washington and Jet'.
It was said, you will remember, by ma. ferson guide you! Let the same spirit
ny of our friends at Philadelphia, that \lr. I burn in your heart which fired the soul of
Fillmore's name would be used at the South I Patrick Henry when he uttered the mem•
merely to divide the friends of freedom at arable words, "Give me liberty or give me
the North. I did not believe it then nor death:"
do I know that such was their design; but Slavery is at war with the progress of
that Mr. Fillmore's name is now only used boon ledge, with personal liberty, with do.
fur that purpose is transparently certain,— mestic happiness, with free government,
Nor should this surprise us for it is just with nature and with God. Shall it have
what the past has often revealed, i your sympathy, your aid, in the pending
Mr. Van Buren, who for thirty years struggle ? It withholds common school
was devoted to the South, hesitated about education, the knowledge of human rights,
the admission of Texas, and was thrown of history and of science, from the three
overboard. millions and a half of its victims. It de-
General Pierce, literally used up in:pro• grades the white non-slaveholding popula
meting, the repeal of the Missouri compro. tion in its midst, and keeps them in ignor
nose, and in sustaining border ruffianism, once nod poverty. Will you give it still
was remorselessly sacrificed at Cincinnati, larger territories, over which to spread its
by the South for 'an older, if not a better' I mental darkness, its personal degradations ?
doughface whom they hope to elect. Dif. Slavery wages a war of extermination on
fee as they may and do, in relation to all ' domestic happiness. It does not permit
other questions, on this every extreme of the slave-father or soother to be legally
shade and sentiment and opinion unite.— married, to own themselves each other, or
They regard the bank—the tariff—the pub- their children; to build their nest where
lie domain, &c., &c., subordinate questions , they please, or to warm and feather it as
and differ upon them ; but in voting upon best they can It tramples upon and crush
the annexation of Texas—the admission of es out all the sacred, Vaven appointed re
' California free—the Fugitive Slave law— t lotions of legal husband and wife, legal ht
' the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, titer and mother and children. The slave•
&c., &c., they always unite s or if a Sou• I holder curls the lip of scorn, and says, who
there member gives a wrong vote, like cares for all that? It is well known that
Cullum of Tennessee, and Hunt of Lou- he does not. But three millions and a half
isiono, they are shot down. Why, then, of headmen and bood women do care for
should they not, as they have, make their it. no free governments of Fn ropecare
Americanism subservient to their slavery , for it. Humanity cares for it the world
' If, therefore, Mr. Buchanan should be e- over. God and religion care for it. The
lected, I see no end to the encroachments liberty and joy and upward progress of
and usurpations of the slave power—and this and corning ages core for it. Are all
hence I shall neither vote for him nor these nothing compared with the will and
throw my vote away. In a contest which cupidity of the slave holder?
is to determine whether slavery or freedom
is to be '.he governing principle of this re•
public, L choose to cast my vote where it
will tell for freedom. These considerations
lead me to the support of the republican
nominees for President and Vice President
not because I run less an American than
when out National Convention assembled,
taut because those by whom Mr. Fillmore:
was nominated, (rein Southern States have
abandoned him for a candiaate openly and
avowedly arrayed against the American
party thus sacrificing fur slavery both their
candidate and their Americanism ; and he
cause, furthermore, by voting for Mr, Fill.
more, while the contust is between Ruche,
win and Fremont, I should indirectly aid
the former, whose principles, as an anti•
American, and slavery extentionist, arc ob•
noxious to all my convictions of duty.
Respectfully yours,
EPHRAIM AIARSII.
11. ) .1.TRIOTHC APPEALI"
We ask attention to the short hilt elo
quent article which has been published by
the Republican Committee. We invoke
contradiction and our columns arc open to
any responsible person who will attempt
to refute it.
APPEAL TO THE FREEMEN OP TILE RENY&
Patriots aml lelloto Cuizeas :—Tho
world, just now, is stirred with great events
in which you are called to act an impor
tant part. A few days sine it was all at
strife : Europe, Asia, Africa, for empire,
we for personal liberty and free govern
ment, Ours is the higher, the holier; it is
o contest for great principles: it is for hu
manity, for social blessings, for civil free
dom. The thunder of Eastern battle has
ceased, but the American contest Is prepa
ring material, gathering strength, and con
verging forces for a mighty struggle. Its
issue willshape our nation for coming ages.
It will be the 'naming star of permanent
freedom for the nation, for the world, or
the setting sun of liberty for ages. It will
inspire the hopes, or augment the despair,
of oppressed humanity throughout the
world.
Thu question at issue is this t Shall our
nation continue to be a nation of freemen,
or shall it become a nation of masters
slaves, issuing in a despotic government
and a downtrodden people ?
This, patriots and freemen, is the pend
ing issue which you are called upon to de
cide at the approaching Presidential elec•
Lion. To disbelieve it, or to make light of
Slavery is opposed to free government.
A free government consists in the free•
dein of its subjects, not the freedom of its
ruk-rs. The more tyranical a government
is, the freer its rulers are. The Czar of
Russia is freer than Queen Victoria, but
his subjects are less free. Slavery is now
developmg itself in Congress and in Kan
sas, in its true spirit toward free govern
ment, free speech, amidst the beauties Of
nature, the glory of sunny climes, and the
riches of the world. 'these fellow citizens,
are the momentous questions which will
soon hang over the ballot box, for YOUR ri•
NAL anaemcaTios. Oh, that final adjudi
cation, so full of mighty, far.reaching, Con
sequences to the nation, to the world
Heaven has entrusted it to your high keep
ing. The onward search, or• the retreat.
ing steps of liberty and tee government,
the up-lifting or the dowmtreading of coin
lag ages, must await your awful bidding.
May no party factions gather round that
final adjudication ! Let no politics) storms
or divis ions hang over it nt the polls. Let
it be like the sacred altars of a common
faith, on which every thing else hangs,
and around which the hour of danger gath
ers the throbbing hearts nod the defending
arms of an entire nation.
Your posterity, fellow citizens ! You
are now compelled to act for them. Will
you make them the free suns of noble sires
who fought the battles of liberty for their
country and conquer ed, or will you doom
thorn to be harassed, dragooned, imprison
ed victims of slavery domination if they
have the manliness to speak or act for free
dom 1 You, you alone must decide.—
Great in your might, strong in your deci
sion, inflexible in your love of liberty and
free government, holding in your hands
the destinies of a great nation, feel your
dignity, your importance, as the ultimate
law-making power of the land.
Be tho heroes of LIBERTY, the strong
defenders of FREE government—and the
God of armies, of battles, and of nations,
before whom "JrArrEnsox trembled, when
ho thought of American slavery," will
bless and prosper, and make your triumph
the most glorious on the record; of nations.
Oh have you heard the news front Maine ?
Oh have you heard the news ?
Tho Deleon eannot rise a;;ain.
And ;Indian. 11.3 Althea in hit shoe,
That cotton rag, the Democratic flag,
Is a peg or two lower down ;
And ja.st remember, that next Noventher
We'll Imre it lier.slitp on tile ground.
VOL. XXI. NO. 41.
our tal.
co I
WILLIAM BREWSTER, /
SAM. G. WHITTAKER. EDITORS.
Wednesday Morning, Oat. 8, 1856.
Forever float that standard sheet,
Where breathes the foe but falls before u
With Freedom's soil beneath our ftet.
And Freedom's hannerstreaming o'e: et'
FOR PRESII. :NT,
JOHN C. F1{01()2., - ,'
cAttrulinu.
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
Wlll. L. DAYTOIN ;
OF NEW JERSEY.
Fremont Club of Huntingdon.
The Club of this borough is now pre
pared to furnish documents and precnre
speakers for meetings, for the Clubs in
this County. Address the Cor. See. The
following is a list of the officers
President —John Bumbßugh, Sr.
rice Presidcnts—Peter Swoope, Hon. Goo
Taylor
.I?ecord rug Secretary—Sam. G, Whittaker.
revoivli ng Secretary—E.. H. Miles.
Executive Gununittee , --Wm. P. Orbison, B.
Grain., John Williamson, John Read, B. H.
Miles, Thomas Pollock.
Buchanan's Opinion of Fremont.
Fremont was arrested in En -land 1552,
for debt contracted in his official ,apacity
as Governor of California. The Court of
Exchequer appointed a Commission in the
United States to take testimony in the
case. The first witness was James Buch
anan. We have only room for one par
agraph of his deposition.
"Col. Fremont, the defendent, was in
California at the commencement of hos
tilities between the United States and the
Republic of Mexico; he there raised a
battalion of California Volunteers, =mist
ing of about four hundred men ; his ser
vices were very valuable ; he bore a con
spicuous part in the conquest al Calffor
silo, and in toy opinion, is better entitled
to be called the 'conqueror of California
Marton?, ~liter roan."
/la , Mr. Breckinridge, the Democratic
candidate the for Vice Presidency, in his late
speech at the Democratic mass meeting on the
Tippecanoe Battle Ground, assumed the same
disunion ground occupied by Mr. Fillmore.—
As reported in the Cincinnati Enquirer, a Bach.
anon paper, Mr. Breckinridgo amid:
"If the Eastern States unite in a solid tdm:
lane against the West, or the Southern against
the . Northern, they happening to have a ma.
jor,ty, would you submit? I Cries of 'no:
sot sure you would not; fur I know you are
men. And should they further accompany
every act of their triumph with every expres•
si,in of contumely and contempt, would you not
believe a revolution of a solemn duty I' Yon
need not respond-1 know your manly senti
ments,"
''Our democratic friends in this coun
ty endorsed the Cincinnati platform, at
their county meeting. Strange that they
should follow the twistings and turnings,
of Mr. Buchanan, who in 1829, when
in Congress, voted to abolish slavery in
the District of Columbia and later, in
1845, he stood on the Missouri Compro
mise line, and declared that north of that
line slavery should not go. It is said that
"age brings wisdom," but there is no good
reason why the old democrats at that
tnetting should thus knowingly give in
their adhesion to slavery extention, he
cause Mr. Buchanan abandoned his
tion on that subject.
liita - A vote was taken iu a railroad car
West recently in the following manner :-
Buccanier arose from kis seat and called cc 1;'
who were in favor of Fremont to "pull their
boots off." No ono appearing to support it
this novel manner the claims of the great
Pathfinder, he requested those favorable to
Buchanan to keep their boots on," which all
tho passengers forthwith proceeded to do.—
Unanimous for Buchanan.
feir•The Germans of iioston had a picnic
on Monday, at Newton Upper Falls, attended
by about three thousand persons. They there
accepted an invitation to attend the Fremoni,
ratification meeting by acclamation. It was
found that out of the whole company all but
about a dozon go for Fremont and Dayton.
fief The Ohio Journal says the rca •
SCR Why REFIM CHOATE Came to the sup
port of the Democrats, was his lifelong
habit of defending criminals.
c ar Senator Fish, of New York, hoc
published a temperate and well written
letter, declaring in favor of the election of
Fremont and Dayton, and giving his rea
sous therefor.
It^i The Doak.," Exptelitor, ; leading ad
vueitto of the Democratic cause in Maine lasi