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_ . .
WILLIAM BREWSTER, IIEDITORS.
SAM. G. WHITTAKER,
PLATFORMS & CANDIDATES.
HON. JOHN J. PERRY,
OF MA IN
In the House of Representatives,
AUGU,T 7, 1,,A.
Mr. PEltitY safa
Mr. CHAIRMAN: We are now on the
eve of a presidential election—an election
alike important to the interests of the
whole country. Old party issues have
been settled, and new ones have taken
their place:.; old party organizations have
had their day, and gone to the tomb of the
Caplets. A 'universal. sentiment every
where prevails among the American peo
ple to "let the dead bur. their dead ;".and
they arc now turning their attention to the
other living issues now presented for their
consideration.
Amid the din ol battle, and the clash of
resounding arms, there is substantially but
one great loading question which no.v
grooms the attention of the American peo
ple ; all other questions
. hold a subordinate
relation, and are secondary to this, both
in their importance and position. All our
political organizations not only assent to
this proposition, but unite in declaring its
truth. Whether African slavery is to be
extended into free territory, or forever
hereafter restricted to its present limits is
plain, direct question, so incorporated in- '
to the political machinery of parties in
this country that it has got to be squarely
met and settled. Neither politicians nor
political parties can ignore this issue with
out striking a fatal blow at their own exis- '
tence. In the coming contest we are sem
inally to have a triangular fight. Three
porta, nre in the field under the lead of
their ,everal chosen standaiddiearers ;
each party has erected its platform, unfurl
ed its banners to the breezes of heaven,
and taken its position in the great battle
field.
The memorable words of the great sage
of Marshfield, ..lrhere shall Igo?" are
ringing in the eats of every American cit
izen; rind every independent Sovereign,
entitled by the laws of the land to exercise
the elective franchise, is called upon to
enroll himself in the ranks of one or the
other of these contending parties. No
American citizen should now content.
himself with being an idle spectator. A
responsibil:ty rests upon 'very num a n d no
patriot should seek to avoid it. In deci
ding the questien, as to which of these
three parties is right, we must look not
only to their candidates, but their plat
forms; we must examine not only their pro
fessions, but their acts. As intelligent
men we should nut merely content our
selves with a survey of the present, but
should glance) at the past ; we should call
to our aid the histories of bygone days,
and then look ahead, and, no with pro
phetic ken, penetrate beyond the misty
vail which conceals the future.
It is any purpose, upon the present on
co,ion, to make a brief examination of tho
three ploljorms to which I have alluded,
nod, at the same time. invite the attention
of the committee and the country to the
eam,blotes presented for their suffra
ges.
Before entering upon the discussion, I
desire to say a few words as to the relative
position occupied by the three parties.-
1 have before remarked that there is but
one great, leading issue, and thqt is the
slavery question; hence, while the fight
may be considered nominally a triangular
one, there is really but one question, and
while there arc three parties in the field,
circumstance , , too arbitrary in their char
acter to be, controlled, will ultimately force
each of these parties to a stand point up
on one side or the other.
Thu 'American' or Know Nothing par
ty was originally anomie up of inetebers
from all ports of the Union. Its original
platform did not recognize the slavery
question j and for a short time it traveled
on undisturbed by this agitating subject.
Strong and powerful as was this new pol
itical organization, it could not withstand
the surging waves of popular opinion.—
The slavery question, in spite of the vigi
fence of "sentinels," without slopping to
give the "password" or ''salutation," slot
-1;eil into the hulls of tho secret order, and
wish the power of n despot seized the
'charter,' throw open the doors, drove out
its members, dictated a compromise which
resultodnot in "30" 30'," but m the old
landmark known as "Mason and Dix
on's line.l."l'he Philadelphia Anterican
Convention; holden in June, 1355, urns
the end of the American Order as a on
tional organization. The members from
the northern and southern States, after a
protracted, stormy season separated, never
to be again united. I have no time to go
into history of subsequent events, to detail
the negotiations since entered into to unite
the party. It is sufficient for my present
purpose to say that they have all proved
failures.
The nomination of Mr. Filltnore ryas
made. and is now supported by the south.
ern wing of the American party. firs
claims to the Presidency are urged by the
great body of his supporters not so touch
upon the ground of his Americanism as
upon his alleged soundness upon the sla- '
very question. Ilia friends in the South
are, ailpinlike, running a race with the
friends of Mr. Buchanan, to show that
the former is more reliable ns a southern
man than the latter; that Mr. Fillmore is
a better friend of the South than Mr. Buch
anan. While the Buclumanites are over
hauling the old musty files of congression
ul records to prove Mr. Fillmore un Abo
litionist, the South A nalicans are utter
Mr. Buck with "slurp sticks," hunting
op hi.. old Feat. Soil resolutions end other
evidences of Abolition affinities, each in
their turn declaring the other sound or un
sound upon the slavery question, just as
the circumstances of the case ha ppm, to
require.
. .
This sante war has been raging in this
House. The special friend of M. Buch
anan, in the person of the lion. J. Glaii-•
coy Jones, of Pennsylvania, prior to the
Cincinnati Convention, fearing that Presi
dent Pierce and Senator Douglas were
heading oil' his favorite candidate down
South, made a speech upon-this floor, the
whole tenor of which was an elaborate
vindication of Mr. Buchanan from the
charge of Free Soilisin,,and to show that
he was as goad a pro-slavery man an either
Pierce Douglas, or any other man; and
the speech of the hororable gentleman,
which I listened to and have since care
fully read, proves very conclusively to my
mind that lie made out his case. The spe
cial reason assimied for this vindication
of the "sage of Wheatland" was a speech
from another honorable member front
Pennsylvania, Mr. Futt.r.n, in which he
has clearly proved that Mr. Buchanan
had been an old Federalist, a Free-Sailer,
a Native American, for the Wilmot Provi
so and against it, and, in fact, that he had
lay shifts and turns been for and against
almost every - political ques'ion that had
been before the American, people for the
last half century. In this game of battle
door and shuttle-cock between the 'l3itch
anan and Fillmore parties, the Republi
cans do not choose to interfere. American.
ism, with thu supporters of Mr. Fillmore,
is a secondary question ; the slavery issue
with them, as with the friends of the pro.
slavery Democracy, is the paramount idea.
Whenever those two questions come in
contact the latter overrides the former.—
We have conclusive evidence of this
spread upon the records of this House.
have only time to refer to two cases
proving this allegation. First, thu organi
zation of the llouse by the chemists of the
present Speaker. After the adoption of
the plurality rule,and upon the final ballot
every single supporter of -Mr. Fillmore
from the slave States, with two exceptions
voted for the honorable member from South
Carolina, [Gov. Aiken,] a gentleman who
never belonged to the Order, and always
hail been and was then, in full fellowship
with the Democratic party, and against
Mr. Banks, who is an American, and
was doe first man in the last Congress to
raise hits' voice In vindication' of the prin
ciples of the American party.
These Americans not only voted for
(lovelier Aiken, but they did it in the very
teeth of n resolution passed at a Democrat
ic-eaucus of members of the House, de
nouncing the American party—which res
olution the Democrats obstinately refused
to repeal or modify. The second case to
which I wish to call your attention was
the contested election between Mr. A lien
anal Colonel Archer, of Illinois. Mr. Al
len is a Buchanan Democrat, and, as I
have been informed, had always been a
determined opponent of the American
party—denouncing the Order both in pub:-
lie and private. Mr. Archer is an Amer
ican, and recently nominated by that par
ty for the office of Govenor in his State.
After the question between these two gen
tleman assumed a party aspect, and the
Buchanan Democracy supported Mr. Al
len upon party grounds, the whole. Fill
more party in the Ilouse voted against
Colonel Archer, and deprived him of
seat, while nearly every member of the
i seine party voted for Mr. Allen.
Mr. Fillinore's antecedents are before
the country.. His congressional record
shows much in favor of F'reedoni ; and yet
hits souther t friends say ho - hris repudiated
at all; and fur this reason they give him
their support. Fur proof they cite his
official doing wink) President, in signing
the fugitive slave law, other acts almost
equally offensive to the people of the free
States.
It is riot my purpose to go into any ex
tended remarks touching Mt. Fillmore,
or the platform on which his friends have
placed him. I forbear to do this, for the
reason that there is no reasonifble proba
bility of his election ; hence his position
as it, candidate becomes unimportant. In
the North ho is supported only by a small
fraction of the American party. In every
single free State, the great battle is to be
fought between Fremont and Buchanan ;
while every friend of freedom must dis
tinctly see the iinportanco of a union of
all the anti-Nebraska sentiment upon the
most available candidate. Mr. Fillmore
may carry a portion of the South. If a
majority of any of the southern States
can be made to believe that he is more sub
servient to the slave power than Mr.
Buchanan, he will receive their electoral
votes, otherwise he will be everywhere
defeated.
The recent elections and other passing
events, make it quite certain that Mr. Fill
more is to be deserted by the South.—
'lire elections in• some half dozen of the
southern States, show this fact. Within
a few days, a leading member of the
merican party in this House, [lion. Per
cy Walkeri announced his determination
to go over to Buchanan. Senators llenja
min, of Louisiana, Pratt and Pearce, of
Maryland, end Jones of Tennessee, have
all gone over to Buchanan. Mr. Fillmore
from present appearances, will not gut a
single electoral vote in tire South, and it
is evidently extreme folly fur his northern
friends, opposed to Buchanan to throw a
way their suffrages upon a candidate who
has no availabilit), arid thereby keep up a
division' of the anti-Administration forces
in the North.
I nuw pass a luau. 1 shall briefly nu.
thu Itupubliuutt platform, and the gal
!sat steadard•lcurer of the people's party.
" LIBERTY AND UNION, NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE."
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 10, 1856.
WILLIAM L. DAYTON ;
VICE PRESIDENT OF THE 111 ITED STATES.
In doing this,[ desire first to call the atten
lion of the committee to a grave and seri
ens charge made against this party by
their political opponunts--t mean the
charge of disunion. Both the Buchanan
and Fillmore parties have "let louse the
dogs of war," and'ono universal howl of
"disunion ! disunion !" is set up neninst
the Republican party from one end of the
country to toe ratter. Tins cnarge is Imo
ly made, and shall be as boldly met and
refuted; not in the malicious, vindictive
spirit in which it is presented, but in can
dor, fairness, and truth. 'Po judge cot ,
reedy of a party, it is necessary to exam
ine its acts, its platform, and the avowed
principles of its candidates. 11 the applica
tion of this test to the Republican party,
treason is found concealed, then cry trea
son, and not till then.
In the conventional proceeding of the
Republican party, I defy its moat relent
less enemies to find a single act that even
tends to disunion. It cannot be done. No
sir; this charge of disunion is made with
out specifications; it is an indictment con
jug ded up of vague generalities unsuppor
ted either by the 'forms of law, or the allo•
gution of a single specific offence.
Thu high court of public opinion will
order it abated, and the grand inquest to
whom it owes its paternity will be dischar
ged. both for incompeteacy and moral cor
ruption.
But is there anything , in the Republi
can platform which looks like disunion ?
I have it before me. I have road it care
fully, and I defy any man to point out a
single word or sentence from such a senti
ment can be even inferred. I will read
the first resolution in the series adopted
at the Philadelphia convention, which
nominated Cul. Fremont, and let it speak
for itself :
“17edolvet7, That the maintenance , of the
principles promulgated in the Declaration of
Independence aull embodied in the Fed,:ral
Constitution, are essential to the 1'r.:11,14.0
of our Republican interests, and that the tel
real Constitution ' the rights of the Status, and
the union of the States, must and dwelt] be
preserved."
lu this resolution, the Republicans as
sembled front all parts of the Union sol
emnly pledge themselves to the country
that ' , the union of the States must and
should lie preserved." Upon this platform
every Republican in the country stands to•
day pledged to stand by the • doctrines of
the Declaration of Independence, the Fed
oral Constitution, and the Union. With
this declaration of Ilepublican principles
staring them in the face, the advocates of
slavery extention, both in the Buchnnati
and Fillmore parties, have the audacity to
charge the Republican party with disun
ion. So much for the shameless perver•
mon of truth--so much to the disgrace
and dishonor of two political parties, who
to hide their own political deformities, band
together to libel and slander their neigh
bor.
But is there anything about the past
life or present position of the ifepubli•
can nominee for the Presidency, which
will justly warrant those who oppose
hint in charging his party with disun
ion? Nothing, sir. And L here chat- •
kegs his opponents to find a single act of
his whole life, either public or private--
a single word or sentence by him spoken
in the Senate, on the stump, nt the fire
side, or in any other place, where he has
ever advanced a sentiment, in any degree,
I however remote, in favor of disunion.
lie has accepted a nomination for the
Presidency in a letter from which I will
read an extract:
"NEw YORK, 185 G.
"GENTLELIEN: Youcall lite to a liig . ll
nibility by placing tun in tin van of a great
movatunut by Ito youplu of the Unit,' Staten
who, without reicturti. to Boat liflionuccd, urn
uniting in a common effort, to bring bock the
action of the Polecat Government to the prin
ciples of Washington nod Jefrerson.
'Cumprehendiog the magnitude of the trust
which they have declared themselves willing to
place in my hands, and deeply sensible of tho
ihonor elicit their unreserved confidence in
this threatening position of the public ntrairs
implies, I feel that I cannot better respond
than by a sincere declaraihni that, in lie moot
ter upon the exccutiou el its dui'es upon a sho
glo.hearted determination to promote the good
of the whole country, nod to direct solely
to this end all the power of the Government,
irrespective of party issues, mid regardless of
sectional strifes." * * *
"Posting that I have a heart capable of
comprehending our whole country, with its va
ried interests, nod confident that patriotism
exists in all parts of the union, I accept the
nomination of your convention, in the hope
that 1 may be emtbled to servo usefully its
cause, which I consider the cause of constitu
tionol freedom. _
“Very respectfully, your obedient Silrti
"J. C. FUENTI)NT.”
After his nomination, Colonel Fremont
was waited upon by the New York dele
gation, and in it short speech made to them,
among other things uttered the following
noble sentiments :
"If I am chided to the high office for which
•
your• partiali t y has nominated mo, I will cadet,
vor to ad minister:he Government according to
Um spirit of the Constitution, as it was inter
proted by the vent men who framed and adop
ted it, and in such a way as to preservo both
liberty and the Union."
And yet the Republican party are bran
ded as disunioriists. Sir, 1 hurl back the
charge. I brand it as a perversion of ev
ery principle of truth and fair dealing.—
I appeal to all honest American citizens to
judge between the accusers and the aeon
sod, to stamp these assumptions with the
scorn they richly merit. So much for these
groundless charges of disunion, made a
gainst the Republican party. But I will
not leave this part of nay subject,without
carrying the war irate the enemy's camp.
I hero charge, that the party which sup
ports James Buchanau for the Presidency
is VIE disunion party of this country. and
1 will prove it. The very men that con
trol the destinies of the Buchanan pro-sla
very Democracy, have for a long series of
years boldly threatened disunion, and I
will show it to a demonstration.
•
In January, 1850, aa honorable gentle
man, then a inentl,r of this [louse from
Mississippi, now a member of the Senate
from that State, [Gm Brown,] ts reported
to have said :
"We of the South have ever been fast friends
of the Union." * . * "If you fanny our
devotion to the Union w ill Lop no in the Union
you aro mistaken. Our love for the Union
ceases with the justice of the Union." *
•
"1 tell you candidly we have calculate,' the va
lue of the Union. Your injustieo has driven
no to it. Your oppies,ion justifies am to•day
iu discussiug the value of the Union, nud I do
it freely and. fearlessly." * * * "Dors
any man desire to knew at what and far what
cause I would dissolve the Union 7 I will toll
blot at the first moment after you consummate
your first act of aggression upon slave proper.
ty. 1 would declare the Union dissolved, and
for this reason j such an act, perpetrated after
the warnin,s wu bare given you, would evince
a settled purpose to lute:pose your authority in
the ntanag,nent of our douo , stic alfaiN, thus
degrading us true our rightful position, as
equals, to a state of dependence and suburdi•
aution."—Conyrusional Globe', vol. 21, part 1,
pp. 258, 255.
In February, 1850, Mr. Stanton, of
Tennessee, then a member of this House,
among other things, remarked :
"But if California be forced upon no without
such an adjustment of the questions involved
in that measure, I shall be ready to make the
limit struggle upon thin very groan[. I shall
be prepared - to go with the southern 'work in
whatever they may deterniin-, even 0.01 it
he to abandon tie Union, when the rights of
the Southern States cannot ha otherwise pro
teeted."--- Coojr,isiout/ vet. 21, part 1,
yt. &AL
At the seine session of Congress, in the
debate which preceded the election of
Speaker, Mr. Colcock, of South Carolina,
said :
"I here pledge inpalf, that if nny bill should
be passed at this Congress abolishing slavery
in the 'District of Columbia, or incorporating
the Wilmot proviso in any form, I will intro•
duce a resolution into this Ifouse, declaring, in
terms, that this Union ought to he dissolved."
Cuage,sional Globe, vol. 21, part 1, p. 29.
In December, 1849, an honorable mum.
ber from Georgia, [Mr. Toombs,] then a
member of the House, and now a Senator
from said State, in a speech in this House,
said :
"1 do not, then, hesitate to avow before this
'louse and tho country, and in the presence of
the living (lod, that if, by your legislation, you
seek to drive as from the To rritories of Califor
nia and New Mexico, purchased by the com
mon blood and treasure of thy whole people,
and to abolish slavery iu this District, thereby
attempting to lix a national degradation upon
hall the States of this Confederacy, I am for
disunion. And if my plfy:cical courage be equal
to the maintenance of my convictions of rlght,
amtditty, 1 will devotu all I am and all I !rave
on earth to its consummation."—Cenyressionat
(Wok, vol. 21, part 1, p. 20.
Another honorable Representative from
Georgia, now a member of this llouse,
(\lr. Stephens,) upon the same day, in fol
lowing Mr. Toombs, said :
"1 tell that gentleman, (Mr. Baker,) and I
tell this mouse, whether he believes it or not,
that the day in which aggression is consumma
ted upon any section of the country—much and
deeply us I regret it—this union is dissolved.—
llowever much gentlemen may refuse to be.
'hive it, they will fled it true." * * * * *
. . . .
"We do not intend to submit to aggression on
our rights, and I tell 04 House that every
word uttered by toy colleague meets ;Joy hourly
response. (Applause.)—Cuvres.rional Globe,
vol. 21, part 1, p. 22.
Mr. Meade, of Virginia, a member of the
House, in December, 1849, in a speech,
said :
'Tot, sir, if the organizntirn of this House, is
to be followed by the passage of their bills, (ad
mitting California and adopting the Wilmot
mmiso,) I trust, in Cod,sir, that my oyes have
rested upon the last Speaker of the !louse of
Itepresentatives."--Congrasional Globc, vol.
21, port 1, pa7,e 21i.
These declarations come not from mem
bers of the Republican party, but from the
leaders of the Buchanan Democracy ;
from gentlemen who stand in the front
ranks of that party. In looking over the
records of Congress for the last ten years, I
way along, coining in every single instance
train men opposed to the Republican par
ty. 13ut I will not confine iny examina
tions to the history of the past, but will
now proceed to make certain extracts from
the speeches and writings of honorable
gentlemen upon this floor, in the Demo
cratic party, since the meeting of the pro
sent Congress. . _ .
In the Douse, December 1, (Appendix
to Congressional Globe, page -17,) Mr.
Walker, of Alabama, said :
"After all, it is not the Union—the Union
alone—upon which the reflecting man or this
country bases his hopes and rests his affections.
With hint the Union is secondary in impat ,
lance to the principles it wan designed to per.
pettnUe and establish."
Mr, 'Bennett of Mississippi, in the House
December 2:2, (Appendix to Congressional
Globe, page 48,) suid :
"When you tell me that you intend to put a
mirk/tin on the Territories, I say to you that
upon that subject the South is n unit, nod will
not submit to any such thing."
On the 20th of December, in this House
(Congressional Globe, page 61,) Mr. Mul
lin, of Virginia, said :
"And I tell you, sir, and I wont the country
to know it ; I want the gentlemen from the
free' lilacs, our Repnblicans, our Seward Ito
publicans, our Abolitionists, or whatever el.t
they may he called, to know it, that if you re
am° the h/issottri Compromise or repeal the
fugitive slave law, this Union will be dissolved.
"1 hope that if any gentleman deems 1 do
not properly represent the state of public feel•
iug in the South, lie will correct In,"
In the [louse, on the ilth ofJanuary,
Mr. Boyce, of South Carolina, (Congres
sional Globe, page 1130 said :
"That ',tidy which phtccs itself upon the po•
oition of giving power to the North, will eves
surVid surreal; and when that party does suc
ceed, in my opinion the Union will be at an
In the House, March 13, (Arpendix to
Congressional Globe, page 230,) Mr. Let.
char, of Virginia, said :
"So far as the South:are concerned, sir, I
will tell you now what I have nu doubt will be
the fact—what I believe firmly awl conseion•
tionsly, that if you, the Republicans, should
have power here, and undertake to pass men,
sures to curry out the principles which you pro.
fuss, you would find that we hail spirit enough
to MI/Via° front you, and make the effort, at
least, to mho mire of uhrsclvos."
In the house, April 9, Hon. E. S. Shot-.
ter, of Alabama, said :
"You have thoroughly aroused the southern
States to a sense of their danger. You have
caused them coolly to estimate the value of the
Union ; and we are determined to maintain our
equality in it, or independeneo out of it."
a it it it it a it it it
"The South has planted itself where it intends
to stand or fall, Loh. or no Union—and that
is, upon the platform laid down by the Cfeergia
convention.
I could go on, and read from other spem
ches containing the same sentiments, de
livered by other men of tho same party. I
make no comments upqn w hut I have read;
but leave oho comnutteo and the country
to judge for themselves what party in this
I louse threatens disunion.
There is another assumption, set up by
both thu Fillmore and Buchanan parties,
which 1 desire specially to notice. I shall
introduce what I have to say upon this
point by reading from a speech recently
delivered by Mr. Fillmore of Albany, N.
Y. lit that speech, while alluding to the
• liepublicati party, he said •
"We see a political party presenting candi
dates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency,
selected for the first time from the Free States
alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these
candidates by suffrages of one part of the Um
inn only, to rule over the whole United States.
Can it bo possible that those who are engaged
in such a measure can have seriously reiterant]
upon the consequences which must inevitably
follow, in case of success? I Cheersd Con
they have the madness or the lolly to Relieve
that our Southern brethren would submit to be
governed by such a Chief Magistrate? [Cheers.
In his closing remarks he went through
the old farce of ‘.dissolving the Union."—
Such a speech, from such a source, must
be not only a 'Lamer of extreme surprise,
but deep regret, to patriotic men of all par
ties. Here we have the mortifying spec
tacle presented, of a man who has been
once President of the United States, and
the candidate of a respectable party for re
election—declaring in substance, on a pub
lic occasion, that if an opposing candidate,
representing an equally respectable and
much larger party, is elected, tho Smith
ought not to submit, but would be justified
in going into open rebellion breaking up
the Government, and destroying the Un
ion.
But Mr. Fillmore is not alone in utter
ing senthnents of this character. Many of
his supporters indulge in the same strain
of remarks. Neither are these threats of
insubordination confined exclusively to
Fillmore men. Almost every Buchanan
Democrat who has spoken upon the ques
tion since the nomination of Colonel Fre
most, has uttered similar sentiments. We
have had speech upon speech in this
House, which declare that the election of
Col. Fremont would be an end to the Un
ion. The Buchanan and Fillmore presses •
are thundering forth the same revolution
ary sentiments in all parts of the Union,
while their stump orators are breathing
'fire and sword" in case the Republican
candidate is elected.
Are 112. Fillmore and the men who put
forth these threats, sincere and honest is
what they say ? If so, into'what kind of a
position do they place them s elves? It is
a declaration that, in a certain contingency,
they boldly strike for a revolution and civil I
war, to end in a certain dissolution of the
Union. And • what is that contingency?
Nothing but this: If a majority of the le
gal electors in this country exercise their
constitutional rights, and elect the mau of
their• choice to the Presidency then treason
sundered . to atoms. These threats are a
stab aimed at the very vitals of the Con
federacy. It is a declaration put forth
that the majority shall no longer rule.—
These men and these parties declare, not
only that the majority shall no longer rule,
but the go for striking down the individu
al right of the elector, and undertake to
dictate to the sovereign people, and say to
them that they must vote for certain condi
date, or We will dissolve the Union. They
usurp the authority of tyrants, and, Louis
Napoleon like, would compel every Ame
rican citizen to v..to with cudgels brandish
ed over their heads, and bristling bayonets
pointed at their Vsonis.
The Constitution of our common coun
try contains the great fundamental princi•
ple that must govern the election of a Pre
sident. it expressly provides that the
majority shall rule; and the man or the
',arty that preaches a diffetient doctrine,
instigates and encourages rebellion against
it. 1 want it to go to the, coutitt•y, that the
followers of Messrs. Buchanan and Fill
more, upon this floor, are openly declaring
that the election of Mr. Fremont will be On
end of the Union. I avant the country to
know what parties in this House and the
Senate, threaten rebellion—resistance to
the Constitution of the country and disun
ion of the people—anil the people shad
know it. It the constitution of the coun
try is to be trampled In the dust—if the
nutjority are hereafter to be denied the
right to relle—if revolution is to be threat
cued, and the country menaced with a civil
war—for exercising a constitutional right
in a legal manner—then the year MS is
as good a time to try as any other. And
1 hero say to our Buchanan and Fillmore
friends, whether North or South, wo plant
ourselves firmly upon the rock of the Con
stitution ; we cast your admonitions to the
whistling winds; your .hreats pass unay
from our metnortes like a ''tale that is told;'
we are American citizens and we will ex
ercise the rights of American citizens so
long as wo barn a constitution or a coon.
try.
Of Mr. Buchanan I shall speak respect.
fully. Against him, as a private citizen, I
have no words of reach to utter; hut as
a catiltlitte fortO' highest Ake it the
gilef tho American pedple, his cinl
acts nro public property, and I Eve a
right to review them. That he commmen
ced his public career a Federalist, his
friends do not deny ; that he opposed the
woe of 1812, and denounced Mr. Madison
and the Democratic party, is equally err
tails. In his 4th of July oration at Lan
caster, Pennsylvania, in 18 Id, a copy of
which I have Wore me, ho speaks of the
"diabolical passions" of the Demccracy ;
he charges President Madison with "pre
ferring his private interest to the public
good ;" and when speaking of his admin.
Istration says : .Thuo will not allow use
to enumerate all the other wild and wicked
projects of the Democratic Administration.'
But thus great question the American
;maple now desire to have answered it,
what is Mr Buchanan's pest record and
present position upon the slavery ques
tion
Fur len 1 may be accused of nu:repre
senting his opinions, t will kt hid own
friends answer Lhu intorrogulories. The
Richmond Enquirer, the leading DelllOC •
tic paper in the. whole. South nod in the
Union. in Lail' of July 15, IISIJ, con-
VOL. XXI. NO. 37.
tains an article of three columns,
the record of Mr. fluchanan's vote:, al.
acts. sod w i n d s up as follows :
. .
`•1. In 1 , 36, Mr. Buchanan supported .t
to prohibit the circulation of Abolition pt.
throtwli the mails.
ht the same year ho proposed and yid.
for the admission of Arkansas.
"3. In 1833-7 he denounced and voted t•
riled', petitions for the abolition of slavery it.
the District of Columbia.
"4. To 1,37, he voted for Mr. Calhoun's fa•
mood resoletions, defining the rights of the
States, and the limits of Vederal authority, and
affirming it to he the ditty of the Government
to protect nod uphold the institutions of Wu
South.
In 1838-39 attl 10 he invariably voted
with southern Senators against the rensideta
ties of aati•slavory petitions.
, - -
.'d. 18 I-45, lie advocated and voted fur eau
annexation of Texas.
"7. In 18-17, he sustained the Clayton con,
promise.
“8. In 1850, he proposed and urged the ex
tension of the Missour, eontprotnise to the Pa
eilleOcerte.
"1. But he promptly negui , sceil In the coin.
promise of I MO, employ,i all his influence
in favor of the fuithful execution of the fugal,'
slave In,
1 .10. In 1851, ho remonstrated against an
enactment of the Pennsylvania Legislaturefor
obatructing the arrest and return of fugal,
slaves.
"11. In 1955 ho negotiated for the aqui.
sition of Cuba.
"12. In 1856 ho approves the repeal of 'l.'
Missouri restriction, antl supports the principles
of the Kansas,Nertylia act.
"13. 11e never n.ave a vote B:Tainst the inter.
esis of rfavery, and never uttered a word whit Ir
could pain the most sensitive southern he..m."
1 barn examined the records tlfOongtess
and find they correspond with the ,tale•
cents of the Enquirer. I have a large
number of Democratic papers which I
should like to put upon the stood to show
Mr. Duchanun's position upon the slavery
question, but have only time to read a sin•
!Ile extract from the Mobile Tribune, the
leading Democratic paper in Alabama.—
That paper in a recent number, says :
"Mr. Buchanan now stands on the platform
which guaranties to the South everything which
she has ever demanded, and is himself the stun
dart brarer of a party warring to the death with
Free•Soilism."
I call upon all northern men to look the
record Mr. Buchanan's friends inalco up for
him, square in the face, without dodging,
and then, as honest, libertyloving Men,
swallow tho dose, if they can, by voting for
r. r,uennnnn Rnlllo Itrlnntt
publishod himself dead, it may lialaVe
eating to look a little after his may
In a speech at Whoatland, to the Key
stone Club, soon after his nomination, ho
"Bentlemon, two weeks since I should have
made a longer speech ; but now I have been
placed upon a platform of which I most heriN
ily approve, mid that can speak for me. Being
the representative ofthe great Dinudetatie pnr
ty, and not simply James Buchanan, •I must
square my conduct to the platform of that par.
ty, and insert no now plank, nor take one from
Thus the great Pennsylvanian, becom
ing tired of himself,"shuffied oil this mot •
tal coil," quietly laid himself down upon
the thorny bed prepared by his political
doctors at Cincinnati, squared his stalwart
frame to its unnatural dimensions. and with
his dying words declared, 'this is the last
of James Buchanan."
"Tho tlevarteil, tho departed I
They visit us in dreams ;
And they ;;lido above our memories
Like sliii r tGvs over streams."
As we are referred to the Dernucixe,
platform for an exposition of Demoeraue
principles, 1 will call tiro attention of he
committee and country to some of it
trines. This platform is on anonral..
first treads rudely upon the memvrir
the past, and give us the old 1.), - ur.i, retie
platform of .
bygone days. It copies the old
resolution upon slavery, originally framed
by the puro minded and deeply lamented
Silas Wright :
"O. That Congress has no power u n tlio
Constitution to Interfere with or control the do
nte:,tie institutions of the several SilaGl, net
that all tools States Sri the sole and min:vied•
gvn of everything apportuining to their own al.
lairs neeprohibieed by the Constitution."
It then appends the "patchwork" of tits
Democratic Convention of 1852 :
"kcsaccd, That the foregoing prOpo3i a. CO
rem, and WM intended to embrnee, the whole
subject of slavery ngitation iu Congress, and
therefore the Deiniieratie party of the Union,
lilanding on this national platform, will abide by
and Lulli.:re to a faithful execution of the twts
known as the compromise tueasures settled by
Cong,ss.
"Re.,olred., That the Democratic party will re.
gist all attempts+ at renewing in Congress or out
of it, the agitation of the slavery question, us.
der aliatmer hhape or color the attempt may
be made."
Ilere I call the special attention of the;
country to this fact; that the Democratic
party, four years ago, solemnly resolved to
aalidc by and adhere to" the "con:prowls°
mett,sures settled by Congress," which not
only includes the compromises of 1850,
but thos of 1820. llaving falsified all
those pledges by their acts, the Democratic
party again indorse them, and in the same
string of resolutions at Cincinnati repudi ,
ate them, in the following resolve :
“Resarsd, The American Democracy recog
nise and adopt the principles contained in the
organic laws establishing the Territories 0 f Kan
tout and Nebraskans embodying the 4lsly sound
toidstaro solution of the slavery question.”
_ .
Hero is a direct, unqualified indorsement
and op/world of the repeal of tiro "Nilsson.
ri compromise"—ithe solo object of which
wa's to introduce slavery into Kansas, and
tuake that Territory a Slavo State.
l • •:•• iu thi.. I lentocrutic platform of 18.
• • ~nd distinctly embodied the follow.
,• i•,•sttaitts
V: • --Jlgninst all slavery agitatiou.
• • •nil—Fur slavery agitation.