... „,.,...... , . 4 . , 4 ic-.. .- , ...- ~ ....., :: 4 .: r . r. 4, / / g,, , ' L , r t e r,"4 •4 .. 54 - , ..13, 1 ,- ? t ~.., ~... -,,, r .2 0 - . . • „. .. „.., ~ ...1 ~,, , 4 r , ... ' %." .. L,. ..,,,.,.. , „ ~, , ~: . , ti _I ,w. , iii ...... ~. (5..,,,... WILLIAM BREWSTER, 1 EDITORS, SAN. G. WHITTAKER, *cicct Vottrp. From Godcy's Lady's Book, 1841 WOMAN. HY REV. 0. 0. M'CLEAIC The heart of woman, like the diamond, has light treasur'd in it. There, a ray serene of If eaven's own sunshine evermore hath been, And tho' each star ofhope and joy may pass Away in darkness, from life's stormy sky, If man but rightly keep that heart he'll and St% eet gleams of consolation there enshrined, Thai: will again illume his spirit's eye, And thro' all time, and trial, and distress, Beam on him with a constant blessedness. Oh 1 did he always love her as he should, She never would forget him. Did he strew Nothing but thornless flowers of kindness thro' His 'Household ways' her happy spirit would Gather from them love's honey, like the bee, And hive it in the cell of Memory ; In after years to bo his manna food, When worn and faint in sorrow's solitude. OUR COUNTRY'S TROUBLES. A SEE ON Preached in the Church of the Epiphany, SUNDAY EVENING JUNE 29, 1856. REV. DUDLEY A. TYXG. -....e...- 4 . Whether one member suffer, all the members i nu(liv' 11;91 it ; or one member be honored, all the mein ?Voice with it."-1 C.. xii., 26. It is a mooted question how far a Chris tian pulpit may and ought to be enlisted in the consideration of current events, and the disco: sion of questions of public inter est. It is undoubtedly a great evil when the teachers of religion forsake their ap propriate themes to mingle in all the heat ed controversies of the day. Nothing can be more calculated to break down the influ ence of the ministry, and to rear up insup , erable barriers of angry prejudice azainst the message of mercy which it is its chief business to declare. But may there not also be an oppositkextreme ? May then, not be silence when great principles are at stake? May not great wrongs go unchal lenged of the pulpit till there be supposed nothing in them inconsistent with religion? May not the dread of offence be carried so far as to put the pulpit in bondage ? And may not the refusal to take sides in great questions of public opinion, result in the gospel's being supposed to have nothing to do with the affairs of society, and in con tempt en all hands for the ministry for fear of speaking out? Ministers have the same interest in society and its institutions as other citizens; perhaps more so; for their happiness is peculiarly bound up in the right influence of religious and moral principles upon the community. Society can suffer in no member without a true; hearted Christian ministry's suffering with it. Religion itself, moreover, is often vitally affected by events transpiring in social and political life. Evil principles may be at work in the social system, whose ultimate tendency is to destroy the practical influ. enco of Christianity over the conduct of men, and to undermine the foundations of their faith. Is the pulpit to keep silence until the adversaries of the faith, having completely_ invested it with intrenchments in public custom and opinion, are boldly demanding its surrender! Ifuman nature is an unit. Its many interests are but one body. And the sufferings of any one of its members are felt its the vital organs.-- Questions of social and political economy as well as of moral prine iplo, may be the media of deadly wounds to the religious life. In fact, Christianity enters into eve ry interest of man. And as Christians and Christian ministers we are interested in ev erything that concerns humanity. We ca.iiiet disconnect our religion from the de tails of our common life. It affects or is affected by them all. "they are many members, yet but one body. And the eye cannot say unto the hand, I have no need of thee, nor again, the hand to the feet,' I have no need of you." "And whether one member suffer, all the members suffer with it ; or one member be honored, all the members rejoice with it." Owing to the close interchange of sympathy and in fluence, the events of the day mays assume a deep religious significance. The same events which in one aspect agitate com mercial interests, and in another convulse the political circle, may in yet another be fraught with stirring interest for the relig ious community. Anti while they awaken great contention on the plane of social or political lite, they may also, from the high er standpoint of thb Christian patriot, bo seen to affect the dearest rights and inter eats of men, and to endanger great princi ples to the support of which the pulpit is bound. At such times the Christian min .stry may be criminal if it does not speak out boldly in behalf of right, carefully ay. oiding, indeed, the arousing of those pas which belong to the lower aspect of events, but fearlessly and dispassionately directing public sentiment by the higher principles of divine revelation. It seems to me that we have now reach ed such a time. Events are transpiring which bear most momentously on all our rights as men and duties as Christians. All that is most dear and valuable to us as citi zens is put in jeopardy. The principles and influence of Christianity, which first founded our institutions can aloim preserve them to us it their integrity in the present crisis. And I claim the right as a Chris tian mtnistdr to declare what I believe to be important truth, and to do my part small as it may be, towards the settlement of the difficulties which encompass us. I claim a patient hearing, and a candid comparison with the principles of the Bi ble. If lam wrong, lam open to convic tion ; if I am right, the declaration of the truth will bring the responsibility of walk ing by its light. With this prefatory state. ment let me call your attention— 1. To the EVILS to be deplored. For the first time in the history of this country, it is the Scene of civil war. Ar med mon, in battle array, are marching on its roil, and carrying with them all the hor rors of hostile invasion. Towns are sack ed, houses pillaged, property plundered and destroyed, women and children driven in terror from their homes, and •men shot down by their own doors ! Society is in confusion, public security at an end, peace tul industry interrupted, and a thriving ter ritory reduced to a state of nature, where the only protection is that of force, and the household cannot lie down at night with out fear of the assassin. Families are dri ven out from lands which they have tilled, and houses which they have built, and warned to leave the country or be hung.— Fields lie unsown, and crops tire left un ploughed, because armed marauders have stolen the farmer's horses and killed his ox en, and obliged him to skulk in secret for fear of his life, or join bodies of his neigh bors who have armed in defence of their homes and families. All the horrors which existed when invading armies marched with blood and desolation on our soil ; all the suffering which drenched our frontiers when the war-whoop of the savage amused the sleeping household for the tomahawk and the faggot, are now renewed in unhap py Kansas. Hardly a day passes without bringing telegraphic news of some now outrage, so dreadful that wo can scarce re alize its possibility, or arouse oarselves to feel as the occasion demands. And who ore the authors of all these outrages on A merican citizens ? Not the savage Indian nor the foreign invader, but their own countyymed, citizens of our own free and happy land, imbruing their hands in broth ers' blood ! And what is the crime for which their brethren are thus subjected to t nvasion and violence? Merely difference 'cf opinion. Merely assertion of their right to think, speak, write, and act nom , d'alg to th air own conscience and interests in forming the institutions of a Territory into which the capital and population of the country where invited by a solemn act, of the Federal Government. On the 30th of May, 1854, the territory of Kansas was thrown open to settlers by act of Congress, and the privilege of determining the char acter of its institutions accorded to those who should become residents of its soil.— Attracted by this opening for industry - and enterprise. largo numbers of perms from all sectiqns of the country emigrated to the Territory, and soon made its prairies smile with cultivation and dotted its surface with towns and villages. Never country open ed with brighter prospects. But how soon was this bright morn overcast. On the 29th of November, 1854, the infant Terri tory was to elect a delegate to appear and speak in its behalf in the National Con gress. On that day more than ono thous- and armed men from an adjoining State in vaded the Territory, drove judges and le gal voters from the polls, and by fraudulent ballots elected a man of their• own. On the 30th of March, 1855, the inhabitants of Kansas were to have elected their Ter ritorial Legislature. Moro than four titou sand armed men from the same State again invaded the Territory, took possession of the poll; and elected their own candidates some of them residents of their own State. The recent investigations of the Congres sional Committee have proved that of five thousand five hundred votes cast on that day less than one thousand were of actual residents of the Territory. Surely it was bad enough to see a Legislature imposed on them by force and fraud: But what sort of laws did they pass? Hear, and ask yourselves whether wo live in the 19th century, and in a free and Christian rep ublic. They re-enacted in a mass all the slave laws of Missouri, merely adding that wherever the word 'Stale' occurs in them " LIBERTY AND UNION, NOW AND FOREVER, ONE AND INSEPARABLE. " _ - - - HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 16, 1856. it shall be construed to mean "Territory." They made the non-admission of the right to hold slaves in the Territory a disquali fication for sitting as Juror. They enact ed that to say that persons have not a right to hold slaves in that Territory should be punished with two years imprisonment at hard labor. That writing, printing or cir culating any thing against slavery should be punished with five years imprisonment at hard labor. That the harboring of fu gitive slaves should be punished with five years' imprisonment at hard labor. That assistingslaves to escape should be pun ished with death. That assisting slaves to escape from any Terrttory.and take refuge in that Territory, should be punished with death. That the printing or circulating of publications calculated to incite slaves to insurrection, should be punished with death. To secure these laws perpetuity, they enacted that all who do not swear to support the Fugitive Slave Lax should be disqualified us voters, but that any one might vote who will pay *l.OO and swear to uphold the Fugitive Slave Law and the Nebraska bill. And, still further to guard against all contingencies, they appointed non-residents to town and county offices for six years ahead. Thus, by ono stroke of combined fraud and force, the great question of social rights whose settlement had been pledged to the citizens themselves, were decided by an In vading army, whose agents established sin.- very against the wishes of the people, dis franchise all who oppose it, open the polls to all pro-slavery non-residents, and shut up all who speak, write, print or circulate anything against it with long imprisonment at hard labor. What has become of the rights of American citizens I Tells of o bedience to law ! Would you, would any American, obey such laws so imposed ? Where were the spirit of our Revolutiona ry fathers if such oppression could be sub mitted to ? Where is our republican gov ernment if such right can be taken away ? But what was done in opposition? There . woo no Maned - s cot ttsturr wita/ assumed authority. The people of Kan sas simply denied the legality ofthe enact ments and the obligation of obedience, and the falling back on inherent rights, went through the preliminaries of a State or ganization, and applied to Congress for re lief. That relief has not been yet afforded And what has since transpired? A ihird fourth, and fifth armed invasion has taken place, each with increased aggravation of outrage. Pillage and plunder and murder have increased from day to day. Largo bodies of armed men Irons distant and ad joining States are in the Territory, with no attempt at becoming settlers, without means of honest support, living by the pillage of those who differ from themselves in senti ment, and perpetrating cruelties unknown even in war. Government troops have been used to overawe all attempts at resis tance, and moved about so as to expose un protected towns to violence. A fourfold process of oppression has been used to ru in and drive out those whose only crime is the claiming of rights guaranteed them by the very. law which invited them to Kan sas. First, innumerable indictments for imaginary crimes are made out by a cor rupt judiciary against all free State men of influence, while the worst of crimes by men of opposite politics have gone unnoticed. Secondly, armed hordes of ruffians, under pretence of maintaining 'law and order," patrol the cowry, committing all the out rages which have been described. Third ly, the U. S. dragoons are made use of by the local authorities to suppress any ris ings for self-defence, and kept out of the way when attacks are to be made. And lastly, "Vigilance Committees" are appoin ted to drive off, with threats of Lynch law, all those who by the other methods have not been subdued. All this has been go ing on far months. And recent accounts announce that the sufferers themselves are driven by desperation to armed defence and the hostile bands are now watching each other, and meeting in deadly conflict. Civ il war is begun. And where is it to end, sinless it can be suppressed at once in the place of its birth ? Let it not be said that we have tie interest in this matter. Dis tant and feeble as site may be, Kansas is a member of our body politic. The same lifeblood which nourishes our own cominu nity flows through her. And the wounds and anguish which she endures are felt to the remotest parts of the Republic. Ties of friendship and of blood unite her suf fering children to all sections of our coun try. And were these wanting, a common nationality binds them inone body to us all and the great heart of humanity enfolds them in its sympathies. "Whether one member suffer, all the members sidliir witlt it ; or one member be honored, all the mentbcrs rejoice tvi' it it." At the same time that these events have !fortune they may work out blesssiigs to the been transpiring, another scene has been subject race, and admission of mercy for enacted which has inflicted a still deeper' themsclves. To apologizefor an involute wound on the honor and peace of our court. ! tary evil is one thing. To strive to extend try. A member of the Senate of the U- and perpetuate it is another. We may re nited States, a man honored equally for his goad the former with the truest charity.— virtues and his attainments has been striek. list as freemen and Christians what must en down and beaten by a member of Con. I we say of the latter gross till his blood stained the flow of the But why are Southern men so madly re- Senate, for words spoken in debate. It solved that Kansas shall be thrown open matters not what were the words which to slavery ? Is it because, they desire gave offence, though it may well be sup- themselves to be residents of the country ? posed that language unchallenged at the.: Very few of them have such an idea. But time, by a body whose majority were in it will give them, first, an increase ofpoli• opposition to the speaker, did nut trans- tical power' It will wheel another State gross the ordinary limits of parliamentary i into the phalanx, and give them two more debate. It matters not what were the Senatorial votes for that control of the Go. words, nor who the speaker, nor who the vernment which the far swifter progress assailant. It was a principle which was of the free States has taken from them in stricken down. And the principle is one the House of Representatives. Few among of the pillars of our free institution us have reflected on the political power gi- Without the right of freedom of speech, yen by slavery to the few. 'Three fifths neither our liberties nor our religion are , of all the slaves are counted in with the secure. If the bludgeon is to be the ru- whites as the basis of representation, large. ling power in our country, where will be ly increasing the political importance of our boasted freedom and national Christi- 1 the white person at the South over the anity ? If the flag of our country and the ! while person at the North. Of the whites, symbols of her liberty cannot protect the large numbers are either disfranchised by members of her government within the a property qnalification, or aro completely walls of her Capitol, in the discharge of under the control of their wealthier neigh their official duty, what is to become of our hors. Political honors and influence are republic ? With the freedom of the press ; confined to a few. In the whole sixteen overthrown in Kansas, and the freedom of slave•holding Stems there are less than the Senate nssniled in Washington, howl 100,000 persons owning more then ten long before the freedom of the pulpit shall I slaves each. How many of these are de be also at the mercy ofa popular majority ! sirous of deserting their plantations and or n reckless and excitable bully ? There emigrating to Kansas ? But these are the is not a legislator, or an editor, or a clergy- persons who control the policy of the six. man in the country, whose right to advo. tern States, and by their influence at home cute what he conscientiously believes, nor ' and at the North have controlled the poll. a citizen whose right to representation of I ey and monopolized the honors of the Gen his sentiments, has not been ['smiled in I oral Government. is it to be wondered the blows which laid the eloquem Sumner that they should make such desperate ef senseless on the Senate chamber. But the farm to extend so disproportionate an im act itself is not so ominous bet evil as its penance ? And as it grows sn it will endorsement. To hear it defended and I grow until this whole land of liberty shall eulogized throughout the whole section be made tributary to the porPetuation of I represented by the asshssin, by public as• human bondage. • sem bles giving votes of thanWitul , Tl t e aDjaktiAjyncnt of slaver, in Kansas iquity, by the preen alniost unanimously ; will give them, secondly, a new market for I holding it up as worthy of imitation, and slaves. 'floe pecuniary value of slavery by fellow representatives who screen the arises not from the productiveness of slave offender from punishment, may well make labor. It costs much and produces little one feel sadly apprehensive for our country. wastes largely and wears out the soil it It indicates that we are becoming u nwor- cultivates. Left to itself, it impoverishes, thy of our heritage, and that the sentiment in the long run, both land and ow ner. and of justice and right has rotted away in the would gradually work out its own extermi foundation of government. Alas for our nation. But slave•breeding compensates country, when the makers of her laws fur the expensiveness of slave-labor. To dare not speak in defence of what they breed human being for sale, to rear humor deem human right, or must go armed with tal souls that they may be driven to market deadly weapons for protection in the dis• and soh) to the highest bidder, is a profits. chargeof their duty! God forbid that the ble business. Families and. estates aro ministers of religion should refuse to speak maintained by such breeding and sale, of in reprobation of the evil. ten of blood relations. To keep up the 11. But let us look, secondly, at the inn- price the market must be extended. New polling principle of - these outrages. They have all one imptese, the aggressive spir it of slavery. Let it he noted and tenant.- tiered that all thew wrong 4 grow out of a determination to e.rtind the area of hu man bondage. 1f %y are armed hordes now traversing Kansas with pillage and murder Simply that they may extend over it the blight of slavery. Why are men illegally arrested, robbed driven from home, hunted like beasts, or shot down in the fields? Simply because they desire to save their home and family from the bliyht of slavery, liley are they denied the pro- tection of a government whose pride it is to protect its citizens to the farthest verge of the habitable globe? Merely because they will not submit talon, and fraud to be cursed with slavery. Ti'hy was Sumner assailed and beaten in the Senate? Mere ly b cultic he spoke too pointedly and plain ly for their deliverance Awn the attempted curse of slavery. The sole impulse of all these on! rages is the desire to extend slave ry. The sole crime of the sufferers is the invincible desire to Grime. The blood of a Senator has stained thefloor of the Sen. ale chamber, the blood of her citizens has been poured out like water on the virgin soil of Kansas, merely that it may be made a land of bondage: The whole South is aroused and poursfitrth invading armies, and the whole influence and power of the Federal Government arc employed to aid them, merely because the artual residents of Kansas, in the exercise of the rights guaranteed them by the law which opened the territory to settlers, are largely d ter mined that it shall be free. Ignoble con test ! Where slavery is ht it remain. Let it be apologisedjor and Mitigated as it can. 1 am not one of those who would attack the Southfor the inheritance of perplexity and shame which Northern cupidity:was ajoint agent in introducing. Let them mourn over the embarrassments and evils if their lot, and strive to discharge their duty as Christian masters to the peo ple they have found dependent and in servi tud,•. Thus out of their birthright of mit. States and Territories must have their vir gin soil:thrown open to slavery, and as their lands become impoverished, join the slave- breeding States in the ceaseless cry of the horse-leech and her daughters. Kantas is now invaded and outraged merely that it may bo made a land of bondage, and that for the increase of a political power in. imical to our free institutions, and a stimulus to the breeding or human being for sale. And what is the pretence under which these evil deeds are covered up, and the acquiescence of the country in them is sought? It is the equal right of men of all sve tions of the country to go with their pro perty into the national territory. It is said that to deny the . right of slave-holders to cat ry their property there is to destroy the equality of our citizens. As this the grand plea, which is designed to, and to some ex tent dues, impose on the public mind for ex cuse of all these enormities, it is essential that they should be examined. Let it be observed then, in the first place, that the claimed right of carrying one's identical property with him in removal, is au absurd ity. Ilow much property is there in na ture that cannot be removed. Who could remove his farm, or his fishery, or his wa ter-power Yet who ever thought of de claiming against the injustice of Nature o..nd Providence, because he could not take them to Kansas? The proceeds of the sale he can take. And has anybody ever deni ed to the slave-holder the tight to take to Kansas the proceeds of the sale of his slave as well as the proceeds of the sale of his plantation? Secondly, the right of pro perty in human beings is not a natural but merely the result of local laws. Out side the jurisdiction of those laws, the right does not exist. There aro States where lotteries are allowed by law. A lottery interest is the property of its holder.— Because lotteries are proscribed in Kan sas, or elsewhere, has the lottery-holder cause to cotnplain of the overthrow of his constitutional rights ? i • Shall Kansas be invaded awl drenched in bland because i/o inbahltimis will not pass the local laws which in other Slates have made lotteries property? Wills as much reason as because they will not esta blish property in human flesh an blood. The property whichresultsfrom local laws can be sold where those local laws have made it valuable, and its proceeds taken wherever the owner may please. find is the Union to be convulsed, a peaceful Ter ritory mal° the scene of war, and balm. trims citizens robbed and murdered. Be cause some hot-headed individual has resolved that instead of taking his thou sand dollars to Kansas in gold or silver, he will take it in the shape of a lottery office or a trother man ? Let the flimsy pretext be understood. If the right of holding human beings as property re sults merely from local law, it is limi ted by the law which created it. If it be a natural right, it is ns indefeasible in Pennsylvania as it is in Kansas. And this will be the final issue. But thirdly, it seemsto be entirely for gotten that there are rights on the other side. It is a fundamental principle in law that one man•must not, by his property, injure that of his neighbors. The welfare ! of the one must give way to the welfare of i the many. Now if one man has property in a fellow, there are thousands who have more undoubted property in the mselves, if one claims the right of making the bodily labor of his fellow subserve his own com• fort and advantage, there are thousands of others who claim a divine and indefeasi ble right to make their own good arms a vailable to their own support and advance ment. And these two rights conflict— For slave-labor and free-labor are opposed to each other. Slavery degrades bodily labor. It makes a man's bodily strength' lland manual skill less availing for his own profit and elevation. It thus diminishes and takes away his inherent property in ' himself. It lessens his pecuniary reward, and shuts up the door of promotion. The question is, therefore, between the right of one mon to the muscles of his neighbor , 1ind 2 .60 , 440.11541k0mi00d0 4o !La 1.11, efit of their own muscles. It is whether one man is to leave his slave behind hiM, or whether a thousand white citizens arc to be enslaved if they go. The rights of all our laboring classes, ten thousand to one slave-holder, are invaded in the at ' tempt at the violent subjugation of Kansas. Moreover, there are many methods of re munerative labor of more intellectual char acte r that are available only in a free coin triunity. In fact, there is scarcely a de partment of ingenuity or power, which the history and present state of our country do not show to be circumscribed and de preciated by the presence of slavery.— The intellectual, literary and inventive, as well as the bodily powers of man become less available for individual and special prosperity. Every man, therefore, who is not himself a sla-e-holder, is interested for himself his:children, his relatives and friends in the exclusion of slavery. His property and their property in their own minds and bodies is depreciated by the in troduction of slave-labor. The inaliena ble rights which God himself has given to him and them are arrayed against the merely local and transferrable, not to nay disputable, right of the slave-holder. The suffering in Kansas. the suffering of Sum ner. is not in resistance of human right, but it is martyrdom in defence of the rights of the many against the aggression of a few. And the question is not whether there shall be maintained the rights of a few thousand slave-holders, but whether shall be maintained the rights of millions of freemen. 111. But, thirdly, let us not lose sight of the divine agency in all the troubles which have come upon us. We are taught in Holy Scripture that the provi dence of God overrules the actions of men no less thlm the operations of nature.— Every human agent is to the Lord only as the saw in the hand of him that shaketh it. No man can have any power at nll against the object of his hatred or oppres sion, except it bo given him from above. "Man proposes, but God disposes." And theretore when theie is evil in a city or a country, we are to look above the human instrumentalities, and humble ourselves under the Itnnd of God, and inquire why He hath dealt so grievously with us. Es pecially is this the case in public calami ties. For as bodies politic have no exis tent e in the world to come, their judgment and recompense, unlike thnt of individu als, can take place only in this world.— The question which we ought to ask our selves, therefore, is, "Wherefore hath the , Lord dealt thus with His servants ?" Ma ny are our national offences. But there is ever a correspondence between the of fence and its punishment. And we aro to search out the sins and errors for which this special vi,itation has been sent, - 110 VOL. XXI. NO. 29, Doubtless, one sin for which we are suf fering is the base spirit of truckling and pandoring to sectional interests and preju dices, which has for so many years char acterized the prime movers of our politi cal machinery. Politics indeed have been a mere trade, conducted without honesty or principle for selfish aggrandizement.— Vainly do we lock for patriotism in the wire-working of our political parties. The whole government is adtninistered upon the principle of the division of the spoils. There has been no prejudice so opposed to the spirit of our institutions, no section al interest so degrading, that political lead ers, low and high, were not willing to sell themselves to it for votes. There has been no combination of parties too incon sistent, unprincipled and corrupt to be en tered into for the sake of office and the psti, lie tnoncy. In particluar, the leading pot itical parties have for years been conduc ted its rivalry of subservience to the inter ests of slavery. The interests of the na tion have been disregarded and sacrificed in disgraceful nnderbidding for the slave holding vote. There was no deep so low for one party to descend into, that some , •lower deep still opening wide" was not discovered by the other. For more than 1 a generation has this system of self-abase• meet been going on. No wonder that those who have been the objects of this so licitation should have been educated into the idea tha• the whole government of the country should be conducted for the bene fit e i f n sl s ver unhapp t y ho c c o a u s n e tr , y vit i h s i tna. Especially now suffering Iron Sauthern violence, it has been brought on us by that long and increasing self-abasement of Northern pol ic pec l i f a a o lly r is this our present agitations. A new scene of commotion had been settled by new con cessions, to which for the sake of peace all parties had assented. 'llse whole land was nt rest and quiet. Slavery was de_ mending nothing more, and its opponents . had made up their minds to acquiesce its the settlement, when, for pure party pur pose b andpersonal aggrandizement, the tune-honored artier of freedom was over thrown as a new bid in the auction which has sacrificed the domain of the nation for the slave holding vote. Let the authors of the iniquity be nameless here, as they deserve to be in the annals of the Repub lic. Insane and unprincipled ambition is the enures, of all the agitation and tur moil and bloodshed•which has been rend ing the land asunder. The whole people have witnessed so tamely the successive betrayals of their interests, and voted so docilely on.the issues they presented, that hope had been conceived of their unlimited submission. The sectional jealousies which it has stirred up anew, and the at- tempt to secure, by violence, what slavery understood to be offered it by the measure, is its natural consequence, and the provi dential punishment of the nation for the iniquity which it sanctioned and encour aged. Another political sin for which the na tion is thus suffering, is the neglect of po litical duty by respectable citizens. We have boasted touch of our political rights ; but we have been sadly unmindful of our political duties. How large a proportion of the most respectable and influential of our citizens have wholly abstained from the.notnination and election of our rulers. The whole business of nominations has been liven up to caucases. chiefly compo sed of the ambitious and vile. Assemblies in which no respectable person could ap pear have brought out candidates of their own for inferior offices, and conventions of interested men have long wrangled out the nomination to higher posts of thoso to lithos° election they could pin their hopes of office to be acquired or retained. All honesty and all patriotism have quite disappeared from our political system.— Politics have become a trade so low that few respectable mei. dare touch it. Not an election can be carried without money, and bargaining and rum. And in conse quence not a bill can be carried thro' our national legislature without bribes. Yet orderly and respectable citizens see these iniquities without troubling themselves for their correction. Absorbed• in their own business and comfort, they care not to whom. And yet they boast of their politi cal rights, But God has given no right without obligation of use. The right of self government involves the duty of self, government, the duty of selecting and elec ting the rulers of our people. This sacred duty, due to ourselves, mankind and God, has been wofully neglected, and, there fore, God has turned our neglect to our punishment, and chastised us with misrule and civil war. Kindred and consequential to these lute been another sin—the entire divorce of the whole system of polities from the four of