BY WM. BREWSTER.
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MESSAGE,
a elude and 1
1113tive,
11, past has been an eventful year, and will
be hereafter referred to as a marked cpueh in
the history of the world. While we have beets
happily preserved from the calamities of war,
core domestic prosperity has nut been entirely
uninterrupted. The crops, in portions of the
country, have been nearly cut off. Disease
has prevailed to a greater extent than usual,
and the sacrifice of human life, through MU,
he s,,a and land, is without a parallel.—
lint the p.tilcime has swept be, and restored
•Ilithrity invites the alment to their homes. and
rot urn of liminess to its ordinary channels.
li the earth has rewarded the labor of the hug.
band tee less bountifully then its preceding
seasons : it has left him almn•lanve fur donn,•
tic WelltS, and a large surplus for exportation.
In the present, therPtine, as in the past, we find
nmpl, grounds fur reverent to the
tied of Grave and Providence, or his prottiet
ing care and merciful dealings with us as a
Ithrovzh our attention has been nrreded by
painful interest in passing mute, yet our coon- '
try feels no more than the slight vibrations of
the convulsions which have shaken Enrope.—
Au individuals, we cannot repress sympathy
With human suthaing, nor regret fix the causes
which produce it. As u nation, we are remin
ded, that whatever interrupts the peace, or
checks the prosperity, el nny part of Christen
dom, tends, more or loss, to involve our own.
The condition of states is not unlike that of in
dividuals. They are mutually dependent upon
each other. Amicable relations between them,
and reciprocal good will, are essential for the
promotion of whatever is desirable in their
moral, social and political condition. Hence,
it has been my earnest endeavor to maintain
pence and friendly intercourse with all nations.
The wise theory of this government, so early
adopted and steadily pursued, of avoiding all
entangling alliances, has hitherto exempted it
from many complications, in which it would
otherwise have Leconte involved. Notwith
standing this our clearly defined and well-sus
tain,:d course of action, and our geographical
position so remote from Europe, increasing din
position has been manifested, by some of its
governments, to supervise, and, m certain re
spects, to direct, our foreign policy. In plans
for adjusting the balance of power among
themselves, they have assumed to take us in
to account, and would constrain us to conform
our conduct to their views. One or another of
the powers of Europe has, from time to time,
undertaken to enforce arbitrary regulations,
.contrary in many respects to established prin
ciples of international law. That law, the
United States have, in their foreign intercourse,
uniformly respected and observed, and they
cannot recognise any such interpolation there
in, as the temporary interests of others may
suggests. They do not admit that the sorer
igns of one continent, or of a particular corn
muoity of states, can legislate for all others.
Leaving the trans atlantic nations to adjust
their political system in the way they may
think best for their common welfare, the inde
pendent powers of this continent may well as
sert the right to be exempt front all annoying
interference on their part. Systematic absti
meuee from intimate political connexion with
distant foreign nations, dues not conflict with
giving the widest range to our foreign com
merce. This distinction, so clearly marked in •
history, seems to have been overlooked, or dis
regarded, by some leading foreign states. Our
refusal to be brought within, and subjected to,
their peculiar system, has, 1 fear, created a •
jealous distrust of one conduct, and induced,
on their part, occasional acts of disturbing ef
fect upon our foreign relations. Our present
attitude and past course give assurances, which
should not be questioned, that our purposes
uro not aggressive, to the safety and welfare of
other nattuns. Our military establishment, in
limo of peace, is adapted to maintain exterior
defences, and to preserve order among the
üboriginal tribes within the limits of the Union.
Our naval force is intended only for the pro
tection of our citizens abroad, and of our
a . ;, tit, ,nss of th,
tfunt•ng (°°lloriantat.
" I BEE NO STAR ABOVE THE HORIZON, PROMISING LIGHT To GUIDE us, BUT TUE INTELLIGENT, PATRIOTIC, UNITED WHIG PARTY OP THE UNITED STATES."—[WEBSTER.
globe. The government of the United States,
being essentially pacific in policy, stands pre•
pared to repel invasion by the voluntary ser•
vice of a patriotic people, and provides no per
manent means of foreign aggression. These
considerations should allay all apprehension,
that we are disposed to encroach on the rights,
or endanger the security of other States.
Some European powers have regarded, with
disquieting concern, the territorial expansion
of the United States. This rapid growth has
resulted from the legitimate exercise of sover
eign rights, belonging alike to all nations, and
by many liberally exercised. Under such cir
cumstances, it could hardly have been expect.
ed that those among them, which have, within
a comparatively recent period, subdued and
absorbed ancient kingdons, planted their stan
dards on every continent, and now pos
seas, or claim the control of the islands of
every ocean as their appropriate domain,
would look with unfriendly sentiments upon
the acquisitions of this country, in every in
stance honorably obtained, or would feel them
selves justified in imputing our advancement
to a spirit of aggression or to a passion fur po.
!ideal predominance.
Our foreign commerce has reached a mag
nitude and extent nearly equal to that of the
first maritine power of the earth, and exceed.
ing that of any other. Over this great inter
est, in which not only our merchants, but all
classes of citizens ant least indirectly, are cons
ecrated, it is the duty of the executive and leg
islative branches of the goverment to exercise
a careful supervision, and adopt proper meas
ures for its protection. The policy which I
have had in view, in regard to this interest,
embraces its future as well as its present semi.
rite.
$1 25
1 50
2 50
-. Lon g experience has shown that, in general,
when the principal powers of Europe aro en
gaged in war, the rights of neutral nations aro
endangered. This consideration led, in the
progress of the war of our independence, to the
thrmation of the celebrated confedracy of arm
ed neutrality, a primary Object of which was, to
assert the doctrine, that free ships make free
goods, except in the ease of articles contraband
of war n doctrine which, front the very com
mencement at our national being, has been a
cherished idea of the statesmen of this country.
At one period or another, every maritime pow.
er hos, by noise solemn treaty stipulation, re
cognised that principle; and it might have
been hoped that it would come to be uni
versally received and respected as a rule
of international law. But the refusal of one
power prevented this, and in the next great
war which ensued, that of the French revolu
tion, it failed to be respected among, the belli
gerent States of Europe. Notwithstanding
this, the principle is generally admitted to be
a sound and salutary one ; so much so, that, at
the commencement of the existing war iu Eu
rope, Great Britain and France announced
their purpose to observe it Pit. the present; not,
however, us a recognised international right,
but as a mere concession of the time being.—
The cooperation, however, of these two power-
IV maritime nations in the interest of neutral
rights, appeared to me to afford an occasion,
inviting and ja,tifying, on the part of the Uni
ted States, a renewed effort to make the doc
trine in question a principle of international
law, by means of special conventions between
the several powers of Europe and America.—
ccordingly, a proposition, embracing not only
the rule, that free ships make free goods, ex
cept contraband articles, but also the less con
tested one, that neutral property, other than
contraband, though on board enemy's ships,
shall be exempt from confiscation, has been
submitted by this government to those of Eu
rope and America.
Russia acted promptly in this matter, and a
conventinu was concluded, between that-coun
try and the United States, providing for the
observance of the principles announced, not
only ns between themselves, but also as be.
L , Veell them and till other nations, which shall
cm a. into like stipulations. None of the oth
r powers have as yet taken final action on
the pubject. lam sot aware, however, that
any objection to the proposed stipulations has
Leon made; but, 011 the contrary, they are
acknowledged to be essential to the security
of neutral commerce ; and the only apparent
obstacle to their general adoption is in the
po,sibillity, that it may be encumbered by in
udinifsible conditions.
The King of the Two Sicilies has expressed
to our minister at Naples his readiness to con
cur in our proposition relative to neutrel rights,
and to enter into a convention on that subject.
The King of Prussia entirely approves of
the project of a treaty to the same effect, sub
mitted to him, but proposes an additional ar
ticle providing fur the renunciation of priva
teering. Such an article,, for most obvious
reasons, is much desired by nations having na
val establishments, large in proportion to their
foreign commerce. If it wore adopted as an
international rule, the commerce of a nation
having comparatively a small naval force,
would be very much at the mercy of its enemy,
in case of war with a power of decided naval
superiority. The bare statement of the condi
tion in which the United States would be pla
ced, after having surrendered the right to re
sort to privateers, in the event of war with a
belligerent of naval supremacy, will show that
this government could never listen to such a
proposition. The navy of the first maritine
power in Europe is at least ten times as large
as that of the United States. The foreign
cotitmerce of the two countries is nearly equal,
and about equally exposed to hostile depreda
tions. In war between, that power and the
United States, without resort en our Mercan
tile marine, the means of our enemy to inflict
injury upon our commerce would be tenfold
greater than ours to retaliate. We could not
extricate our country from this unequal con
dition, with such an enemy, unless we at once
departed from our present peaceful policy, and
became a great naval power. Nor would
this country be better situated in war with one
of the secondary naval powers. Though the
naval disparity would be less, the greater ex
tent, and more exposed condition of our wide
spread commerce, would give any of them a
like advantage over us.
The proposition to enter into engagements
to forego resort to privateers, in case this
country should be forced into war with a great
naval power, is not entitled to more favorable
consideration than would be a proportion to
agree not to accept the services of volunteers
for opperations on land. When the honor or.
the rights of our country require it to assume
a hostile attitude, it confideattly relies upon the
patriotism of its citizens, not ordinarily deco.
ted to the military profession, to augment the
army and the navy, so as to make them fully
adequate to the emergency which calls them
into action. The proposal to surrender the
right to employ . privateers is professedly found.
ed upon the principle, that private property of
unoffending noncombatants, though enemies,
should be exempt from the ravages of war ;
but the proposed surrender goes but little way
in curriing out that principle, which equally
requires that such private property should not
be seized or molested by national ships of war.
Should the loading powers of Europe concur in
proposing, as a rule of international law, to
exempt private property, upon the ocean, from
t., I , well nt
HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 13, 1854.
by privateers, the United States will readily
meet them upon that broad ground.
Since the adjournment of Congress, the rat•
ifications of the treaty between the United
States and Great Britain, relative to coast
fisheries, and to reciprocal trade with the
British North American provinces,, have
been exchanged, and some of its anticipated
advantages are already enjoyed by us, although
its full execution was to abide certain acts of
legislation not yet fully performed. So soon
as it was ratified, Great Britain opened to our
commerce the free navigation of the river St.
Lawrence, and to our fishermen unmolested
access to the shores and bays, from which they
had been previously excluded, on the coasts of
her North American provinces ; in return for
which, she asked for the introduction, free of '
duty, into the ports of the United States, of the
fish caught on the same coast by British fish
erman. This being the compensation stiploa•
ted is the treaty, for privileges of the highest
importance and value to the United States,
which were thus voluntarily yielded before it
became effective, the request seemed to me
to be a reasonable one ; but it could not be
acceded 'to, from want of authority to
suspend our laws imposing duties upon
all foreign fish. In the mean time, the
Treasury Department issued a regulation, for
ascertaining the duties paid or secured by
bonds on fish caught on the coasts of the Bill
fish provinces, and brought to our markets
by Brittish sujects, after the fishing grounds
has been made fully accessible to the citizens
of the United States. I recomend to your fit.
vorable cosideration a proposition, which will
he submitted to you, for authority to refund
the duties, and cancel the bonds thus received.
The provinces of Canada and New Brunswick
have also anticipated the full opperation of the
treaty, by legislative arrangements, respective
ly, to admit, free of duty, the products of the
United States mentioned in the free list of the
treaty; and an arrangement, similar to that
regarding British fish,has been made for ditties
now chargeable on the products of those .prov
inces enumerated in the same free list, and
introduced therefrom into the United States;
a proposition for refunding which will, in my
judgment, be in like manner entiled to your
frvorable condition,
There is differanee of opinion between the
United States and Great Briton, as to the
boundary line of the Territory of Washington
adjoining the British possessions on the Pa-'
cific, which has already led to dfliculties on
the part of the citizens and local authorities of
the two governments. I recommend that
provision be made for a commission, to be
,domed by ono on the part of her Britannic Ma
jesty, for the purpose of running and establish
ing the line in controversy. Cetain stipulations
of the third and fourth articles of the treaty
concluded by the United States and Great
Brittain in 1846, regarding possessory rights
of the lludson's Bay Company, and property
of the Pugees Sound Agricultural Company,
have given rise to serious disputes, and it is
is important to all concerned, that summary
j means of settling them amicably should be
devised. I have reason to believe, that an
ar
raugemeut of the right can ho made on just
terms, for the extinguishment of the rights in
question, embracing, also, the right of the
Hudson's Bay Company to the navigation of
the river Columbia ; and I therefore suggest
to your consideration, the expediency of tan
king a contingent appropriation fur that pun
peso.
France was the early and efficient ally of
the United States in their struggle for iinh;ped.
once. From that time to the present, with.
occasional slight interruptions, cordial relations
of friendship have existed between the gov
ernments and people of two countries. The
kindly sentiments cherished alike by both na
tions, have led to extensive social and coin-
mum! intercourse, which I trust, will not he j
interrupted or checked by any casual event
of an apparently unsati;factory . character.—
The French consul at San Francisco was not
long since, brought into the United States
district court at that place, by compulsory
process, as a witness in favor of another go,
crument conceives, of his privalege under our
consular convention with France. There
being nothing in the transaction which could
imply any disrespect to France or its consul,
such explanation has been made, as I hope
will be satisfactory. Subsequently, misunder
standing arose on the subject of the French
government having, as it appeared abruptly
excluded the American minister to Spain from
passing through France, on his way from
London to Madrid. 13ut that government has
unequivocally disavowed any right of transit
to the minister of the United States ; and,
after explanations to this effect, he has re
sumed his journey, and actually returned
through France to Spain. I herewith lay before
Congress the correspondence on this subject
between our envoy at Paris, and the minister
of foreign relations of the French Govern
ment.
The position of our affairs with Spain re
mains as at the close of your last session. Inter
nal agitation, assumin 4. very nearly the char
acter of political revolution, has recently con
vulsed that country. The late ministers were
violently expelled from power, and men, of
very different views in relation to its internal
affairs, have succeeded. Since this change,
there has been no propitious opportunity to re
sume, and press on, negotiations for the adjust.
ment of serious question of difficulty between the
Spanish government and the United States.
There is reason to believe that our minister
will find the present government more favora
bly inclined than the preceding to comply
with our just demands, and to make suitable
arrangements for restoring harmony, and pre
serving peace, between the two countries.
Negotiations are pending with Denmark to
discontinue the practice oflevying tolls on our
vessels and their cargoes passing through the
Sound. Ido not doubt that we can claim
axetnption therefrom, as a matter of right- It
is admitted on all hands, that this exaction, is
sanctioned, not by the general principals of the
law of nations, but only by special conventions
which most of the commercial nations have
entered into with Denmark. The fifth article
of our treaty of 1826, with Denmark, provides,
that there shall not be paid on vessels of the
Untied States and their cargoes when passing
through the Sound, higher duties than those
of the most favored nations. This may be re
garded as implied agreement to submit to the
tolls during the countenance of the treaty.
and, consequently, may embarass the assertion
of our right to be released therefrom. There
aro al,o other provisions in the treaty which
ought to be modified. It was to be in force for
ten years, and until one year after ether party
should give notice to the other of intention to
terminate it. I deem it expedient that the
contemplated notice should be given to the
government of Denmark.
The naval expedition, despatched about two
years since for the purpose of establishing re
lations with the empire of Japan, has been
ably and skillfully conducted to a successful
termination by the officer to whom it was en
trusted. A treaty, opening certain of the ports
of that populous country, has been negotiated ;
and in order to give fug effect thereto, it only
remains to exchange ratificatious, and adopt
repiisite commercial regulation,.
The treaty lately concluded between the
United States and Mexico settled some of our
most embarrassing difficulties with that coun
try, but numerous claims upon it for wrongs
and injuries to our citizens remained unadjust
ed, and many new cases have been recently ad
ded to the formerlist of grievances. Our le
gislation has been earnest in its endeavors to
obtain, from the Mexican government, a favor
able consideration of these claims, but hither
to without success. This failure is, probably,
in some measure, to be ascribed to the distur
bed condition of that country. It has been my
anxious desire to maintain friendly relations
with the Mexican republic, and to cause its
rights and territories to he respected, nat only
by our citizens, but by foreigners, who have re
sorted to the United States for the purpose of
organizing hostile expeditions against some of
the States of that Republic. The defenceless
condition. in which its frontiers have been left,
has stimulated lawless adventures to embark in
these enterprises, and greatly increase the dif
ficulty of enforcing our obligations of neutrali
ty. Regarding it as my solemn duty to fulfil,
efficiently, these obligations, not only towards
Mexico; but other foreign nations, I have ex
erted all the powers with which I am invested
to defeat such criminal proceedings, and bring
to punishment those who, by taking a part
therein, violated our laws. The energy and ac
tivity of our civil and military authorities have
frustrated the designs of those who meditated
expeditions of this character, except in two in
stances. One ot these, composed of foreigners,
was at first countenanced and aided by the
Mexican government itself, it havin„o been de
ceived as to their real object. ' t he other,
small in number, eluded the vigilance of the
magistrates at San Francisco, and succeeded
in reaching the Mexican territories; but the a;
fective measures taken by this government
compelled the abandonment of the underta
king.
. .
The commission to establish the new line
between the United States and Mexico, item ,
ding tu the provisions of the treaty of the 30th
of December last has been organized, and the
work is already commenced.
Our treaties with the Argentine Confedera
tion, and with the Republics of Uruguay and
Paraguay, secure to us the free navigation of
the river La Plata, and some of its larger trib
utaries ; but the same success has not attended
our endeavors to open the Amazon. The rea
sons in favor of the free use of that river, I
bad occasion to present fully, in a former mes
sage; and, considering the cordial relations
which have always existed betweenthis govern
ment and Brazil, it may be expected that pend
ing negotiations will, eventually, reach a fa
vorable result.
Convenient means of transit, between the
several parts of a country, are not only desira
ble for the objects of commercial and personal
communication, but essential to its existence
under one government. 4eparated as are the
Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States
by the whole breadth of the continent, still the
inhabitants of each are claply bound together
by community of origin and institutions, and
by strong attachment to the Union. Hence
the constant and increasing intercourse, and
vast intechange of commercial productions, be
tween these remote divisions of the Republic.
At the present time, the most practicable and
only commodious routes for communeation be
tones them are by the way of the 'times of
Central America. It is the duty of the gov
ernment to secure these avenues against all
danger of interruption.
In relation to Central America, perplexing
questions existed between the Unites States
and Great Britain at the time of the cession of
California. These, as well as questions which
subsequently nrose concerning interoeeanie
communication across the Isthmus, were, as it
was supposed, adjusted by the treaty of April
19, 1830: btit, unfortunately, they have been
re-opened by serious misunderstanding as to
the import of some of its provisions, a readjust
ment of which is now under consideaation.
Our minister at London has made strenuous
efforts to accomplish this desirable object, but
has not yet found it possible to bring the imp,
tiations to a termination.
As incidental to these questions, 1 deem it
proper to notice an occurrence which happened
in Central America near the close of the last
session of Congress. So soon as the necessity
was perceived of establishing inter-oceanic
com in unications across the Isthmus, a company
was organized, under authority of the State of
Nicaragua, but composed, for the most part, of
citizens oldie United states, for the purpose of
opening such a transit way, by the river San
Juan and Lake Nicaragua, which soon became
an eligible and much used route in the trans
portation of onr citizens and their property be
tween the Atlantic and Pacific. Meanwhile,
and in anticipation of the completion and lin
portance of this transit way, a nuniher of ad
venturers had taken possession of the old Span
ish port at the mouth of the river San Juan, in
open defiance of the State or States of Central
America, which, upon their becoming indepen
dent, had rightfully succeeded to the local sov
ereignty and jurisdiction of Spain. These ad- 1
venturers undertook to change the name of the l i
place from San Juan del Norte to Greytown,
and, though at first pretending to act as the
subjects of the fictitious sovereign of the Mos
quit° Indians, they subsequently repudiated
the control of any power whatever, assumed to
adopt a distinct political organizatibn, and de
dared themselves an independent sovereign
State. it; at some time, a faint hope was en
tertained that they might become a stable and
respectable community, that hope vanished.
They proceeded to assert unfounded claims to
civil jurisdiction over Punta Arenas, a position
on the opposite side of the river San Juan,
which was is possession, under a title wholly
independent of them, of citizens of the United
States, interested in the Nicaragua Transit
Company, and which was indispensably ttees
nary to the prosperous operation of that route
across the Isthmus. The company resisted
their ,groundless claims ; whereupon they pro
ceeded to demolish Koine of its buildings, and
attempted violently to dispossess it.
At a later period they or n •mnized a strong
force for the purpose. of demolishing the estab
lishment of Punta Arenas, but this mischievous
design was defeated by the interposition of one
of our ships of war, at that time in the harbor
of San Jimn. Subsequently to this, in May
lest, a body of men front Greytown crossed
otter to Punta Arrenas, arrogating authority to
arrest, on the charge of murder, a captain of
one of the steamboats of the Transit Company.
Being well aware that the claim to exercise
had
there wonld be resisted then, as it
had been on previous occasions, they wentpre
pared to assert it by force of anus. Our mitt
tater to CeutralAmerica happened to be present
on that occasion. Believing the captain of
the steamboat was innocent, for ho witnessed
the transaction on which the charge was found
ed, and believing, also, that the intruding party,
having no jurisdiction over the place where
they proposed to make the arrest, would en
counter desperate resistance if they persisted in
their purpose,the ieterposed, effectually, to pre
vent violence and bloodshed. The American
minister afterwards visited Greytown and whilst
he was there, a mob, ineludingeertain of the so
called public functionaries ofthe place,surroun-
Bed the house in which be was, crowing that
they hod conic to arrest him. hj.ch - der of some
person exercising the chief authority. While
parleying with them he was wounded by a
missile from the crowd. A boat, despatched
from the American steamer "Northern Light,"
to release him from the perilous situation in
which he was understood to be, was tired into
by the town guard, and compelled to return.
These incidents, together with the known char.
atter of the population of Greytown, and their
excited state, induced jest apprehensions that
the lives and property of our citizens at.Punta
Arenas would be in imminent danger after the
departure of the steamer, with her passengers,
for New York, unless a guard was left for their
protection. For this purpose, and in order to
ensure the safety of passengers and property
passing over the route, a temporary force was
organized, at considerable expense to the
United States, fur which provision was made at
the last session of Congress.
This pretended community, a heterogenous
assemblage gathered from various countries,
and composed, for the inset part, of blacks
and persons of mixed blood, had previously
given other indications of mischievous and
dangerous propensities. Early is the same
month, property was clandestinely abstracted
from the depot of the Transit Company, and
taken to Greytown. The plunderers obtained
shelter there, and pursuers were driven back by
its people, who not only protected the wrong
doers and shared the plunder, but treated with
rudeness and violence those who sought to re
cover their property.
Such, in substance, are the facts submitted
to my consideration, and proved by trustwor
thy evidence. I could not doubt that the case
demanded the interposition of this government.
Justice required that reparation should be
madu for so many and such gross wrongs, and
that a course of insolence and plunder, tending
directly to the insecurity of the lives of numer
ous travellers, and of the rich treasure belong
ing to our citizens, passing over this transit
way, should be peremptorily arrested. What
ever it might be, in other respects, the commu
nity in question, in power to do mischief, was
not despicable. It wus well provided with or
dnance, small arms, and ammunition, and
might easily seize on the unarmed boats,
freighted with millions of property, which daily
passed almost within its reach. It did not pro
fess to belong to any regular government, and
had, in fact, no recognized dependence on, or
connexion with, any one to winch the United
States or their injured citizens might ap
ply for redress, or which could be hold respon
sible, in any way, for outrages committed.
Not standing belbre the world in the attitude
of an organized political society, being neither
competent to exercise the rights nor discharge
the obligations of a govenment, it was in fact,
a marauding establishment, too dangerous to be
disregarded, and too guilty to pass unpunished,
and yet incapable of being treated in any other
way than as a piratical resort of outlaws or a
camp of savages, depredating on emigrant
trains or caravans and the frontier settlements
of civilized states.
Seasonable notieo was given to the people
of Greystowu that this government required
them to repair the injuries they had done to
our citizens, and to make suitable apology for
their insult of our minister, and that a ship-of
war would be despatched thither to ent orce
compliance with these demands. But the no
tice passed unheeded. Thereupon, a com
mander of the navy, in charge of the sloop of
war "Cyane,' was ordered to repeat the de
mands, and to insist upon a compliance there
with. Finding that neither the populace, nor
those assuming to have authority over them,
manifested any disposition to make the requi
red reparation, or even to offer excuse for their
conduct, he warned them, by a public procla
mation, that if they did not give satisfaction
within a time specified, he would bombard the
town.
By this procedure he afforded them opportn.
pity to provide fur their personal safety. To
those also who desired to avoid loss of proper
ty, in the punishment about to be inflicted on
the oftbuding town, he furnished the means of
removing their effects, by the boats of his own
ship, and of a steamer which he procured and
tendered to them for that purpose. At length,
perceiving no disposition on the part of the
town to comply with his requisitions, ho ap•
pealed to the commanded of her Britannic
Majesty's schooner "Bermuda," who was seen
to have intercourse, and apparently much in
fluence with the leaders among them,—to in
terpose, and persuade them to take some course
calculated to save the necessity of resorting to
the extreme measure indicated in his procla
mation ; but that officer, instead of acceding to
the request, did nothing more than to protest
against the contemplated bombardment. No
steps of any sort were taken, by the people, to
give the satisfaction required. No individuals,
if any there were, who regarded themselves as
not responsible for the misconduct of the com
munity, adopted any means to seperate them
selves trout the fate of the guilty.
The several charges, on which the demands
for redress wets founded, had been publicly
known to all for some time, and were again
announced to them. They did not deny any
of these charges; they offered no explanation,
' nothing in extenuation of their conduct ; but
contumaciously refused to hold any intercourse
with the commander of the "Cyane. ' By their
obstinate silence they seemed rather desirous
to provoke chastisement titan escape it. There
is ample reason to believe that this conduct of
wanton defiance, on their part, is imputable
chiefly to the delusive idea that the American
gevernment would he deterred from punishing
them, through fear of displeasing a formidable
foreign power, which they presumed to think,
looked with complacency upon their aggressive
and insulting deportment towards the United
States. The "Cyano" at length tired upon the
town. Before much injury had been done, the
fire was twice suspended, in order to afford op
portunity for an arrangement; but this wan
declined. Most of the buildings of the place,
of little value generally, were, in the sequel,
destroyed; but owing to the considerate pre
cautions taken by our naval commander, there
was no destruction of human life.
When the "Cyane" was ordered to Central
America, it was confidently hoped and expec
ted that no occasion would arise for "a resort to
violence and destruction of property and loss
of life." Instructions to that effect were given
to her commander. And no extreme act would
have been requisite had not the people them•
selves, by their extraordinary conduct in the
affair, frustrated all the possible mild measures
for obtaining satisfaction. A withdrawal from
the place, the object of his visit entirely defea
ted, would, under the circumstances in which
the commander of the "Cyane" found himself,
have been absolute abandonment of all claim
of our citizens for indemnification, and stib
missive acquiescence in national dignity. It
would have encouraged in these lawless men a
spirit of insolence and rapine most dangerous
to the lives and property of our citizens at
Punta Arenas, and probably emboldened them
to grasp at the treasure and valuable merchan
dise continually passing over the Nicaragua
route. It certainly would have been most
satisfactory to me if the objects of the 'l.:l%We'
mission could have been committed without
any act of public force ; but the arrogant con
tumacy of the offenders rendered it impossible
to avoid the alternative. either to break up
their estebli•htnent. or 1 , , leaves them imprt,i
ed with the idea that they might persevere
with impunity in a career of insolence and
plunder.
This transaction has been the subject of
complaint on the part of some foreign powers,
and has been characterized with more of harsh
ness than of justice. Ifcomparisons were to be
instituted, it would not be difficult to present
repeated instances in the history of States,
standing in the very front of modern civiliza
tion, where communities, far less offending and
more defenceless than Greytown, have been
chastised with much greater severity, and
where not cities only have been laid in ruins,
but human life has been recklessly sacrificed,
and the blued of the innocent made profusely
to mingle with that of the guilty.
Passing from foreign todomestic affairs, your
attention is naturally directed to the financial
condition of the country, always a subject of
general interest. For complete and exact in
formation regarding the finances, and the va
rious branches of the public service connected
therewith, I refer you to the report of the Sec
retary
of the Treasury; from which it will ap
pear, that the amount of revenue during the
last fiscal year, from all sources. was seventy
three million five hundred and forty-nine thou
sane seven hundred and five dollars; and that
the the public expenditures for the same peri
od, exclusive of payments on account of the
public debt, amounted to fifty-one million
eighteen thousand two hundred and forty-nine
dollars. During the same period, the payments
made in redemption of the public debt, Mein.
ding interest and premium, amounted to twen
ty-four million three hundred and thirty-six
thousand three hundred and eighty dollars.—
To the sum total or the receipts of that year is
to be added a balance remaining in the Treas
ury at the commencement thereof, amounting
to twenty-one million nine hundred and forty
two thousand eight hundred and ninety-two
dollars; and at the close of the same year, a
corresponding balance amounting to twenty
million one hundred and thirty-seven thousand
nine hundred andsixty seven dollars of receipts
above expenditures,also remained in the Treas
ury. Although, in the opinion of the SecreM
ry of the Treasury, the receipts of the current j
fiscal year are not likely to equal in amount
those of the last, yet they will undoubtedly ex-'
ceed the amount of expenditures by at least
fifteen millions of dollars. I shall, therefore,
continue to direct that the surplus revenue be
applied, so far as it can be judiciously and
economically done, to the reduction of the pub
lie debt. the amount of which, at the commence
ment of the last fiscal year, was sixty-seven j
million three hundred and oily thousand nix
hundred and twenty eight dollars; of which j
there had been paid on the 20th of November,
1854, the sum of twenty-two million three hnn
dred and sixty-five thousand one hundred and
seventy-two dollars; leaving a balance of out
standing public debt of only forty-four million
nine-hundred and seventy-five thousand four
hundred and fifty-six dollars, redeemable at
different periods within fourteen years, There
are also remnants of other government stocks,
J most of which are nearly due, and on which the
interest hes ceased, but which have not been
presented for payment, amounting to two bun
died and thirty-three thousand one hundred
and seventy-nine dollars. This statement ex
hibits the facts that the annual income of the
government greatly exceeds the amount of its
public debt, which latter remains unpaid, only
because the time of payment has not yet ma
tured, and it cannot be discharged at once, ex
cept at the option of public creditors, who pre
fer to retain the securities of the United States;
and the other fact, not less striking, that the
annual revenue from all sources exceeds, by
many millions of dollars, the amount needed
for a prudent and economical administration
of the government.
The estimates presented to Congress from
the different Executive Departments, at the
last session, amounted to thirty-eight million
four hundred and six thousand five hundred
and eighty-one dollars;
and the appropriations
made to the sum of fifty-eight million one him
dred and sixteen thousand nine hundred and
fifty-eight dollars. Of this excess of appropri
ations over estimates, however, more than
twenty millions was applicable to extraordina
ry objects, having no reference to the usual
annual expenditures. Among these objects
was embraced ten millions to meet the third
article of the treaty between the United States
and Mexico; so that, in fact, for objects of or
dinary expenditure, the appropriations were
limited to considerably less than forty millions
of dollars. I therefore renew my recommen
dation for a reduction of the duties on imports.
The report di the Secretary of the Treasury
presents a series of tables, showing the opera
tion of the rem.° systems for several StICCOS.
sive years, and as the general principle of re
duction of duties with a view to revenue and
not
j prutection may now be regarded as the
settled policy of the country, I trust that little
difliculty will be encountered in settling the
details of a measure to that effect.
In connexion with this subject, I recommend
a change in the laws, which recent experience
has shown to be essential to the protection of
the government. Thereis no expressprovision
of law, requiring the records and papers of a
public character, orate several officers of the
government, to be left at their offices tbr the
use of their successors, nor any provision de
claring it a felony on their part to make false
entries in the books, or return false accounts.
In the absence of such express provision by
law, the outgoing officers, in many instances,
have claimed and exercised the right to take
into their possession, important books and pa
pers, on the ground that these were their pri
vate property; and have placed them beyond
the reach of the government. Conduct of this
character, brought is several instances to the
notice of the present Secretary of the Treasu
ry, naturally awakened his suspicion, and re
sulted in the disclosure that at four ports,
namely, Oswego, Toledo, Sandusky, and Mil
waukie, the treasury had been defrauded, with
in the four years next preceding ➢larch, Ma,
of the sum of one hundred and ninety-eight,
thousadd dollars. The great difficulty with
which the detection of these frauds has been
attended,- in consequeuce of the abstraction of
books and papers by the retiring officers, and
the facility with which similar frauds in the
public service may be perpetrated, render the
necessity of new legal enactments, in the re
spects above referred to, quite obvious. For
other material modification of the revenue
laws which seem to me desirable, I refer you
to the report of the Secretary of the Treasury.
That report, and the tables which accompany
it, furnish ample proofs of the solid foundation
on which the financial security of the country
rests, and of the salutary influence of the in
dependent treasury syStam upon commerce
and all monetary operations.
The experience of the last year furnishes
additional reasons, I regret to say, of a painful
character, fur the recommendation heretofore
made, to provide for iucreasiug the military
force employed in thB territory inhabited by
the Indians. The settlers on the frontier have
suffered much from the incursions of predatory
bands, and large parties of emigrants to oar
Pacific possessious ha,,; been massacred with
impunity. The recurrence of such scenes eau
only be prevented by teaching these will tribes
the power of, and their responsibility to the
United Stab,. Firm the ;Arrive', of our
VOL. 19. NO. 50.
frontier posts, it is only possible to detach
troops in small bodies and though these have
on all occasions displayed a gallanty and a
stern devotion to duty, which on a larger field
would have command , d universal admiration,
they have usually suffered severely in these
conflicts with superior numbers, and have
sometimes been entirely sacrificed. All the
disposable force of the army is already employ-
I ed on this service, and is known to be wholly
inadequate to the protection which should be
aftbrded. The public mind of the country has
I been recently shocked by savage atrocities
committed upon defenceless emigrants and
border settlements, and hardly less by the on
necessary destruction of valuable lives, where
inadequate detachments of troops have under-
taken to furnish the needed aid. Without in
crease of the military force, these scenes will
be repeated, it is to be feared, on a larger scale,
and with more disastrous consequences. Con.
gross, I am euro, will perceive that the plainest
duties and responsibilities of government are
involved in this question, and I doubt not that
prompt action may be confidently anticipated
when delay must be attended by such fearful
hazards.
The bill of the lest session, providing for an
increase of the pay of the rank and file of the
army has had beneficial results, not only in
facilitating enlistments, but in obvious improve.
ment in the class of men who enter the set ,
vice. I regret that corresponding considera.
tion was not bestowed on the officers, who in
view of their character and service., and the
expenses to which they are necessarily subject,
receive at present what is, in my judgment, in
adequate compensation.
The valuable services constantly rendered
by the army, and its inestimable importance,
as the neuelus around which the volunteer for
ces of the nation can promptly gather in the
hour of danger, sufficiently attest the wisdom of
maintaining a military peace establishment;
but the theory of our system and the wiee prac.
tice under it, require that any proposed aug.
mentation, in time of Knee, be only commen
surate with our extended limits and frontier
relations. While scrupulously adhering to
this principle, I find, in existing circumstances
a necessity for increase of our military force,
and it is believed that four new reeiments, two
of inffintry and two of m3unted men, will be
sufficient to meet the present exigency. If it
were necessary carefully to weigh the cost in a
case of such urgency, it would be shown that
the additional expense would be comparatively
light:. . . _ . _ _ _
'With the increase of the numerical force of
the army should, 1 think, be combined certain
measures of reform in its organic arrangement
and administration. The present organization
is the result of partial legislation often directed
to special objects and interests; and the laws
regulating rank and command, having been
adopted many years ago from the British code,
are not always applicable to our service. It is
not surprising therefore, that the system should
be deficient in the symmetry and simplicity es
sential to the harmonious working (slits sever
al parts and require a careful revision.
'flu present organization, by maintaining
large staff corps or departments, separates ma
ny officers from that close connexion with
troops, and those fictive duties in the fie!,l,
which are deemed requisite to qualify them fi,r
the varied responsibilities of high command.—
Were the duties of the army staff mainly dis
charged by officers detached from their regi
meets, it is believed that the special service
would be equally well performed and the dis
cipline and instruction of the tinny be impror.
ed. While due regard to the security of the
officers, and to the nice sense of honor which
should be cultivated among them, would seem
to exact compliance with the established rule
of promotion in ordinary cases, still it can be
hardly doubted that the range of promotion by
selection, which is now practically confined to
the grade of general officers, might be some
what extended with benefit to the public ser
vice. Observance of the rule of sonority some
times leads, especially in titue of peace, to the
promotion of officers who, after meritorious
and even distinguished service, may have been
rendered by age or infirmity incapable of per
forming active duty, and whose advancement,
therefore, would ten d to impair the efficiency
of the army. Suitable provision for this class
of officers, by the creation of a retired list,
would remedy the evil, without wounding the
just pride of tnen who, by past services have
established a claim to high consideration. In
again commending this measure to the favors
ble consideration of Congress, 1 would suggest
that the power of placing officers on the retired
list be limited to oneyear. The practical ope
ration of the measure would thus be tested,and
if after the lapse of years, there should he occa
sion to renew the provision, it can be reprodu
ced with any improvements which experience
may indicate. The present organization of the
artillery into regiments is liable to obvious ob.
jections. The service of artillery is that of
batteries, and an organization of batteries into
&corps of artillery would be more consistent
with the nature of their duties. A large part
of the troops now called artillery are, and have
been on duty as infantry ; the distinction be
tween the two arnts being merely nominal,—
This nominal artillery in our service is entirely
disproportionate to the whole force, and greattr
than the wants of the country demand.
therefore (maimed the discontinuance of a
distinction which has no foundation is either
the arms used or the character of the service
expected to bp performed.
In connection with the proposition fur the
increase of the army, I have presented these
suggestions with regard to certain tneasures of
ref - twin, as the complement of a system which
would produce the happiest results from a giv.
en expenditure, and which 1 hope my attract
the early attention, and be deemed worthy of
the approval of Congress.
The recommendation of the Secretary of tho
Navy, having reference to more ample provi
aims for the discipline and general improve
mut in character of seamen, and for the re
organization and gradual increase of the navy,
I deem eminently worthy of your favorable C 011•
sideratiou. The principles, u !deli have CO2-
trolled our policy in relation to the permanent
military force, by sea and land, are sound, con
sistent with the theory of our system, and
should by uo means he disregarded. But,
limiting the force to the objects particularly
set forth in the proceeding part of this message,
we should not overlook the present magnitude
and prospective extension of our commercial
marine, nor fail to give due weight to the fact
that, besides the two thousand miles of Atlan
tic seaboard, we have now a Pacific, coast,
stretching from Mexico to the British posses.
sions in tho north, teeming with wealth and en.
terprise, and demanding the constant presence
of ships-of war. The augmentation of the ea
vy has not kept pace with the duties properly
and prefitably assigned to it in time of peace,
and it is inadequate for the large field of its
operations, nut merely in the present but still
more in the progressively increasing exigeu
cies of the wealth nod commerce of the United
States- I cordially approve of the proposed
apprentice system for our national vessels, re
...mended by the Secretary of the Navy.
The oceurenee, during hiss last few months,
of Cerise disftstsTs of the most tragic nature,
involving gres., loss of human life his r.rodeced
it:son! , em , stione of srrnpstbs• *lli Immo