Huntingdon journal. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1843-1859, September 07, 1853, Image 1
VOL. 18. TERMS : The "HUNTINGDON JOURNAL" Is published at tho following rates t If paid in advance $1,50 If paid within six months after the time of subscribing If paid at the end of tho year• • - Anol two dollars and fifty cents if not paid till after the expiration of the year. No subscription Will be takeu for a less period than six months, and no paper will ho discontinued, except at the option of tho Editor, until all arrearages are paid. Subscribers living in distant counties,or in other States, will ho required to pay invariably in advance. IK* Tha 9 " to in all ease.. RATES ADVERTISING. One square of nes or lees For I insertion $0,50, For I month, $1,25 u 2 it 0,75, " 3 " 2,75 1 ' 3 1,00,'• 0 " 5,00 al be rigidly nAllicred ,_ PRORESSIORAL CARDS, „ not exceeding 10 line., and not changed doting the year $4,00 CARD and Jot:lour. in advance 5,00 81M1N1.% Canoe of the came length, not changed Cann and JountraL, in advance .... 4,00 Short transient advertisements will ho ad mitted into our editorial columns at treble the usual rates. On longer advertisements, whether yearly or transient, a reasonable deduction will be suede for prompt payment. QUERIES Is it anybody's business If a gentleman should choose To wait upon a lady, If the lady don't refuse? Or to speak a little plainer, That the meaning all may know, Is it anybody's business, If a lady has a beau? Is it anybody's business When that gentleman does can t Or when be leaves the lady, Or if he leaves at all? Or is it necessary That the curtain should he drawn, To save from further trouble, The outaido lookers on 7 Is it anybody's business But the lady's, if her bean Rides out with other ladies, And doesn't let her know 7 Is it anybody's business But the gentleman's, if sho Should accept another escort, Where he doesn't chance to be ? Is a person on the sidewalk, Whether great or whether entail, Is it anybody's business Where that person means to call? Or if you see a person, As he's calling anywhere, Is it any of your business What his business may bo there? The substance of the query, Simply stated, would be this— Is it ANYBODY'S BUSINESS What ANOTHER'S BUSINESS ta7 If it is, or if it is'nt, We would really like to know, For we're certain if it is'tit, There are some who make it so. If it is, we'll join the rabble, And act the noble part, Of the tattlers and defamers, Who throng the public mart; But if not, we'll act the teacher, Until each meddler learns It were better in the future, To mind his own concerns. ADDRESS OP ALEX. X. MoCLURE. Delivered at Huntingdon, on Thursday, August 25th, 1853. Hr. Chairman and Fellow•Cilizcns However dark may bo the clouds which ob scure the future of the Whig party, while I have abiding faith in the patriotism and intelli gence of the people, I shall adhere to and bat tle manfully for the old Whig flag. A lost Thermopylm was the signal for a succession of victories, that shed the richest lustre upon the pages of Grecian history; and though the op ponents of the Whig party may riot in univer eal triumph, as long as truth and justice are the landmarks to which the most boisterous tide of political revolution must ultimately return, I shall look with confidence for the permanent su premacy of Whig policy. In the general gloom which manteled us when overwhelmed with the noble SCOTT, though all were dispirited and many despairing, still the Whig cause was as dear to the million and a half who sustained it, as it was when victory had rewarded our efforts. Combinations may overwhelm it; disaster cloud its immediate prospects, and even treachery may pervert its victories; but its strong arm is not paralyzed, nor are its sacred principles blemished. It is still the hops to which the Country turns,when Democracy has spent its fa tal power in the administration of the govern ment, and left us on the verge of bankruptcy, or in the midst of sectional revulsion. Though defeated now, and without a voice in the National orState administrations, the in dications aro that tho Whig party cannot long be spared from the Government. We have the so•called Democracy en mg full and unlimit ed sway, and it is but let it be tested by the fruits of its power. both the State and Nation they succeeded Whigs, and Executives whose wise and successful statesmanship could not be excelled. In both instances they found each branch of the government meeting every reasonable demand and every just expectation of the people. Our State finances and credit were never in a more healthy condition, and our National treaaury was overflowing, instead of the usual Democratic legacy of a crushing debt. But it was under Whig rule that our governments were thus successful—Democra cy did not divide the plunder of the adminis trations, and they were assailed with a ferocity only equalled by the unscrupnlous misrepre sentation of their merits. Had I time I might review with profit the memorable contest of 's2—memorable not so much because of the signal victory achieved, as because of the base hypocrisy employed to achieve it. A contest in which every real issue mils overwhelmed by the clamor of Democratic ambition, or prostrated by Democratic intrigue. A contra in which the must brilliant services Q.T Yl'Lv: I littingbon )oilin Act. " I SEE NO STAR ABOVE VIE HORIZON, PROMISING LIGHT TO GUIDE US, BUT THE INTELLIGENT, PATRIOTIC, UNITED WHIG PARTY OF THE UNITED STATES."•-•- [WEBSTER. rendered to our flag and our Country since the days of WAOIUNOTON, were ignored by party passion, to elevate a foundling of the Baltimore Convention to the most honorable and responsi ble office in the World I I need not dwell at length upon the means employed to effect this result. All who aro fa miliar with the current political history of the country, know that it was by every species of political trimming, and by the most unnatural combinations. Our sectional strife, fostered by Democratic authority, and maintained in its extremes by Democratic organization, was oven made to contribute its vast power to Dem ocratic success in one united body. Tho Se cessionist and the Unionist of the South, and the Abolitionist and the Hunker of the _North, all battled manfully in one common cause against the Whig party. The Compromise, which was openly repudiated by nearly if not every Democratic Convention in the Southern States, was made a plank in the Baltimore platform, to balance the selection of a candidate for the Presidency who had declined to com mit himself on the subject when addressed, and the nomination of a candidate for the Vim Pre sidency who had uniformly opposed it. With this coalition of interests, and with candidates answering to every shade of opinion, the De mocracy was ready for the contest. Tho hopes, if not the distinct pledges of official patronage, reconciled the more uncongenial elements of this pie-bald organization, and with every spe cies of antagonism thus marshaled in the sup port of the Democratic candidates, it need not excite surprise that they were successful. The gallant old Seorr, who bad fought the battles of his Country in every clime, and whose flag was never sullied by defeat, was assailed with a fierceness unparalleled in our political conflicts. In the South be wee charged with the most contracted Sectionalism, and in the North ho was opposed because of his alleged fidelity to the South; and in every section of the Country his position was misrepresented, his spotless character traduced, and his great National fame blackened by the malignant shafts of par tizan virulence. The Whigs, with such a no ble leader, battled with a heroism worthy of their glorious canoe; but though they displayed greater numerical strength than on any former occasion, they were defeated, and Democracy restored to power. But let us pause to look et the Kneel.— Brief as it is in reference to the National ad ministration; it already furnishes some most instructive lessons. In it wo have the singu lar spectacle of a powerful party, just fresh from victory, sacrificing not only the great in terests of the Country, but its own harmony and perpetuity, on the altar of Suction. And where has faction been engendered? The ad ministration has not proposed a single meas ure, or matured a single feature of its policy. Its policy is yet a blank, and if those who should bo its friends aro to be believed, it is un settled, unstable, and shivers on the question of political expediency whenever it approaches a public measure. But this is not yet a crime. When it takes its position on the great issues of the age, it will be time enough for censure or for praise on this point. Why, then, do wo find it assailed by the bold spirit of faction within the house of its friends in almost every State in the Union? What principle has it sacrificed?—what pledge has it violated?-- what interest has it betrayed? Ah I tho "cohe sive power of public plunder," once the great anchor of Democracy, has now become fruitful only of discord and estrangement, And why? Why has this once all-powerful means of suc cess recoiled with deadly aim at the adminis tration andits party? Simply because the price in the bond of coalition beggared the con sistent.frionds of the Democracy. Tho Presi dent dare not disregard the claims of those whose support and whose reward were condi tions in the union of the Babel of factions in '52. Look at our Foreign Missions, our Char ges, our Consuls, our Collectors, our Post-mns tors, and even our,Tudges, and there is hardly one in five that does not give the falsehood di rect to the loud professions of the President and his party, in favor of a strict maintainance of the Compromises of the Constitution. And look at our Cabinet. See the Free Seiler of the West; the Fire-cater of the South; the patched Hunker and Barnburner of New York, and the arch-Renegade of the East. And these are the Constitutional advisers of the great National Democracy I Look at the Di plomatic and Consular appointments. We see a Disunionist on his way to Madrid; another on his way to Brazil; another to Mexico, and another to Central America. Look at our Charges. We see a Disunionist on his way to Denmark; another off to New Grenada; anoth er to Turin; another to Belgium, and many others I cannot now recall. And these are the Representatives of the Union-loving Demo cracy in foreign countriesl If the President will confess to motives of patriotism in trying to get ns many of the leading Secessionists out of the country as possible, he might be pardon ed if their banishment was perpetual, but when those most resposiblo positions are withhold from competent and deserving men, merely to reward the political services of a single cam paign, there can be no language too strong to portray his treachery to the sacred principles he professed to cherish. When upon treason can thus command a premium in the distribu tion of National patronage, what cheek does not flush with shame at the reflection that the triumph of President Pierce was claimed as a victors for the Constitution and the Union?-- By no rule of argument can his sincerity bo de feuded, while the whole moral force of his ail ministration, as displayed in his appointments, is in direct contradiction of his pledges. If any thing is ment by professions, there never was a man entered the Presidency so solemnly committed to discard sectional fanaticism in his appointments; and never has a President lavished favors with such an unsparing hand upon the open, insolent, defiant enemies of our ljuivu I HUNTINGDON, PA., WEDNFASDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1853. Remember that these rewards have bean showered upon the Disunlonists and the Aboli tionists by the party which professes to be the groat Union party of the country. It is done with the approbation of those who, In Pennsyl vania, crushed the most enlightened and the most successful Chief Magistrate we ever had, because he dared to claim for the free North the right of petition and the freedom of con viction. He was slaughtered in the Union,— though he yielded implicit obedience to the laws, and never sought to impair the compro mises of the Constitution,—and by the very men who now applaud our National adminis tration in strengthening our sectional strife by the smile of official approbation. I have no disposition to over-rate the dissen sions in the ranks of the Democratic party; but the causes I have referred to interest not only those who supported the administration on National grounds, but every ono who desires to tree harmony exist between the two great sections of the Country, must feel keenly the miserable, truckling course of the President.— It is not merely disgraceful to a powerful par ty for its acknowledged head to prefer those for official stations who have madly advocated the right of Secession, but it is a disgrace to tho Nation, and nn insult to every patriotic heart. When the Whig party Is so humiliated by the power of faction, that it must share offi cial favors with those who would sever this blood-bought Union on sectional grounds,vneff I BIM CEASE TO BE A WINO I But let the National administration rest. It must have its constitutional time to die, how ever despised or reprobated. It fruits cannot fail to overwhelm It, and with it the countless factions which gave it birth. No party tactics can bind such discordant Interests in one com mon brotherhood, when all claim especial con sideration in the distribution of patronage, and each is the deadly antagonist of the rest. Lot us wait for the end of this bold experiment, and the Nation will not soon repeat the folly. Its beginning has threatened &aster in every quarter—its end must be annihilation! —But Pennsylvania has more immediate in terests for the consideration of her people. Of all the States in the Union, sho is tho richest in natural resources, and yet she is not only poor, but beggared. She has been the victim of a policy which has not only been foolish, but sui cidal. By her own arm has the deadliest blows boon struck at her own prosperity in our National Councils; and at home she has follow ed the prejudices of party, oven to the abandon ment of the wisdom of her earlier rulers, and paralyzed the hands of her hardy eons as she coursed her way to ruin. Do not tell me that her people aro prosperous—that her credit is unimpaired—that her industry, is rewarded.— Great as she is, any prosperous as she may be under the present almost caiversal prosperity of the world, she is still half a century in debt, and eternally so if Pennsylvania Democracy is still to rifle her. Her people have been taxed to the utmost to make public improvements; and now our thoroughfares reach:every section of our noble State. But why were these im provements made? Was it merely to convey the predate of our farina 7--or was it to bring the inexhaustible treasures of our mountains and hills to poor their vast tribute into the treasury? It was to invite capital—to increase and diversify our industry, and to maks our State what sho now should be,—the mightiest, the richest, and the most prosperous in the Union. Look around us, where a liberal poli cy has prevailed. Turn to the East, where mineral wealth is almost unknown, and where Agriculture furnishes the poorest rewards to the husbandman. We see our public improve ments surpassed—our system of Education ex celled—labor is in bettor demand and is better rewarded,—their people aro comparatively free from taxation, that curse of curses; and last but not least, no crushing debt saps the vitals of their progress. Why, then, is Pennsylvania, with all her unequalled resources, stippled in her enterprise and bowed down with a moun tain of debt? It may do for unscrupulous politicians and a hireling press to say that these are not the fruits of bad government; but to what other cause can they bo charged?— Who can tell us why we are half a century be hind the high rank our natural means entitle as to ? Why are we almost hopelessly in debt, and still adding to it, while other States, with scarcely half oar elements of wealth, surpass us in nearly every essential particular, and aro yet comparatively free from embarrassment? Those who have sustained this fatal policy can weave their sophistry around this question as they may; but the man who dispassionately inquires into it, must charge our misfortunes solely to the imbecility and illiberality of our government. We have expended millions to open markets for our mineral wealth and the produce of our farms, and then with a suicidal blow, only wor thy of Pennsylvania, wo struck down our man ufacturers, and sent our people begging to England, instead of giving employment to American capital, creating a demand for American labor, and converting our immense mineral resources into revenue to the State, and profitable enterprise for our citizens.-- True, Pennsylvania was slow to consent to the repudiation of her long cherished policy. De mocracy had preached Protection in every sec tion of our State; had fostered and defended it in other days; and when its sacrifice wag do molded by an administration that owed its ex istence to the vote of Pennsylvania,—which was secured by the most gigantic fraud,—but one of our Representatives could be found on the floor of Congress to approve the consumma tion of the deed. But official patronage was more powerful than the most sacred pledges, and after on exciting contest, in which the great North and especially our own State mani rested an intense interest, one of our own hon ored sons cast the fatal vote, and the Protec tive policy was stricken down by the very men who were unqualifiedly committed to its sup port. It cost the hero of that eastiug vote all ho had gained in a life of devotion to Demo cracy, but the treason was applauded, and Free Trrdo became one of the cardinal doe. trines of the Opposition. I cannot here follow this question as I would wish. Of all public measures it bears the clo sest relation to the pro'sperity of our State, and until it is adopted as ono of the permanent fea tures of the government, Pennsylvania, notwith standing her high position, must he but "a hew er of wood and a drawer of water" for her more sagacious and thrifty neighbors. Nor do I view it as a mere State measure. It is a vital Na tional question, and is inseperably associated with our National progress and independence. Its abandonment may for a time bo attended with apparent blessings, but it can end only in disaster. No human agency den avert the wreck that must result from it. It may be post poned for a time, but only to gather power, and render disaster more terrible and complete. "Ah I more ruin I" responds some Free Tra der with more zeal than wisdom. Yes, I say it boldly, wo aro rushing to bankruptcy with a recklessness and rapidity never paralleled In our chequered history. While we have a bal ance of trade against us of from forty to fifty millions a year, and while we are creditors to England besides for an amount that would crush us to-morrow, I point to the future end warn the people of Pennsylvania of the fearful retri bution their apostasy is inviting. Call it vis ionary if you will; but until you explain how we aro to make up a balance of trade of forty or fifty millions annually, and how our bonds in the hands of European bankers for building our railroads and saving the credit of our good old Commonwealth, are to be paid, while our mon ey Is drained from us for European fabrics—l say until these things aro explained, the future promises only revulsion and gloom. Remember that we have a National debt of over sixty-five millions; our State debts exceed two hundred millions; our Municipal debts reach seventy millions; our Railroad debts are not lees than two hundred and fifty millions; our Mercantile Foreign debt exceeds ono hundred and fifty millions, and our Private Domestic debt is es timated at not less than nine hundred millions. By this estimate, which is sanctioned by the Cincinnati Railroad Record and rants Mer chants Magazine, two of the most reliable pe riodicals in the country, wo have over SIXTEEN lIUNIMED MILLIONS of debt upon us, and five hundred millions of that indebtedness Is held by Europe I And yet we aro told by the advo cates of our present policy, that the country never enjoyed as snostantial prosperity as it does now. Look around you, and you find Eu ropean capital in almost all our public improve ments; you find our farms mortgaged to secure the European banker when he stepped between Pennsylvania and bAkruptcy; you find British iron lining our railroads from ono end of the Union to the other; you find our, exports 'ex ceeded by our imports almost a million a week; and yet with every advantage against us, we are lured by temporary prosperity to still great er recklessness and profligacy. Remember that this balance of trade must be paid; that our for eign bonds must be cancelled; that our British iron must transfer the remuneration due Amer ican labor to the pauper labor of Europe; and tell mo how the means aro to be provided.— Could wo meet these demands now? If not, when shall we be more prosperous than at pre sent, and better prepared to liquidate them 7 It is hard, I know, to make an adverse future visible in the midst of unclouded prosperity, but when we are involved in financial gloom, which courses its way into every channel of in dustry and trade, we must realize too late the bitter fruits of our policy. Look at tho teach ings of the past. Have wo not boon prosperous before ? llaq not labor been as well rewarded? and has not every branch of industry been as cloudless as now? But why has disaster suc ceeded it again and again ? Was it the result of accident or chance? or was it the natural consequence of a failure of our resources/ No-4 was by rushing heedlessly in debt; by filling the coffers of European manufacturers at the expense of American labor, and by Buf fering millions to accumulate against us in our trade. These causes have convulsed us from centre to circumference heretofore, and what must they lead to now? I appeal to every candid man—must not our present policy strike fatally at every element of prosperity? But it is not only our National policy that retards our progress. Powerfully as it has con tributed to that end, wo have, been cherishing a State policy that has been no less fruitful of injury. Our State administration, which cams into power pledged to economy and reform, seems to have no higher ambition than to swell our indebtedness. It must grate harshly upon the ears of those who repudiated the eminently successful administration of Wu. F. Jonxirrox, when they are told that their great champion of retrenchment is likely to increase our State debt at the rate of a million a year. Nearly his first official act was to sign a bill for a loan; and at this time, with nearly half his term be fore him, the loans he has sanctioned amount to nearly $3,000,000 I I grant that this amount has not been added to the funded debt of the State, for $1,000,000 was borrowed to pay $l,. 000,000 of debt; but when it is remembered that nearly all of the balance Is to swell our enormous indebtedness, toll mo how the bold professions of the administration are to be re , conciled with its official nets. It will not do to say that Gov. BIGLER and his party have mere ly "anticipated the revenue" to meet present demands. We have been "anticipating our revenue" until we have FORTY-TWO MILLIONS of debt upon our shoulders ! And nine times out of ten, when our administration modestly de. mends that our revenues be anticipated, the plain English of the request is MORE OEBTI— Nor is the and of the chapter yet visible. Tho North Branch Canal is yet unfinished, and the Allegheny road is just commenced. Both are in the hands of the Democracy; both have been used to reward political merit, without regard to cwt, and when both are completed, our debt must be swelled from three to five millions under present management. If onr public improvements would justify this outlay, and give reasonable assurance of remuneration, even then I would not be prepa red to approve an increase of our debt; but when I consider that our improvements have I ceased to be a source of revenue, and that they are claimed and used by the Democracy solely for personal and •political aggrandizement, I could wish that I had a voice like thunder to protest against it. Let us glance at our public works. Our present debt of $42,000,000, as appears by the records, dates its foundation about 1841, when public improvements became the orde f the day. That it has been incur red principally in the construction and main- Winona) of our public works, is not to be denied; and what has been our revenue ? The interest on our debt, at five per ant., is over $2,000,000 and our improvements have for the first time yet to nett us half that sum. That they might yield a million or more, I am fully persuaded; but under the present system of management they are a curse to the State. Prior to 1848, as far back as I have examined the official re cords, our public works were kept up at a cost ranging from $600,000 to $700,000 per annum. Since then they have never required less than $1,000,000 annually, and some times they have cost us over $2,000,000. I will give the rove nue and expenses for the last five years: 1848. Total Revenue, Expenses, Balance over expenses, 525,000 1549. Total Revenue, 1, 1 100,000 m Expenses, 1,000,000 Balance over expenses, 600,000 1850. Total Revenue, 1,700,000 0 Expenses, 1,500,000 Balance over expenses, 200,000 1851. Expenses, 1,900,000 " Total Revenue, 1,700,000 Balance over REVENCIS, 200,000 185 Expense% 9,300,000 " Total Revenue, 9,000,000 I:lalance over Revs:von, By this official statement, taken from the Annual Reports of the Auditor General, we see that during the last five years, our public improvements have yielded the commonwealth an aggregate of only $825,000, or $165,000 per annum; which would not pay the interest on —3,500,000 of our State Debt at 5 percent. It is true that during the years '5l and '52 a lit tle over a million was appropriated to the North Branch Canal, which. if deducted from the expenses, would leave $500,000 of revenue instead of $500,000 of excess exponditures;but a angular feature in the statement of expendi t—ca presents every thing in confusion, and renders it impossible to do exact justice to tho subject. Since the cost of maintaining the public works has been increased so alarmingly certain expenditures are withheld from the public each year, and crowded into subsequent statements in the most vague and unsatisfactory manner! Take, for instance, the year 1850, which appears, according to the Auditor Gen eral's report, as yielding $200,000 from the public works above expenses; but in the report for '5l, we find over $900,000 in the statement orexponses for that year, as having boot paid for debts "prior to Dec. 18501" So a true statement for '5O would have shown that the expenses for that year were $700,000 more than the rercnue / Turn again to the report for '52 and wo find $970,000 paid for "sundry expenses incurred prior to 1850 and 18511" This swells the expenses for 1850 to $2,400,000, when wo had but $1,700,000 of revenue, and when :the Auditor General was made to report a nett revenue of $200,000; and for the year 1851 it makes on actual outlay of sl,97o,ooo,exclusive of the $900,000 saddled on it for the previous year. And what of 1852? Who can tell whether a million will cover the expenses re served for some future statement, or who can say that there are not several millions of float ing debt yet unknown to our official records, which has been contracted for our public works? Tho managers of our improvements were afraid to let the cost for lhe year '5O come before the public in ono year, or oven two years, for we find in the statements for both '5l and '52 sun dry expenses paid for that year. And may there not bo unsettled accounts still hack for '517--at least what assurance have we that all the expenses for '5l and '52 have been paid.— But to take the very best face this matter can present, wo can arrive at no other conclusion than that, independent of all extraordinary ap. propriations for prosecuting now works, our public improvements are sinking the Common wealth every year deeper and deeper in debt ! Notwithstanding the mystery in which the re ports are purposely involved, this fact is appa rent, and admits of no denial; but they can, and they doubtless do, withhold from the pub lic the exact amount of debt they annually throw upon the State. In the brief space of five years we see the cost of maintaining our public works swelled from $700,000 to over $2,000,000; and if this species of Democratic progression is to bo continued for five years more, it will require tho sale of the works, and exhaust all the proceeds, to pay the debt in curred in merely keeping them np. This condition of affairs has been brought about by the most unbounded profligacy and corruption. For years our public improve ments have been made a mere rendevons for tho pampered pensioners of tho Democratic arty, and the means of fostering the most ex. tonsive and high-handed villainy. So notori ous have our officers on our public works be come for dishonesty, that an honest man scarcely aspires to a position connected with them; or if ho does accept one, it costa what ever reputation for integrity he may have ac quired. They ore prostituted into a vast.polit ical engine, and mado to contribute only to the political power and private fortunes of these controlling them. They have been destroyed so a source of revenue, because the private in terests of officers and their friends have to be advanced at whatever cost to the Common wealth. And yet year after year, with this fes tering corruption as clear as noon day, the people of the State have, through the force of party drill, sanctioned it with their votes. Ap proach a liberal member of the opposition par ty, who is familiar with the management of our improvements, and he will tell you that it has corrupted the whole body politic as far as its influence extends, and that those who cannot breathe the contamination either silently or ap provingly must full beneath the merciless pro scription of official power. Such has been the history of our public works, and nothing but a thorough revolution of the system can result in substantial good.— We have tried reform, but as often es one abuse has been corrected, a wider and bolder channel of corruption has been opened. We have tried legislation to close the countless avenues of fraud which lead from ourimprovements to the treasury, but every effort has been crippled by the controlling influence of State patronage.— We have appealed to the people to crush the whole system of robbery by which they have to suffer, but party discipline has been too po tent for the cause of truth. We have tried to sell them, and the people manfully seconded the effort by an immense popular majority; but Democracy could not spare the patronage and the power they afforded, and the plainly-ex pressed will of the people was Insolently diere• garded. At last hopes were entertained that' we were to be relieved of this blistering stain upon our character, and this destroying canker preying upon our vitals. A company compos• ed of a number of gentlemen In the State, of• fered to lease our public works for a term of years, and pay, I believe, a million annually for the use of them. This proposition, by which the State would have been the gainer of the whole amount tendered, it was hoped by all disinterested persons would be accepted. But again Democracy interposed—it was not yet glutted with official plunder. The offer was rejected, and Democracy continued its career of profligacy. But by whom was this offer made ? Among the gentlemen composing the company were several ex-Canal Commissioners, under whose management of the improvements the State re alized little or nothing. As public officers they could bring no revenue to the States but as Individuals, with the same resources, they, could calculate a liberal profit for themselves and then afford a million of dollars annually for the lease. Why was it that such a strange discrepancy existed between the proceeds of the public works under their direction, and the offer of the very men who controlled them?— Can it be explained In any other way than that this sum is annually squanderedby our agents? I have considered this matter carefully, and I mid charge it ,q,en the Democratic party,' that the men they keep ia parser are swindling the Commorueealth oul of a million of dollars annually/ If I urn wrong I shall be glad to make the correction, but a general denial will not suffices For years this corruptionhas been conceded by the candid of all parties, and if explanation is possible, it is high time it was furnished. I have shown how the expenses of our public works have been more than trebled in five years, and that a fair exhibit of any cur rent year has not been presented to the people of the State in that time, and if this conduct is defensible, I beg the Democratic party to let no have the defence. $1,550,000 • • 1,025,000 300,000 And what a spectacle does this present! To see our noble old Commonwealth dragged to the very verge of bankruptcy by the habitual villainy of her agents, and the people still fol. lowing the behests of party blindly to sustain it. Tho general system of transacting business on our public works, would make a man in pri vato enterprise despised in any community,and our Courts would seize him as a felon. He would bo dreaded as if his very touch was con tamination, and until his operations could be confined to the walls of some hospitable prison, public justice would not be satisfied. But ho is an agent of the State, forsooth I—ho deals bountifully and shares his plunder liberally with his accomplices, and public opinion seems to have grown strangely indifferent to this spe cies of robbery. And how long will the people of the State, by whose hard-earned taxes this profligacy is supported, stand idly by, and per mit it to run its high-handed career? Is there no remedy for this official villainy? I answer there is but one hope of substantial reform,and that is THE UNCONDITIONAL SALE OF THE PUBLIC WORKS! And until this is effected, the indications Aro that the same fatal abuses which are now practised, and which have been practised fur years, will be practised still. I grant that wo can not realize the cost of their construction--that wo must lose hea vily in the sale; but wo can reduce our state debt nearly one-half, and destroy the great cause of its increase, without reducing our rev enue. Why then will wo madly persist in re taining them in the possession of the State, merely to fill the coffins of our agents and their accomplices, and to be used as a vast machine to crush the honest sentiments of the people ? Why will wo go on recklessly and spend mil lions to improve and perfect them, when the experiment thus far has been worse than a failure ? Look at the Alleghenies !—They are studed with the favorites of the dominait par ty; and with our treasury just replenished ith borrowed capital, contracts have been awarded with the most shameful disregard of fairness, and thousands of dollars have been needlessly expended in the enterprise. Thus we urn not only plundered of the resources of our present improvements, but we are plundered again to extend them, and make the field still wider for favoritism and fraud. And where is the chap ter to end? Are wo to go on year after year still increasing our annual appropriations, still adding to our debt, and crippling still more the prosporiiy and progress of our State ? If not, when is revolution to begin? Should it begin now, or are there still fresh swarms of corm 'ants whose thirst for public plunder is yet to NO. 36. be satiated? We have again and again been driven to the very verge of vitality in our fi nancial operations, and if our improvement.; are still held by the,State, and if millions nre yet to be expended on them, in what a midnight of financial despair mnst a revulsion land us 7 I appeal to every candid citizen whether this question should not rise above party considera tions, Gentlemen of the Opposition I remem ber that It is under your sanction that these habitual frauds are practised. It is by your votes that this infidelity in our public agents is approved end perpetuated. It is by your in difference that Reform has been crushed again. and again under the stroke of official power.— And what honest man does not blush with shame, when be reflects that he has been to any extent instrumental in sustaining the reckless villainy, where fidelity and integrity are so im peratively demanded? ma shall the public works be sold! I need not ask whether the people will favor the mess ure, for they have already spoken in terms of decided approbation. But will the Democracy still openly disregard their wishes? They have done so thus far, and with impunity; and as they have the patronage and the plunder in their hands, they will continue to do so in spite of all the efforts of the people. They have shown an utter contempt for the petitions of our tax-payers--they seem to care nothing for the crushing burdens they impose on them, if they can only be permitted to squander our revenue, and increase our debt. But, fellow citizens, can you follow the Democratic party in its defiance of the popular will? Look at Its professions—it claims to be governed by the will of the people, and yet it plants itself above their verdict, and is deaf to their supplications for relief. Its very name is falsehood—a bold, Insolent, defiant falsehood—for It cloaks the wildest antagonism to its professions. That an intelligent and sovereign people should thus kneel at the shrine of party, where their dearest interests are perfidiously betray ed, Is the most litimiliating feature our system of government is capable of presenting. And if it is persevered in, the reign of a Russian Autocrat could not be more subversive of the general good. Citizens of Pennsylvania I— you who have been bowed down by an imbe cile and profligate government; you who have been robbed to give scope to official corrup tion; you who have been involved in an almost hopeless debt mainly by the treachery of your ruler—is not the time for action now at hand f Will you still groan under misrule, and a tle liberute system of villainy, or are you prepared to assert your majesty, to vindicate your honor, and to restore purity and integrity in our gov ernment? Will you r II bow to the slavish mandates of a prostituted Democracy, and let it riot in the fruits of your honest toil, or will you burst the shackless of party to secure your own and your Country's good? If you are pre pared for this, Dirac boklly fir the uncondi tional sale of the public works! Let this issue be successful—l care not by whom or by what party—and our good old Commonwealth, which for more than a quarter of a century has been crippled in every element of her gigantic strength, will rise regenerated and disenthrall ed, to take the high and commanding position among the States of the Union, to which her natural resources and her honest industry enti tle her. Strike Now I—strike in your might for this Reform, and parties must bow submis sively to your will. llow-citizons, lam not here to beg your votes. I care nothing for whatever personal interest I may have involved in this contest. I have a home and a vocation which are dear er and more congenial to me than any official position you could assign me. But being the youngest candidate ever presented to the peo ple for a State office, and having been placed in that position by the voluntary action of tho Whig party, I shall not stop to inquire wheth er victory or defeat. is to reward my efforts.— While the old Whig flag waves over me, I shall follow its fortunes through the din and smoke of every battle, and call upon the young Whigs to join thoirMthers in sustaining our noble cause. I can grant no respite to Pennsylvania Democracy while it is oozing corruption from every pore, and while our Commomwealth is tho victim of its fronds. Though disaster may again and again confront me, I must ever an. ewer as did the brave leader of the Old Guard at Wilterloo- S TnE GUARD DIES—IT NEVER SURRENDERS r If you are Poor, don't stay Poor. " Dollars and dimes, dollars and dimes, An empty pocket is the worst of ci-iMn..—.l' Yes; and don't yon presume to shew yourself anywhere until you get it filled. Not among good people? No, my dear Simplicity, not among good people. They will receive you with the galvanic ghost of a smile, scared up by the indistinct recollections of the "Ten Com. mandments," but it will be as short as their stay with you. You are all in a perspiration, lest you should be delivered of a request for their assistance before they can get rid of you. They are 'very busy,' and what's more they al ways will be busy, when von call, until you get to the top of fortune's ladder. Climb, man, climb! get to the top of the lad der, though ndverse circumstances and false friends break every round in itl and see what a glqpjous prospect of human nature you'll get, when yon arrive at the summit t Your gloves will be worn out shaking hands with the very people who did not recognize your existence two months ago. 'Yon must come and make them a long vis- it; you must stop in at nny time.' It is such a long time since they had the pleasure of a visib from you that they began to fear you never in tended to come; and they will cap the climax by inquiring with an injured air, 'lf you are near-sighted, or why you have so often passed them in the street without speaking?' Of course, you will feel very much like laugh ing in their faces, and so you can. You can't do anything wrong now that 'your pocket is full.' At the most, it will only be an 'eccentri city.' Ynu can use anybody's neck for a toot. stool, bridle anybody's mouth with a silver bit, and you have as many 'golden opinions' as yes like. You won't see a frown again this side of your tomb•stoue.—Funny Fcrn.