Huntingdon journal. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1843-1859, June 04, 1850, Image 1
- ----. • 40 ) - 0 0 , 01 $ 0 _ , 1 4 5)01 4 ( -4-,......4„. , ~ 4, - = • N'' 4 CA Ar i ntif / C r iDP.' _4O. •• 4- . -,... ---- BY JAS. CLARK. CHOICE POETRY, PRIDE. HY CIIA IMES SWAN Though pride may show some nobleness, When honor is tts ally, Vet there's such a thing on earth As holding heads too high! The sweetest bird builds near the ground, Tie loveliest flower springs low ; And we must stoop for happiness Uwe its worth would know. Like water that encrusts the rose, Still hardening to its core, So pride encases human hearts Until they feel no more. Shut up within themselves, they live, And selfishly they end A life, that never kindness did, To kindred or to friend. Whilst virtue, like the dew of heaven, Upon the heart descends, And draws its hidden sweetness out The more—the more it bends ! For there's a strength in lowliness Which nerves us to endure— A heroism in distress Which renders victory sure! The humblest being born is great If true to his degree— Ili% virtue illustrates his fate, Whatever that may be ! Then let us daily learn to love Simplicity and worth: For not the eagle, but the dove, Brought peace unto the earth. POLITICAL SPEECH OF HON, SAMUEL CALVIN, or PENNSYLVANIA, Un the Reference of the President's Message, and the Correspondence of Sir Henry Lytton Balza, arcompanying the same, on the sub ject of the Tariff of 1810. Deuvvu. tv Tur tior,r OF Rrvur,ENTATIvEs or tii U. S., MAY 1.5, 1S5(). Mr. CALVIN rose and said : I regard, sir, the British Government as aiming a blow in this correspondence at the great industrial interests of the country gen erally, but more particularly at the great iron and coal interests of Pennsylvania. And, sir, as I have the honor to repre sent on this floor what has been justly railed the "Iron district" of my native State, I will ask the indulgence of the House, whilst I submit a few remarks upon these two subjects, in connection with this extraordinary correspondence. It is well known, sir, to you, and to this House. that Pennsylvania is rich in mineral resources ; that her mountains are full of iron and coal ; that she has great ater power ; that a large portion of her Immense capital is invested in the mining of coal and in the manufacture of i •on ; and that a still larger portion of lier hardy, industrious, and intelligent population depend upon these two great interests for support, and for the educa (ion and maintenance of their families. It is also well known that, for the pur• pose of carrying her coal and iron, and other productions to market, she has nearly completed the most stupendous system of internal improvements to be found on this continent. In the construc tion of canals and railroads, she, and tht incorporated companies within her lim its, have expended between one and two hundred millions of dollars. In view of this state of facts I presume it will not be deemed extraordinary that this correspondence has attracted the attention, and excited the indignation of her people. Under the influence of the protective policy—a policy coeval with the earliest legislation tinder the Constitution, but the foundations of witivh were not fully laid till the passage of the set of 1816— these two great interests were, generally speaking, prosperous, until, under the operation of the cotnpromise tariff of 1833, by which the duties were gradual ly let down lower and lower, till they reached a horizontal level of twenty per cent. ad valor.m, they were utterly pros trated and overwhelmed by the tide of competition of foreign labor. This great State, with her mighty resources and energies, was smitten as by paralysis-- lay prostrate like the huge giant, bound, manacled. Bankruptcy and ruin cov ered the whole State as with a pall.— Individuals, companies, corporations, the State herself, all were bankrupt. To use the expressive language of my venerable friend from Ohio, (Mr. Corwin,) "we were insolvent generally." Such was the condition of Pennsylvania at the date of the tariff act of 1842. But tinder the benign influence of that law, these crest interests awoke as from the dead, and sprang forth with the freshness and vig or of life. Manufactures, commerce, agriculture, revived ; this great State was again upon her feet, and again en tered upon her proud career of prosperi ty and power. But this state of things was destined to be of short continuance. The Presi dential campaign of 1844 was approach ing. The Baltimore Convention met, and Mr. Van Buren, for the only honest act of his political life perhaps, was de capitated, and James K. Polk, of Teri neaseei wee selected aethe candidate of the Democratic party. It is not neces sary that I should name his illustrious competitor. It was well known that Pennsylvania had always been attached, without distinction of party, to the Pro tective policy, and that ske was espe cially friendly to the tariff of '42, which had just lifted her up from general bank ruptcy and ruin to a state of prosperity and happiness. Then, as now, it was generally believed that no candidate could reach the Chief Magistracy of this great country against whom Pennsylva nia might cast her electoral vote. It was therefore deemed important by the Dem ocratic party, to secure that vote; and, sir, how was this accomplished'! Why, sir, we were assured by ail the leading journals, and by all the small journals, by all the great politicians, including Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Dallas, and by all the little politicians of the modern Democratic party, from one end of the State to the other, that Mr. Polk was "a better Tariff man than Mr. Clay," and that "the Democratic Tariff of 18.1.2" would be safer in the hands of Mr. Polk than in those of the great author of the American system. We were also assu red in a certain Kane letter, that Mr. Polk was in favor of protecting all the great industrial interests of the country, including commerce, agriculture and manufactures. And we were still furth er assured, as all will remember, by Mr. Polk's "near neighbor," that he was the "especial friend of the great coal and iron interests of Pennsylvapia." And, ns if this were not enough, "Polk, Dallas, Shank, and the Democratic Tariff* of 1842," was spread out in large letters upon the Democratic banners, and car ried at the head of the Democratic pro cessions. Well, sir, Pennsylvania be• hewed these representations ; she cast her vote for James K. Polk and Geo. M. Dallas, and the illustrious statesman of the West was defeated. Among the first acts of the newly elect ed President was the selection of James Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as his Sec retary of State, and Robert J. Walker, a native of Pennsylvania, its his Secretary of the Treasury. Did not this look like tin earnest of a redemption of the Wedge which had beet, given to us 1 Well, sir, Mr. Walker entered upon the ditties of his office—upon his great task of reform—upon his great labor of love ; and we were assared, you will re member, that he labored hard ; that so violent was the action of his powerful I intellect upon a weak frame, that he e. , s frequently known to faint in the midst of his toils. We are told, sir, that all ,things earthly must have an end, and these labors were at last brought to a conclusion. And what was their resultl Although not one single petition, I be lieve, had been sent up from any pert of this great country, asking for a change in the revenue policy of the government, "and least of all such a change as he gave us," this great financier resolved to change that whole policy. Disregard ing the example of this government from its earliest history, and the example of all civilized governments; pouring con tempt upon the wisdom and experience of the post, he repudiated the great prin ciple of specific duties, rejeetecl it as un worthy n place in his wonderful plan of financial reform, and substituted the ad valorem principle, and with a foreign valuation. In a word, sir, we had, as the offspring of these extraordinary la bors, the Tariff act of 1846, and the pro foundly learned report upon finance and revenue which accompanied it. This, sir, is not the proper time for the discussion, at any length, of the mer its, or rather demerits, of this act of '46. I trust I may have another opportunity, before Congress shall adjourn, of enter ing more extensively upon this subject. Suffice b it to say, at this time, that this act has three prominent characteristics. In the first place it destroys American shipping and American commerce, and builds up and promotes British shipping and British commerce. Its second char acteristic is, that it offers premiums, holds out rewards to perjury, and every species of fraud and villainy upon the revenue of the country. Its third, not less distinguishing characteristic, is, that it gives protection to American in dustry when it is not needed, and with draws from it all protection at the very moment when it is needed ; at the very moment, when, about to be overwhelmed by the competition of foreign labor, it is extending its supplicating hands to the Olovernment for relief, to save it frotn utter ruin. --- 'flie — COnsequences of 'this measure were distinctly foreseen and foretold at the time of its passage; and although, in consequence of the extraordinary state of things existing in Europe at that time and for some time afterwards, the evil day came not so soon as was expected, the night is now upon us, with all its darkness. The railroad mania, which prevailed all over the continent of Eu. HUNTINGDON, PA., TUESDAY, JUNE 4, 1850. rope, and the famine, which was not lees prevalent in the same region of the world postponed for a season the pernicious consequences of this measure, but they are now upon us in isll their blighting power. 1 confine my 'remarks to the iron and coal interests of Pennsylvania, leaving to other and abler hands to show the condition of the other great indust rial interests of the country. The coal mines of our State, in which millions of ' capital have been invested, have been rendered unproductive, unprofitable.— Some have been sold by the Sheriff; oth ers abar.doned to dilapidation and ruin. I am informed that the Sheriff is the on ly mar. now making money in the great coal fields of Schuylkill county; and that the population of that county has been reduced about four thousand within the last twelve or fourteen months. A large portion of our numerous iron establish ments throughout the State—l would say the larger portion of them—have been broken tip, sold by the Sheriff; or have suspended ; and the little remnant are now sending up their daily petitions to us to save them from the ruin that must speedily overwhelm them also.— Our great agricultural interests must soon also feel the shock, and share in the common ruin. They must soon be deprived of a home market, and they will look in vain for a foreign one. The consumers must become producers, and competitors with the present farmers for a market already overstocked. The im• ft - tense importations of foreign manufac tures and Productions, beyond all prece , dent, now flooding the country under the present tariff, is a just subject of anxiety 'and alarm. The debt incurred this year it is estimated must reach the enormous sum of $4 0 ,000,000, if it do not exceed it. Not all the gold of California will enable us to meet the drafts that must soon be made upon us. The utter pros tration of all the industrtal interests of the country--revulsions, suspensions, universal bankruptcy—all are percepti ble in the distance. They will soon be upon as like a tempest, as they were brought upon us by the Compromise Tariffof 1833. Will we take the proper measures to prevent these calamities to the country I Much, sir, has been said in this House about Northern aggressions, and about the amount of loss sustained by the South in consequence of the escape of their slaves into the free States, and their in ability to recover them. Now, I venture to affirm, Without wishing to underrate or understate the amount of this loss, that Pennsylvania alone has lost more within the last eighteen months, under the ruinous operation of the Tariff of 1846, than would pay for all the runaway slaves, from all the slave States for the last half century. I presume all remember the extraor dinary favor with which this Tariff act of 1846, and the very learned report ac companying it were received in atgland. Why, sir, the statesmen of her Britanic Majesty's Government were smitten with astonishment at the wonderful wis dom of this prodigy of learning in finan cial science, which brother Jonathan had produced; and they paid him the unpre cedented compliment of a publication of his learned report by order of Parlia ment. I presume it will also be retnetn bored, as a part of the history of this bill, that in a discussion which took place in the House of Commons, some time after it had gone into operation, upon the then condition and future destiny of the Can adas—upon their probable independence and future annexation to the U. States— that Sir W m.Molesworth, n distinguish ed member of the lower House, argued, that they were then a tax, a burden, up on the revenues of the government; and that their annexation to the U. States, would not only relieve the treasury of a great burden, but wouldd add greatly to the commercial prosperity of the king dom. He exclaimed, that "our com merce tvith our American colonies— (meaning the U. States, and he said he would insist on calling them their col onies) is twice as profitable as all our other commerce with all our other col onies upon the face of the globe." And the interesting feature of this profitable commerce, as he said, was, that it cost the mother country not one cent, riot one farthing, for standing armies, for fortifi cations, harbors, light-houses, &c. All these expenses were paid by the dutiful colonies themselves. And now, sir, when under the opera tions of this tariff our coal mines have been rendered unproductive, some sold by the Sheriff; others abandoned to di lapidation and ruin : when a large por tion of our numerous iron establishments our furnaces, forges and rolling mills, have become silent, their fires put out; when our canals and railroads have also been rendered, to some extent, unprofit. able, and some of them destined to fall into dilapidation and decay, if this poli cy shall be continyed; when the immense importations threaten to overwhelm all the great industrial interests of the coon-, try with rain ; when thousands and tens ' of thousands of our industrious and in telligent citizens have been turned adrift with their families to starve, or beg, or work fot ten cents per day ; I say, when under these circumstances of ruin and distress, our patriotic and distinguished Chief Magistrate recommends to Con gress a modification of the present tariff so as to save and to protect all the great interests of the country, we are met, sir, with a protest from her Britanic Majes ty's Government! Here it is: Barrian LEGATION, Jan. 3, 1850. SIR:—It having been represented to Her Ma jesty's Government, Thai there is some idea on' the part of the Government of the United States to increase the duties on British iron imported into the United 'States, I have been instrncted' by her Majesty's Government to express to the United States Government the hope of Her Ma jesty's Government, that no addition will• be made to the duties imposed by the present tariff of the United States, which already weigh heav ily on British productions; and I cannot but ob serve, for my own part, that an augmentation of the duties on British produce or mannfactures, made at the moment when the British Govern ment has, by a series of measures, been facilita ting the commerce between the two countries, would produce a very disagreeable effect on public opinion in England. 1 avail myself of the opportunity to renew to you the assurance of my most distinguished con sideration. HENRY L. BULWER. lion. John M. Claytcn, &c. &c. And so, sir, this tariff, which met with the greatest commendation from the statesmen of her Britanic Majesty's Gov ernment, and the report accompanying which was published by order of the British Parliament ; this tariff, which was regarded as having reduced us a gain to a state of col*nial vassalage, anti which had rendered the commerce of England with her American colonies twice ns valuable as all her other com merce with all her other colonies on the face of the globe; this British tariff, at I the christening of which her Britanic Majesty's Government stood god-lather, has become exceedingly oppressive— "weighs heavily upon British produc tions!" And yet, the hope is expressed, very modestly to be sure, that we will touch it not! And to repress the auda city of any turbulent spirit from any such attempt, we are very kindly inform ed in advance, that any such attempt "would prodpce a very disagreeable ef fect upon public opinion in England."-- And, sir, we are therefore expected care• fully and dutifully to abstain from inter fering, in the slightest degree, with a measure thus dear to the mother cowl try, notwithstanding it does bring beg gary and ruin upon our own people. And if we dare to lay our vulgar hands upon this wonderful specimen of finan cial wisdom, I presume we may expect to receive another protest, a protest from Sir Robert Walker, to be added to the protests of Sir Robert Peel, Sir Henry L. Bulwer, and Lord John Russell, a•.d of all the other Sirs and Lords of Her Britanic Majesty's Government. We may be favored, perhaps, with a still further protest from another degenerate son of Pennsylvania, who, in the hour of her trial, had it in his power to save her, but who lifted up his heel againit her. I need not name him. He was bid ding for the Presidency; he had his eye upon the Baltimore Convention of 1848. But, sir, it rejoiced my heart to sec him treated, as traitors have ever been treat ed ; although the ,treason was loved, the traitor was despised and rejected. 1 desire, sir, to say nothing personally 'offensive to Sir Henry L. Bulwer. He is the minister, the representative of the British Government, and has but dis charged his duty by obeying the instruc tions of his Government. 1 have no doubt he is the able, talented, and accomplish ed diplomatist and gentleman, which he has been represented to be. But, sir, I must be permitted to denounce this in. terference of his Government, as did our able Senator in the other wing of the Capitol, as unprecedented, impertinent, arrogant, and highly offensive. It is no doubt true, that Great Britain has, for the last two or three centuries, played a most conspicuous part upon the great theatre of the world. She has been long distinguished for her wisdom, her prow ess, her great wealth and power, and for many of those high attributes that con stitute national glory. But I affirm, and the whole civilized, and the whole bar bosons world will bear testimony to the truth of what t say, that site has been still more distinguished for her pride, for her arrogance, for her insatiable cu pidity, and inordinate ambition. She grant commercial facilities ! When, without the most ample equivalents 1— She grant concessions! when 1 where 1 In what quarter of the world / In what period of her history 1 She grant con cessions! Yes, sir, such concessions as "vultures give to lambs, covering and devouring them." She grant conces sions ! 0, yes, sir, I remember, rather I have heard, of some concessions which she did grant. She conceded, I believe, independence to oar Revolutionary sires; and', at a Inter period, she conceded to their sons the right to navigate the high seas, without daring to exercise her pre tended right of impressment. These, sir, these are the only concessions which she grants—concessions wrenched from her bythe mightyhand of superior power. But, let us look a little into the prac tical operations of this new doctrine. If his Britannic majesty, Sir John Buil is to be permitted to interfere with our domestic policy, and to dictate our course of legislation, brother Jonathan I presume, will claim the right to recip rocate his acts of disinterested kindness. Jonathan, sir, is said to be an In-di-vid u-al, not only remarkably well qualified for attending to his own business, but who has a penchant for looking a little into the business of his neighbors. He is, in a word, a reformer. The spirit of chivalry, of which we have heard much on this floor, was not more illustriously developed in the celebrated knight of De La Mancha, than is in Jonathan this spirit of reform, of improvement of, pro gress. And if this wide field be thrown open to him, think you, sir, he will not enter upon it with alacrity 1 And what would be his first step in the glorious career before him 1 Why, sir, I ima gine, as lie is said to be foun of his kith and kin he would in the first place "express the hope," modestly of course, to Sir John, that he strike off the shack les of dear old Ireland, restore to her her independence, and cease any longer to oppress and grind her gallant people in the dust. I imagine he would then take a peep into Sir John's East India possessions ; and I have no doubt his sagacity would enable him to suggest divers reforms calculated to relieve and ameliorate the condition of that oppres• sed country. But, as Jonathan is said to have an eye single to his own inter ests generally, in. his great reforms, I presume he would invite Sir John's at tention to his possessions on this side of the waters, and would "express to him the hope," modestly of course, that lie would see the wisdom and propriety of surrendering tip tne Canaries and his North American possessions, and of permitting them to become re annexed to the United States—intimating to him, in the most delicate manner in the world, that lie considered himself abundantly able to take charge of the whole of the North American continent, and of the South American also, if it should be come necessary. As Jonathan is said to be affected with a consider able share of "prying curiosity," 1 might imagine he would not be content with these exter nal reforms, but would desire to exam ine a little into the domestic establish ment of Sir John. And here, sir, he would find n glorious field for the display of his talents. I imagine he would, in the first place suggest, in a very deli cate manner of course, to Sir John the propriety of his abolishing his immense ' and oppressive Church establishment, of enlarging the basis of representation in the House of Commons, granting, to every white subject at least, the right of suffrage in electing the members of the lower House. But, when 111 should come to the House of Lords & to the throne what think you would lie do ! Here, he would exclaim, are evils be yond the reach of reform. What would he do 1 He would cast, sir, his pruning knife from him. He would insist upon the abolition of the whole system, upon the utter annihilation of the whole race of Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, and Lords, and the establishment of a great English Republic. And if Sir John should be startled; if he should suggest that he had not in his kingdom states men of sufficient knowledge and expe rience to put such new machinery in motion, I have no doubt Jonathan would pledge himself to rig out the whole es tablishment, with all the officers wanted from the Presidency down to the clerk ships, to the tide waiters. But this doc trine, I presume, would lead to broils, to broken heads and bloody noses. I take this occasion, sir, to express my thanks, and the thanks of my dis trict, if not of the whole State, to our patriotic and worthy Chief Magistrsje for his strong and decided recommenda tion of the great industrial interests of the country, to the favorable considera tion of Congress, in his very able annu• al message. I desire, also, to express our thanks in like mariner to the distinguished Sec retary of the Treasury, for his learned, luminous, and unanswerable argument in favor of the great principle of protec don, contained in his report submitted to us at the dute of our organization—a report which, as a great State paper, will compare favorably with any that has ever emanated from any Department of the Government. Nobly has he sus tained the honor of the old Key Stone State, and his own great reputation. VOL. XV, NO. 22. I wish, sir, to see those parts of this message and correspondence, relating "to the duties imposed by the present tariffof the United States," referred to a select committee, a majority of which shall be friendly to the protective policy and to a modification of the Tariff of 1846, so as to protect American labor against the competition of foreign labor. We all know how the present standing committees of the House have been or ganised ; and that to refer this message and correspondence, and the thousand petitions for a modification of the pres ent tariff, to the Committee on Manu factures or of Ways and Means, would be to consign them to the tomb of the Capulcts. Let us have a fair select com mittee, comprising a majority of the friends of a modification of the present tariff; (and 1 shall offer a resolution to this effect before I sit down, if in order ;) let us have a bill reported, containing such Modifications of the act of 1846, as the administration and the friends of protection, think the suffering interests of the country require; let us . have a hearing. This certainly is not 'linking too much. We ask not for prohibitory, or for high protective duties. The age of.prohibi tions and stringent commercial restric• tions, has passed away, not soon I pre sume to return. But we ask, so long as Congress shall continue to collect nearly all the revenues of the Govern- . ment from duties and imposts on impor ted goods, that in the adjustement of those duties and imposts, they shall dis criminate in favor of American labor,. and American manufactures and pro ducts requiring protection. Upon such articles as have become necessaries, and are consumed by all classes, the poor as well as the rich, and which we cannot manufacture or produce, let there be no duty; or, if some be necessary for the purpo§e . of raising the necessary amount of revanue , let the duty be light. But upon all articles of luxury, and upon all such articles as the country possesses facilties for manufacturing and produ cing, and with the manufacture and pro duction of which foreign labor is brought into ruinous romp.titi n . J.t duck.be high ; sufficiently high, 7 at least, to enable the American manufacturer and producer for the American market. In a word, let the burden of the revenues rest upon such cuticles of foreign tnan ufactu re and produce as are brought into ruinous competition with the like arti• cles of American produce and manufac ture. This is what I understand by t he prin ciple of discrimination, a principle too evidently true and politic to admit of ar gument. It defies alike illustration and contradiction. He who would nssail it. should assail the whole system of duties and imposts; should insist upon their total abolition, and the adoption of the system oT direct taxation. In the next place, let the principle of specific duties be adopted, wherever that principle is practicable; and where it is not practicable, let the home valuation be substituted for the foreign valuation. I will not at this time enlarge upon these topics. But, sir, let this Congress take up this subject, let us apply these prin ciples in a judicious modification of the Tariff of 1846, so as to afford sufficient protection to all the great industrial in terests of the country ; let us abolish the Warehousing system, and restore the old principle of cash duties, and, sir, we will cover the country with bles sings. And, sir, although much time has been wasted in useless wrangling, in painful criniination and recrimination betwixt different sections of this glori ous country, we will be met on our re turn home, by our constituents! with the plaudit of 'well done good and faithful servants." Mr. SPEAKER, I now offer the follow ing resolution as an amendment, if in order: Resolved, That so much of the president's message, and of the correspondence of Sir Hen ry Lytton Bulwer aecompaying the same, as relates to "duties imposed by the present tariff 'of the United States," be referred to a "elect committee of nine, with instructions to report by bill or otherwise." The SPEAKER. The proposition of the gentlemnn from Pennsylvania is not in order at this time. It will be in order. after the motion to refer to the standing committee shall be disposedsf. ' • A JOLLY LlFE.—lnsects generally must lead a truly jovy life Think what it must be to lodge in a lily. Imagine a palace of ivory and pearl, with pillars of silver and capitals of gold, all exhaling such a perfume as never arose from a human censer. Fancy again, the fun of tucking yourselves up for the night in the folds of a ruse, rocked to sleep by the gentle sighs of the summer air, noth ing to do when you awake but to wash yourself in a dew drop and fall to and eat your bed cloths. [re- See fourth page.