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BY JAS. CLARK.
CHOICE POETRY,
PRIDE.
HY CIIA IMES SWAN
Though pride may show some nobleness,
When honor is tts ally,
Vet there's such a thing on earth
As holding heads too high!
The sweetest bird builds near the ground,
Tie loveliest flower springs low ;
And we must stoop for happiness
Uwe its worth would know.
Like water that encrusts the rose,
Still hardening to its core,
So pride encases human hearts
Until they feel no more.
Shut up within themselves, they live,
And selfishly they end
A life, that never kindness did,
To kindred or to friend.
Whilst virtue, like the dew of heaven,
Upon the heart descends,
And draws its hidden sweetness out
The more—the more it bends !
For there's a strength in lowliness
Which nerves us to endure—
A heroism in distress
Which renders victory sure!
The humblest being born is great
If true to his degree—
Ili% virtue illustrates his fate,
Whatever that may be !
Then let us daily learn to love
Simplicity and worth:
For not the eagle, but the dove,
Brought peace unto the earth.
POLITICAL
SPEECH OF HON, SAMUEL CALVIN,
or PENNSYLVANIA,
Un the Reference of the President's Message,
and the Correspondence of Sir Henry Lytton
Balza, arcompanying the same, on the sub
ject of the Tariff of 1810.
Deuvvu. tv Tur tior,r OF Rrvur,ENTATIvEs
or tii U. S., MAY 1.5, 1S5().
Mr. CALVIN rose and said : I regard,
sir, the British Government as aiming a
blow in this correspondence at the great
industrial interests of the country gen
erally, but more particularly at the great
iron and coal interests of Pennsylvania.
And, sir, as I have the honor to repre
sent on this floor what has been justly
railed the "Iron district" of my native
State, I will ask the indulgence of the
House, whilst I submit a few remarks
upon these two subjects, in connection
with this extraordinary correspondence.
It is well known, sir, to you, and to
this House. that Pennsylvania is rich in
mineral resources ; that her mountains
are full of iron and coal ; that she has
great ater power ; that a large portion
of her Immense capital is invested in the
mining of coal and in the manufacture of
i •on ; and that a still larger portion of
lier hardy, industrious, and intelligent
population depend upon these two great
interests for support, and for the educa
(ion and maintenance of their families.
It is also well known that, for the pur•
pose of carrying her coal and iron, and
other productions to market, she has
nearly completed the most stupendous
system of internal improvements to be
found on this continent. In the construc
tion of canals and railroads, she, and tht
incorporated companies within her lim
its, have expended between one and two
hundred millions of dollars.
In view of this state of facts I presume
it will not be deemed extraordinary that
this correspondence has attracted the
attention, and excited the indignation of
her people.
Under the influence of the protective
policy—a policy coeval with the earliest
legislation tinder the Constitution, but
the foundations of witivh were not fully
laid till the passage of the set of 1816—
these two great interests were, generally
speaking, prosperous, until, under the
operation of the cotnpromise tariff of
1833, by which the duties were gradual
ly let down lower and lower, till they
reached a horizontal level of twenty per
cent. ad valor.m, they were utterly pros
trated and overwhelmed by the tide of
competition of foreign labor. This great
State, with her mighty resources and
energies, was smitten as by paralysis--
lay prostrate like the huge giant, bound,
manacled. Bankruptcy and ruin cov
ered the whole State as with a pall.—
Individuals, companies, corporations, the
State herself, all were bankrupt. To use
the expressive language of my venerable
friend from Ohio, (Mr. Corwin,) "we
were insolvent generally." Such was
the condition of Pennsylvania at the date
of the tariff act of 1842. But tinder the
benign influence of that law, these crest
interests awoke as from the dead, and
sprang forth with the freshness and vig
or of life. Manufactures, commerce,
agriculture, revived ; this great State
was again upon her feet, and again en
tered upon her proud career of prosperi
ty and power.
But this state of things was destined
to be of short continuance. The Presi
dential campaign of 1844 was approach
ing. The Baltimore Convention met,
and Mr. Van Buren, for the only honest
act of his political life perhaps, was de
capitated, and James K. Polk, of Teri
neaseei wee selected aethe candidate of
the Democratic party. It is not neces
sary that I should name his illustrious
competitor. It was well known that
Pennsylvania had always been attached,
without distinction of party, to the Pro
tective policy, and that ske was espe
cially friendly to the tariff of '42, which
had just lifted her up from general bank
ruptcy and ruin to a state of prosperity
and happiness. Then, as now, it was
generally believed that no candidate
could reach the Chief Magistracy of this
great country against whom Pennsylva
nia might cast her electoral vote. It was
therefore deemed important by the Dem
ocratic party, to secure that vote; and,
sir, how was this accomplished'! Why,
sir, we were assured by ail the leading
journals, and by all the small journals,
by all the great politicians, including
Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Dallas, and by
all the little politicians of the modern
Democratic party, from one end of the
State to the other, that Mr. Polk was "a
better Tariff man than Mr. Clay," and
that "the Democratic Tariff of 18.1.2"
would be safer in the hands of Mr. Polk
than in those of the great author of the
American system. We were also assu
red in a certain Kane letter, that Mr.
Polk was in favor of protecting all the
great industrial interests of the country,
including commerce, agriculture and
manufactures. And we were still furth
er assured, as all will remember, by Mr.
Polk's "near neighbor," that he was the
"especial friend of the great coal and iron
interests of Pennsylvapia." And, ns if
this were not enough, "Polk, Dallas,
Shank, and the Democratic Tariff* of
1842," was spread out in large letters
upon the Democratic banners, and car
ried at the head of the Democratic pro
cessions. Well, sir, Pennsylvania be•
hewed these representations ; she cast
her vote for James K. Polk and Geo. M.
Dallas, and the illustrious statesman of
the West was defeated.
Among the first acts of the newly elect
ed President was the selection of James
Buchanan, of Pennsylvania, as his Sec
retary of State, and Robert J. Walker, a
native of Pennsylvania, its his Secretary
of the Treasury. Did not this look like
tin earnest of a redemption of the Wedge
which had beet, given to us 1
Well, sir, Mr. Walker entered upon
the ditties of his office—upon his great
task of reform—upon his great labor of
love ; and we were assared, you will re
member, that he labored hard ; that so
violent was the action of his powerful
I intellect upon a weak frame, that he e. , s
frequently known to faint in the midst
of his toils. We are told, sir, that all
,things earthly must have an end, and
these labors were at last brought to a
conclusion. And what was their resultl
Although not one single petition, I be
lieve, had been sent up from any pert of
this great country, asking for a change
in the revenue policy of the government,
"and least of all such a change as he
gave us," this great financier resolved to
change that whole policy. Disregard
ing the example of this government from
its earliest history, and the example of
all civilized governments; pouring con
tempt upon the wisdom and experience
of the post, he repudiated the great prin
ciple of specific duties, rejeetecl it as un
worthy n place in his wonderful plan of
financial reform, and substituted the ad
valorem principle, and with a foreign
valuation. In a word, sir, we had, as
the offspring of these extraordinary la
bors, the Tariff act of 1846, and the pro
foundly learned report upon finance and
revenue which accompanied it.
This, sir, is not the proper time for
the discussion, at any length, of the mer
its, or rather demerits, of this act of '46.
I trust I may have another opportunity,
before Congress shall adjourn, of enter
ing more extensively upon this subject.
Suffice b it to say, at this time, that this
act has three prominent characteristics.
In the first place it destroys American
shipping and American commerce, and
builds up and promotes British shipping
and British commerce. Its second char
acteristic is, that it offers premiums,
holds out rewards to perjury, and every
species of fraud and villainy upon the
revenue of the country. Its third, not
less distinguishing characteristic, is,
that it gives protection to American in
dustry when it is not needed, and with
draws from it all protection at the very
moment when it is needed ; at the very
moment, when, about to be overwhelmed
by the competition of foreign labor, it is
extending its supplicating hands to the
Olovernment for relief, to save it frotn
utter ruin.
--- 'flie — COnsequences of 'this measure
were distinctly foreseen and foretold at
the time of its passage; and although,
in consequence of the extraordinary state
of things existing in Europe at that time
and for some time afterwards, the evil
day came not so soon as was expected,
the night is now upon us, with all its
darkness. The railroad mania, which
prevailed all over the continent of Eu.
HUNTINGDON, PA., TUESDAY, JUNE 4, 1850.
rope, and the famine, which was not lees
prevalent in the same region of the world
postponed for a season the pernicious
consequences of this measure, but they
are now upon us in isll their blighting
power. 1 confine my 'remarks to the
iron and coal interests of Pennsylvania,
leaving to other and abler hands to show
the condition of the other great indust
rial interests of the country. The coal
mines of our State, in which millions of '
capital have been invested, have been
rendered unproductive, unprofitable.—
Some have been sold by the Sheriff; oth
ers abar.doned to dilapidation and ruin.
I am informed that the Sheriff is the on
ly mar. now making money in the great
coal fields of Schuylkill county; and that
the population of that county has been
reduced about four thousand within the
last twelve or fourteen months. A large
portion of our numerous iron establish
ments throughout the State—l would
say the larger portion of them—have
been broken tip, sold by the Sheriff; or
have suspended ; and the little remnant
are now sending up their daily petitions
to us to save them from the ruin that
must speedily overwhelm them also.—
Our great agricultural interests must
soon also feel the shock, and share in
the common ruin. They must soon be
deprived of a home market, and they
will look in vain for a foreign one. The
consumers must become producers, and
competitors with the present farmers for
a market already overstocked. The im•
ft - tense importations of foreign manufac
tures and Productions, beyond all prece
, dent, now flooding the country under the
present tariff, is a just subject of anxiety
'and alarm. The debt incurred this year
it is estimated must reach the enormous
sum of $4 0 ,000,000, if it do not exceed
it. Not all the gold of California will
enable us to meet the drafts that must
soon be made upon us. The utter pros
tration of all the industrtal interests of
the country--revulsions, suspensions,
universal bankruptcy—all are percepti
ble in the distance. They will soon be
upon as like a tempest, as they were
brought upon us by the Compromise
Tariffof 1833. Will we take the proper
measures to prevent these calamities to
the country I
Much, sir, has been said in this House
about Northern aggressions, and about
the amount of loss sustained by the South
in consequence of the escape of their
slaves into the free States, and their in
ability to recover them. Now, I venture
to affirm, Without wishing to underrate
or understate the amount of this loss,
that Pennsylvania alone has lost more
within the last eighteen months, under
the ruinous operation of the Tariff of
1846, than would pay for all the runaway
slaves, from all the slave States for the
last half century.
I presume all remember the extraor
dinary favor with which this Tariff act
of 1846, and the very learned report ac
companying it were received in atgland.
Why, sir, the statesmen of her Britanic
Majesty's Government were smitten
with astonishment at the wonderful wis
dom of this prodigy of learning in finan
cial science, which brother Jonathan had
produced; and they paid him the unpre
cedented compliment of a publication of
his learned report by order of Parlia
ment. I presume it will also be retnetn
bored, as a part of the history of this bill,
that in a discussion which took place in
the House of Commons, some time after
it had gone into operation, upon the then
condition and future destiny of the Can
adas—upon their probable independence
and future annexation to the U. States—
that Sir W m.Molesworth, n distinguish
ed member of the lower House, argued,
that they were then a tax, a burden, up
on the revenues of the government; and
that their annexation to the U. States,
would not only relieve the treasury of a
great burden, but wouldd add greatly to
the commercial prosperity of the king
dom. He exclaimed, that "our com
merce tvith our American colonies—
(meaning the U. States, and he said he
would insist on calling them their col
onies) is twice as profitable as all our
other commerce with all our other col
onies upon the face of the globe." And
the interesting feature of this profitable
commerce, as he said, was, that it cost
the mother country not one cent, riot one
farthing, for standing armies, for fortifi
cations, harbors, light-houses, &c. All
these expenses were paid by the dutiful
colonies themselves.
And now, sir, when under the opera
tions of this tariff our coal mines have
been rendered unproductive, some sold
by the Sheriff; others abandoned to di
lapidation and ruin : when a large por
tion of our numerous iron establishments
our furnaces, forges and rolling mills,
have become silent, their fires put out;
when our canals and railroads have also
been rendered, to some extent, unprofit.
able, and some of them destined to fall
into dilapidation and decay, if this poli
cy shall be continyed; when the immense
importations threaten to overwhelm all
the great industrial interests of the coon-,
try with rain ; when thousands and tens '
of thousands of our industrious and in
telligent citizens have been turned adrift
with their families to starve, or beg, or
work fot ten cents per day ; I say, when
under these circumstances of ruin and
distress, our patriotic and distinguished
Chief Magistrate recommends to Con
gress a modification of the present tariff
so as to save and to protect all the great
interests of the country, we are met, sir,
with a protest from her Britanic Majes
ty's Government! Here it is:
Barrian LEGATION, Jan. 3, 1850.
SIR:—It having been represented to Her Ma
jesty's Government, Thai there is some idea on'
the part of the Government of the United States
to increase the duties on British iron imported
into the United 'States, I have been instrncted'
by her Majesty's Government to express to the
United States Government the hope of Her Ma
jesty's Government, that no addition will• be
made to the duties imposed by the present tariff
of the United States, which already weigh heav
ily on British productions; and I cannot but ob
serve, for my own part, that an augmentation of
the duties on British produce or mannfactures,
made at the moment when the British Govern
ment has, by a series of measures, been facilita
ting the commerce between the two countries,
would produce a very disagreeable effect on
public opinion in England.
1 avail myself of the opportunity to renew to
you the assurance of my most distinguished con
sideration.
HENRY L. BULWER.
lion. John M. Claytcn, &c. &c.
And so, sir, this tariff, which met with
the greatest commendation from the
statesmen of her Britanic Majesty's Gov
ernment, and the report accompanying
which was published by order of the
British Parliament ; this tariff, which
was regarded as having reduced us a
gain to a state of col*nial vassalage, anti
which had rendered the commerce of
England with her American colonies
twice ns valuable as all her other com
merce with all her other colonies on the
face of the globe; this British tariff, at
I the christening of which her Britanic
Majesty's Government stood god-lather,
has become exceedingly oppressive—
"weighs heavily upon British produc
tions!" And yet, the hope is expressed,
very modestly to be sure, that we will
touch it not! And to repress the auda
city of any turbulent spirit from any
such attempt, we are very kindly inform
ed in advance, that any such attempt
"would prodpce a very disagreeable ef
fect upon public opinion in England."--
And, sir, we are therefore expected care•
fully and dutifully to abstain from inter
fering, in the slightest degree, with a
measure thus dear to the mother cowl
try, notwithstanding it does bring beg
gary and ruin upon our own people.
And if we dare to lay our vulgar hands
upon this wonderful specimen of finan
cial wisdom, I presume we may expect
to receive another protest, a protest from
Sir Robert Walker, to be added to the
protests of Sir Robert Peel, Sir Henry
L. Bulwer, and Lord John Russell, a•.d
of all the other Sirs and Lords of Her
Britanic Majesty's Government. We
may be favored, perhaps, with a still
further protest from another degenerate
son of Pennsylvania, who, in the hour
of her trial, had it in his power to save
her, but who lifted up his heel againit
her. I need not name him. He was bid
ding for the Presidency; he had his eye
upon the Baltimore Convention of 1848.
But, sir, it rejoiced my heart to sec him
treated, as traitors have ever been treat
ed ; although the ,treason was loved, the
traitor was despised and rejected.
1 desire, sir, to say nothing personally
'offensive to Sir Henry L. Bulwer. He
is the minister, the representative of the
British Government, and has but dis
charged his duty by obeying the instruc
tions of his Government. 1 have no doubt
he is the able, talented, and accomplish
ed diplomatist and gentleman, which he
has been represented to be. But, sir, I
must be permitted to denounce this in.
terference of his Government, as did our
able Senator in the other wing of the
Capitol, as unprecedented, impertinent,
arrogant, and highly offensive. It is no
doubt true, that Great Britain has, for
the last two or three centuries, played a
most conspicuous part upon the great
theatre of the world. She has been long
distinguished for her wisdom, her prow
ess, her great wealth and power, and for
many of those high attributes that con
stitute national glory. But I affirm, and
the whole civilized, and the whole bar
bosons world will bear testimony to the
truth of what t say, that site has been
still more distinguished for her pride,
for her arrogance, for her insatiable cu
pidity, and inordinate ambition. She
grant commercial facilities ! When,
without the most ample equivalents 1—
She grant concessions! when 1 where 1
In what quarter of the world / In what
period of her history 1 She grant con
cessions! Yes, sir, such concessions as
"vultures give to lambs, covering and
devouring them." She grant conces
sions ! 0, yes, sir, I remember, rather
I have heard, of some concessions which
she did grant. She conceded, I believe,
independence to oar Revolutionary sires;
and', at a Inter period, she conceded to
their sons the right to navigate the high
seas, without daring to exercise her pre
tended right of impressment. These,
sir, these are the only concessions which
she grants—concessions wrenched from
her bythe mightyhand of superior power.
But, let us look a little into the prac
tical operations of this new doctrine.
If his Britannic majesty, Sir John Buil
is to be permitted to interfere with our
domestic policy, and to dictate our
course of legislation, brother Jonathan
I presume, will claim the right to recip
rocate his acts of disinterested kindness.
Jonathan, sir, is said to be an In-di-vid
u-al, not only remarkably well qualified
for attending to his own business, but
who has a penchant for looking a little
into the business of his neighbors. He
is, in a word, a reformer. The spirit of
chivalry, of which we have heard much
on this floor, was not more illustriously
developed in the celebrated knight of
De La Mancha, than is in Jonathan this
spirit of reform, of improvement of, pro
gress. And if this wide field be thrown
open to him, think you, sir, he will not
enter upon it with alacrity 1 And what
would be his first step in the glorious
career before him 1 Why, sir, I ima
gine, as lie is said to be foun of his
kith and kin he would in the first place
"express the hope," modestly of course,
to Sir John, that he strike off the shack
les of dear old Ireland, restore to her
her independence, and cease any longer
to oppress and grind her gallant people
in the dust. I imagine he would then
take a peep into Sir John's East India
possessions ; and I have no doubt his
sagacity would enable him to suggest
divers reforms calculated to relieve and
ameliorate the condition of that oppres•
sed country. But, as Jonathan is said
to have an eye single to his own inter
ests generally, in. his great reforms, I
presume he would invite Sir John's at
tention to his possessions on this side of
the waters, and would "express to him
the hope," modestly of course, that lie
would see the wisdom and propriety of
surrendering tip tne Canaries and his
North American possessions, and of
permitting them to become re annexed
to the United States—intimating to him,
in the most delicate manner in the world,
that lie considered himself abundantly
able to take charge of the whole of the
North American continent, and of the
South American also, if it should be
come necessary. As Jonathan is said to
be affected with a consider able share of
"prying curiosity," 1 might imagine he
would not be content with these exter
nal reforms, but would desire to exam
ine a little into the domestic establish
ment of Sir John. And here, sir, he
would find n glorious field for the display
of his talents. I imagine he would, in
the first place suggest, in a very deli
cate manner of course, to Sir John the
propriety of his abolishing his immense
' and oppressive Church establishment, of
enlarging the basis of representation in
the House of Commons, granting, to
every white subject at least, the right of
suffrage in electing the members of the
lower House. But, when 111 should
come to the House of Lords & to the
throne what think you would lie do !
Here, he would exclaim, are evils be
yond the reach of reform. What would
he do 1 He would cast, sir, his pruning
knife from him. He would insist upon
the abolition of the whole system, upon
the utter annihilation of the whole race
of Kings, Queens, Princes, Dukes, and
Lords, and the establishment of a great
English Republic. And if Sir John
should be startled; if he should suggest
that he had not in his kingdom states
men of sufficient knowledge and expe
rience to put such new machinery in
motion, I have no doubt Jonathan would
pledge himself to rig out the whole es
tablishment, with all the officers wanted
from the Presidency down to the clerk
ships, to the tide waiters. But this doc
trine, I presume, would lead to broils,
to broken heads and bloody noses.
I take this occasion, sir, to express
my thanks, and the thanks of my dis
trict, if not of the whole State, to our
patriotic and worthy Chief Magistrsje
for his strong and decided recommenda
tion of the great industrial interests of
the country, to the favorable considera
tion of Congress, in his very able annu•
al message.
I desire, also, to express our thanks
in like mariner to the distinguished Sec
retary of the Treasury, for his learned,
luminous, and unanswerable argument
in favor of the great principle of protec
don, contained in his report submitted
to us at the dute of our organization—a
report which, as a great State paper,
will compare favorably with any that
has ever emanated from any Department
of the Government. Nobly has he sus
tained the honor of the old Key Stone
State, and his own great reputation.
VOL. XV, NO. 22.
I wish, sir, to see those parts of this
message and correspondence, relating
"to the duties imposed by the present
tariffof the United States," referred to
a select committee, a majority of which
shall be friendly to the protective policy
and to a modification of the Tariff of
1846, so as to protect American labor
against the competition of foreign labor.
We all know how the present standing
committees of the House have been or
ganised ; and that to refer this message
and correspondence, and the thousand
petitions for a modification of the pres
ent tariff, to the Committee on Manu
factures or of Ways and Means, would
be to consign them to the tomb of the
Capulcts. Let us have a fair select com
mittee, comprising a majority of the
friends of a modification of the present
tariff; (and 1 shall offer a resolution to
this effect before I sit down, if in order ;)
let us have a bill reported, containing
such Modifications of the act of 1846,
as the administration and the friends of
protection, think the suffering interests
of the country require; let us . have a
hearing. This certainly is not 'linking
too much.
We ask not for prohibitory, or for high
protective duties. The age of.prohibi
tions and stringent commercial restric•
tions, has passed away, not soon I pre
sume to return. But we ask, so long
as Congress shall continue to collect
nearly all the revenues of the Govern- .
ment from duties and imposts on impor
ted goods, that in the adjustement of
those duties and imposts, they shall dis
criminate in favor of American labor,.
and American manufactures and pro
ducts requiring protection. Upon such
articles as have become necessaries, and
are consumed by all classes, the poor as
well as the rich, and which we cannot
manufacture or produce, let there be no
duty; or, if some be necessary for the
purpo§e . of raising the necessary amount
of revanue , let the duty be light. But
upon all articles of luxury, and upon all
such articles as the country possesses
facilties for manufacturing and produ
cing, and with the manufacture and pro
duction of which foreign labor is brought
into ruinous romp.titi n . J.t duck.be high ; sufficiently high, 7 at least, to
enable the American manufacturer and
producer for the American market. In
a word, let the burden of the revenues
rest upon such cuticles of foreign tnan
ufactu re and produce as are brought into
ruinous competition with the like arti•
cles of American produce and manufac
ture.
This is what I understand by t he prin
ciple of discrimination, a principle too
evidently true and politic to admit of ar
gument. It defies alike illustration and
contradiction. He who would nssail it.
should assail the whole system of duties
and imposts; should insist upon their
total abolition, and the adoption of the
system oT direct taxation.
In the next place, let the principle of
specific duties be adopted, wherever that
principle is practicable; and where it is
not practicable, let the home valuation
be substituted for the foreign valuation.
I will not at this time enlarge upon these
topics. But, sir, let this Congress take
up this subject, let us apply these prin
ciples in a judicious modification of the
Tariff of 1846, so as to afford sufficient
protection to all the great industrial in
terests of the country ; let us abolish
the Warehousing system, and restore
the old principle of cash duties, and,
sir, we will cover the country with bles
sings. And, sir, although much time
has been wasted in useless wrangling,
in painful criniination and recrimination
betwixt different sections of this glori
ous country, we will be met on our re
turn home, by our constituents! with the
plaudit of 'well done good and faithful
servants."
Mr. SPEAKER, I now offer the follow
ing resolution as an amendment, if in
order:
Resolved, That so much of the president's
message, and of the correspondence of Sir Hen
ry Lytton Bulwer aecompaying the same, as
relates to "duties imposed by the present tariff
'of the United States," be referred to a "elect
committee of nine, with instructions to report
by bill or otherwise."
The SPEAKER. The proposition of the
gentlemnn from Pennsylvania is not in
order at this time. It will be in order.
after the motion to refer to the standing
committee shall be disposedsf. '
•
A JOLLY LlFE.—lnsects generally must
lead a truly jovy life Think what it
must be to lodge in a lily. Imagine a
palace of ivory and pearl, with pillars of
silver and capitals of gold, all exhaling
such a perfume as never arose from a
human censer. Fancy again, the fun of
tucking yourselves up for the night in
the folds of a ruse, rocked to sleep by
the gentle sighs of the summer air, noth
ing to do when you awake but to wash
yourself in a dew drop and fall to and
eat your bed cloths.
[re- See fourth page.