BY JAS. CLARK.
SPEECII OF
GOY. JOHNSON.
Delivered at the Whig County Meet
ing held in the city of Lancaster,
Aug. 5, IS4S.
We have this week the pleasure of laying be
fore our readers a full sketch' of the remarks
made by Gov. Johnson, at the late Whig County
Meeting. We ask for them an attentive perusal.
Gov. Johnson stated that he was here
to-day by the invitation of his fellow
citizens of the county of Lancaster, to
address them upon the various matters
of political difference which separate
the people into parties and sects ; but
when he threw a glance over this vast
assemblage and recognized so many
older and abler men, residents of this
noble country, he felt some hesitation in
assuming the position their partiality
had assigned him.
To meet and consult together in re
lation to the welfare and happiness of
the people—to devise measures for the
alleviation of their grievances, and to
guard against encroachments upon their
privileges by either Government or dem
agogues, was not merely it constitution
al right, but he felt it to be a moral and
political duty which man owed equally
40 his fellow-man and to the country.
In such primary assemblages of the
people, wherein calmly, candidly and
dispassionately are reviewed the acts
of the public servant, and in which the
rights of the people are vindicated and
maintained, Is to be found the great
conservative principle of our Institu
tions.—llemagogues may for a while
mislead, by their various arts, the pop
ular mind, but truth, presented to an in
telligent and well informed public as
semblage, rears such a barrier as pre
vents the progress of error, and finally
scatters its sophistries as effectually as
the rays of this morning's sun cleared
away the mists that hung over this
beautiful valley. Each citizen should
feel it a pleasure and a duty to contrib
ute his mite when called upon to main
tain the right or oppose error and drive
it-from the land.
These opinions, of duty being enter
tained, Gbr. J. stated that he would not
shrink from the responsibility of ex
pressing his views upon the present
stale of our affairs, although in doing
so he might fail to discuss any new sub
ject or throw any additional light upon
the trestions in dispute with our politi
cal opponents. _ . .
The approaching Presidential cam
paign, while it may settle for a long pe
riod of time the question of a Protec
tive Tnriff—the improvement of our
Rivers and Harbors—the detination of
the Public Domain—and the extension
of Slavery over the , ast regions of the
now Free Soil of New Mexico and Cal
ifornia—would also probably settle and
determine what, in his mind, was a
more important question, to wit : the
permanency of Republican institutions.
And inasmuch as he viewed this latter
subject as of transcendent importance
--he would beg the attention of his fel
low citizens, while he endeavord to give
ntterance to his views in reference there
to. To illustrate the matter, he would
state that the danger to our institutions
arose from two sources—lst. The es
tablishment of a central political power
at Washington, well adapted, managed,
and constructed, to give support to every
and any measure of an administration,
however improper and dangerous in the
judgment of the citizens, and to bind
and coerce popular feeling in its behalf
by a well managed system of party
tactics; 2d. The too frequent use and
abuse of the Veto power. If, said Gov.
J., the present party in power succeed
in securing the support of the people,
and their indorsement of the doctrines
now promulgated as a party creed and
confession of faith, the great bulwark
of the republican principle, the great
land mark seperating the original par
ties of Democracy and Federalism, to
wit :—the rights of the Sovereign States
are annihalated, and consolidation of
power in the general government is in
evitably fixed upon this people. The
exercise of the Veto potver, the last rem
nant of kingly prerogative left in the
Constitution, and left there against the
strongest protest of the best and purest
men of he Revolution, will be sanctioned
to the largest and most dangerous ex
tent—and the motto that the King can
.do no wrong be Interwoven as a part of
the faith of the people, peculiarly at
tached to republican liberty, and equal
ly opposed to the exercise of the one
man power, whether lodged in the hands
of nn executive, called a President, or
by some more monarchical designation.
Let us, my friends, look at the past
history of the present administration,
and if we find in its conduct the evident
tendency to asume power, to control
popular opinion, to coerce ►pen's view
by its censures and denunciations, and
to arrogate to itself authority not clear
1 4.
0 "e,n. , s e •
ttngbi)/4(
•
'l - ,
ly vested by the constitution, and to in
terpose its negative will to defeat the
wishes of the people and the acts of
their representatives, then we must yield
to the truth, however startling it may be,
that our republican institutions, although
in name unchanged, have suffered great
outrage:since the days of the fathers of
the Constitution. The first fact to be
considered in connection with this sub
ject is the establishment of an official
organ—a newspaper avowedly sustain
ed by the patronage of the Government,
and dependent in a large degree upon
its countenance for its existence and ex
tensive circulation. This paper ; the
acknowledged exponent of the executive
will, we find the never varying apolo
gist for all Executive acts. Connecting
itself with a powerful party in our coun
try, and through the same official power
made the organ and mouth-piece of
that party, it must inevitably maintain
a position of great and almost uncon
trollable authority in the land. The
press of the same political bias feels its
elf constrained to adopt its views be
cause a difference of opinion might lead
to divisions and distractions the office
holder bows to his behests, because in
its columns he views the reflected mind
of the appointing power; the office-hun
ter submits to its mandates with a gen
tle and quiet ease, because he feels that
difference of opinion and independence
of its dogmas, leaves him among the
disappointed. These various classes,
, highly respectable and worthy as they
I are, feel the tyranny of this machine of
party but cannot break its galling chains.
The press, the recipient of official pat
ronage and the applicant for place, hold
a large and influential position in our
country, and instead of acting out their
views—as they would doubtless do, if
this engine of party machinery were
annihilated—they fall prostrate before
its powerful decrees. Is this allegation
false or is it true I Let us refer to one
or two cases for illustration, and in do
ing so let them be instances in which
Pennsylvania holds a deep and abiding
interest.
• The Protective Tariff policy or the
enactment of such laws by the General
Government as would protect the indus
try of this country from corning into
ruinous competition, in our own markets
with British goods and the products of
foreign labor, had always been a ferorite
policy with Pennsylvania. In no in
stance, under no circumstances, had her
people, her statesman, or her legislative
assemblies failed to give a zealous and
unanimous and unanimous support to
the protective principle. She felt that
abounding in the raw material, possess
ing exhaustless beds of coal and iron
ore, &c., with great agricultural resour
ces, it were suicidal to her own inter
ests to abandon a policy so well calcula
ted to bring forth her Wealth and make
her wilderness blossom like the rose.
So strong had this feeling became among
our citizens, that after the passage of
the Tariff Act of 1842, and during the
canvass of 1844., the great political par
ties of the day, the IVhigs and their op ,
ponents, then equally strove to persuade
the people, that they were the peculiar
friends of the Tariff Act of 1842. In
all its operations it had worked well,
the manufacturer had large and ready
sales, the laborer constant employment
and good wages, the farmer fair prices
and a near and ready home market. Im
provements, public and private, were
rapidly constructing throughout the
land—the Rail Roads and canals of the
Commowealth had a large and con
boat and healthy trade. In a wore,
universal peace, plenty and happiness
covered our good old Commonwealth.
In this state of things each party clairt.•
ed alliance and kindred with the henifi
cent legislation that had so happily re
sulted in its operations.
The contest or 1844 having termina
ted in the success of our political oppo
nents, the government passed into
the hands of their President, Mr. Polk.
Mr. Polk formed his cabinet, and estab
lished his organ—the first message of
the President was against the principle
of protection, and consequently against
the continuance of the act of 1842, and
urgent for its repeal. The newly es
tablished organ endorses these doctrines
and attempts to give them a party char
acter, but the classes mentioned, to wit,
the Press of that Party in Pennsylvania,
and many of our citizens hesitate to
adopt those views, hoping that the ac
tion of Congress might save the Protec
tive Tariff which they had so much laud
ed for its beneficial effects on society.
Still there is no voice of dissent, clearly
and expressly given—but highly eulo
gistic enconiums are passed upon the
message generally. The Secretary of
the Treasury in his report, by ingenius
sophistry and misrepresentation of facts
and figures, makes a powerful effort to
overthrow the Tariff of 1842. This
,document is held forth in the organ of
HUNTINGDON, PA., TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1848,
the Central Power, as the very truth of
political economy, and the great ground
work of party faith, with sundry admo
nitions that its support or repudiation
would mark the true from the false be
liever. It is pressed upon Congress—
and after various struggles between the
friends of Protection and ifs enemies—
the act of 1842 is repealed, and the act
of 1846 is enacted, by the casting vote
of the Vice' President. During all this
time, the mouth-piece of the party at
Washington is loud in its denunciations
of the recreant members of its party,
and zealous in its support of the new
I law. The President iMd his Cabinet,
and organ, finally declared the Tariff of
1846 the true policy of the country,
and the organ requires submission to
that declaration as an evidence of party
fidelity; and lo! in a few months after
this determination , is shadowed forth,
the Press in Pennsylvania and the class
es already named, fill the length and
breadth with hozannas to the great prin
ciple of Free Trade, and against the
policy of protection so long and faith
fully main tained by this people. In
this, instance my fellow citizen's, there
is is great lesson taught us of the dan
ger this central controlling power.
But again, the subject of introducing
Slavery into the territories of the United
States, is another illustration of the
dangerous influence exercised by the
central power. The State of Pennsyl
vania WO an early advocate for the ab
olition of Slavery. In the preamble to
the abolition act of 1/80, we find these
strong and beautiful words— •
[Want of room compels us to omit the extract.]
Here, my friends, you have the truth
as spoken by our fathers. ,No human
limbs are to be bound with the heart
destroying and terrible chain of slavery.
No human laws shall be passed to inflict
upon human beings that bondage which
rends the dearest ties of life—scperates
the father and the son—the mother and
the helpless offspring—that tears the
flesh, wounds and annihilates the spirit
—breaks the heart and destroys the im ,
mortal soul. I love . Pennsylvania igx,
that glorious act of proud and manly
virtue and independence. There the
voice was clear—decided--strong in fa•
vor of human rights, and the act corres
ponded with the declaration. They ex
amined him in his naked deformity and
spoke his non-existence in this land of
Freemen. The same spirit animated
our Statesman in the support of the or
dinance of i 787, now more commonly
known as the %I ilmot Proviso. The
same pure spirit still continued to fill
the hearts of our people at a later day;
for on the question of the admission of
Missouri, the following resolution was
passed by the unanimous vote of the
Pennsylvania Legislature. The lan
guage of this preamble and resolution
expressed so fully (said Gov. J.) his
own views on the subject, that he would
read it. (Here Gov. J. having become
somewhat hoarse, requested Mr. Frank
lin to read the resolution referred to.)
That, my fellow citizens, is the lan
guage of freeman, and in that tone
should every citizen proclaim his love of
human liberty and hatred of tyranny
and oppression. The great and good
men of that age felt indignant and
shuddered at the thought of planting
the foot• prints of slavery over the vast
and fertile regions of the great West,
a land formed by a bountiful God, with
every immaginable capacity for the
comfort of his creatures and the enjoy
ment of life. To permit this land, flow
ing as it were with "milk and honey,"
to be made the abode of the toil tvorn
victim of human laws and human pas
sions, was asking from our fathers a
surrender of a righteous principle which
they most indignantly refused to grant,
and hence these resolutions.
But again the spirit of the ordinance
of 1787 was brought into our legislative
halls some two years ago to prevent the
introduction of Slavery into territory to
be acquired from Mexico. Resolutions
approving the Wilmot proviso received
nearly the unanimous support of that
legislature. In these various acts of our
public bodies and in these sentiments of
our leading statesmen, together with
many others that might be added, we
have an uniform, steady and determined
hostility upon the part of our citizens to
extend the evil of Slavery. But mark
the change! Certain moves are making
upon the political chess board ; the
Southern branch of the so-called democ
racy must have some explicit denuncia
tion of the " Wilmot Proviso" and the
ordinance of 1787. The central organ
commences the battle of bitter and per
secuting denunciatory articles .of Mr.
Wilmot and his Proviso. A similar pol
icy is pursued by other journals of the
party in this State, and the same prin
ciple of opposition to slavery extension,
which had characterized the men and
measures of Pennsylvania for more than
half a century, is proclaimed as deliber-
ate treason to the Union, and the off
spring of fanatic and Evil disposed and
diseased intellects. Nay, so powerfully
had the denunciatory tone of the central
organ and its affiliated papers operated
upon the minds of the representatives
of the people belonging to that party,
that last winter the same resolution
failed to receive an unanimous vote, the
Whigs and a few honorable opponents
voting for it in the Senate, while in the
House of Representatives, where our
opponents had a commanding majority,
it was never mentioned. What then pro
duced this• sudden abandonment of an
' other favorite doctrine of the Keystone
State"! Why was she asked to reverse '
the reiterated opinions and decisions of
her people, so often, so solemnly, so im
pressively expressed 1 The central pow
er at Washington had decreed it—the
party machinery had been put in motion,
and the fears of disunion and consequent
want of success frightened the timid and
swayed around the time-serving: But
again the President assuto'es ripen him
self the responsibility of placing our
negotiations with Mexico in such posi
tion that war is inevitable,. and in the
ordinary course of things; when
.the de
sire for peace' IS not very strongly man
ifested, war in its worst form is found
to exist between our country and Mex
ico. In the immediate preliminary
stages of this unfortunate rencontre, no
appeal is made to the Congress of the
people, although that body is in session
and prepared to give its hearty cooper
ation to any measure necessary to sus
tain the national honor. How widely
different in this respect from the policy
of all our first Presidents was the con
duct of the present Executive. In re
lation to the necessity of this war there
Was a variety of opinions held by men
of all parties and of all sects, these differ
ences doubtlessly honestly and truly en
tertained by their advocates. Was an
effort made in this case to convince the
reasons of men u to better their means of
knowledge, to Conciliate conflicting
views, to harmonize and unite the coun
try upon the all important question of a
foreign itOr, the first in which our coun
try had engaged 4 No I The mild and
gentle means of a persuasive character
were abandoned, and the iron-souled or
gan, in its hatred of free thought and
free discussion, and its determination
to command and be obeyed, issues forth
the decree that he who doubts the pro
. priety of the War, (however faithfully
he may have sustained it during its pro
gress,) is to be pronounced a moral' trod
tor, and as lending aid and comfort to
the enemy ; and if my remembrance
serves me rightly, the President of the
United States stoops to endorse officially
this detestable dogma. Now, without
intending to say a word upon the ques
tion of the war, whether it was right or
wrong in its inception, permit me to
ask this people where would the sanc
tion of this doctrine lead us 1 If the
free expression of honestly entertained
opinions, in a land of free speech and a
free press, is to be proscribed by the
agents, whose acts arc under considers
tion, as treason to the country ; if the
doctrine that the President's conduct is
not to be reviewed under the severe pen
alty of stamping with the infamy of a
traitor's name the individual daring to
criticise his actions, then our liberty of
speech is gone. Fix in the popular mind,
the idea that all censure and discussion
of the acts of their servants are trea
sonable practices, and while the race of
flatterers to power may increase the
number of its accusers and honorable
opponents will be small indeed. There
is no tyranny in. any land more cruel'
than this doctrine would teach i the bed
of the tyrant of olden time, sought the
cialization of the bodies of its victims;
this would attempt to curb, to chain,
and immolate the immortal spirit. That
in this land of proud pre-eminence for
its devotion to the principles of civil
and religious liberty and toleration,
such detestable doctrines can find advo
cates and supporters may well fill us
with astonishment.
But again—the doctrine is broadly
maintained that the wishes and desires
of the people, as expressed by their repre
sentatives, shall not be carried into
effect, if the policy of the measure fails
to meet the approbation of the Presi
dent. Even should the various means
of attempting to control popular feeling
by the patronage of the central power,
its organ, its hangers on and expectants,
its platforms and conventions ; should
all these fail, then, as a last resort, the
Kingly prerogative of the Veto is called
into existence, and the will of the ma
jority of the people, in a democratic got
ernment, is prostrated and defeated by
the act of one man, whose actions can
not be condemned unit ss at the risk of
party denunciation and proscription.
Having expressed his views as fully
on this part of the subject as their pa
tience would permit, he felt that he had
discharged a duty in wattling his fellow
citizens against ale encroachments of
this dangerous power. He knew that
the spirit of the fathers of the constitu
tion and the authors of the resolutions
of 1798 would lend their influence to
sustain his position, if such spirits min
gle in the conflicts of this the fatherland.
To the people belonged the task of over
turning and destroying this overshad•
owing central power, and from the signs
of the times there appears to be little
doubt of the verdict being rendered in
behalf of the cause of right and true
democracy. But there are other ques
tions of great moment, the settlement
of which may also depend upon the re
sult of the coming election.
A fair and reasonably Protective Tar
iff is so essential to the welfare of the
citizens of this Commonwealth that he
could not refrain from the expression of
a few words in his defence, particularly
in relation to its effects upon the reve
nues of the Commonwealth. The gen
eral discussion of the question of a pro
tective tariff he would leave to his friend,
the Hon. James Pollock, who understood
it much better than himself, having ably
defended its provisions for years in the
National Congress. It It a melancholy
truth, that the citizens of this Common
wealth are sorely pressed by taxation,
to meet the interests, &c., on the public
debt. With all her revenues, and her
varied and annoying tax laws--the pay
ment of her annual liabilities could
scarcely be met by the State. In this
condition of our financial affairs, he
would ask if it Were good policy to
adopt any system that would lessen the
revenues of the State- , --yet such he was
bound to declare would he the' effect of
the continued existence df the present
Tariff laws. The protection afforded
to our domestic industry had built up
large iron manufactories in different sec
tions of the State. These required the
raw material and merchandize to carry
on their operations--this raw material
and merchandize, as well as the article
manufactured, were carried upon your
public improvements, and made up a
large proportion of these revenues. Un
der the present Tariff these works can
not compete with the foreign manufac
ture at the rates of wages in Europe.—
Consequently, their value of investment
of capital being destroyed, they will be
discontinued, and the result will be the
withdrawal of their tonnage and tolls
from the receipts on your canals and
railroads. This fact alone, to say noth
ing of the injurious effect produced upon
the laborer, the farmer, and the mechan
ic, ought to be conclusive on' the mind
of every tax-payer in the Common Wealth.
The deficit is to be made up by addi
tional taxation on your' land, your busi
ness and the necessary
,sotnforts of your
families. It is alleged that one single
establishment in the interior of the
State pays toll on the freight of its coal
to an amount exceeding $40,000 per
annum—and this establishment is about
to cease operations under the pro Visions
of your present Tariff laws. Doubtless
there are hundreds of other establish
ments similarly situated, and precisely'
affected with like views, that will be
compelled to quit business; and in that
event thou Sands of dollars may and will I
be lost in the tolls coming to the State,
all to be levied by a direct tax upon your
farms and business pursuits.
But again, the article of coal, so largely, and
extensively now brought into use, contributes
a large part of your Canal revenues—a business
yet in its infancy, as the tables of its increase
from yeat to year demonstrate. The coal fields
of Pennsylvania' are abundantly capkble of sup-
plying the Union with fuel for years to come; '
it is now lying almost an undevelofied mountain
Of riches to our people. Instead of encouraging
its development, your present Tariff laws per
mit a ruinous competition with a foreign article
in our own markets. This cannot be the inter
est
of our citizens engaged in the useful business
of opening the region and bringing its produce
to a profitable market. In the American Quar
terly Register and Magazine of May, 1818, is
the following table, well worthy the examina
tion and attention of the citizens of the coal re
gion. Note the difference of importation of
coal under the free trade system and the act of
1812—it appears to me further argument is in
1830, 108,132 tons. 1812, 111,526 tolls
1837, 153,450 1813, 41,163
1838, 120,083 1814, 87,073
1839, 181,557 11845, 85,774
62
1810, 1,867 f 1816, 156,833
135;301
isn;
If these views be correct, then, fellow-citizens,
the question arises, is not the aprroaching elec
tion the most important that has been held for
many years. The re-establishment of old fash
lotted Republican principles, the proper adjust
ment of the Tariff laws, and the prevention of
the extension of Slavery, all depend upon the
result, and the result depends on your active
and hearty zeal, cordial union and faithful labor
in the good cause at the corning elections. To
an intelligent citizen the knowledge of duty is
alone sufficient to warrant its performance.
It may now be necessary to inquire whether
the proper standard-bearer has been selected in
the person of General TAyr.ox to carry out these
wholesome reforms and changes if he should be
elected.
General TArr.on, the candidate of the Whig
party, as well as the choice of many other citi
zens, has ,always sustained the reputation ,of a
high-minded, straight-forward and plain soldier,
VOL, XIII, MI A
whose troth and honor have never liven impeach
ed even by his political foes. Without the cun
ning and, management of the Politician's arta,.
his great' merits as a &Adler and scholar have'
placed him (unsought on his part,) before the
people as a candidate for the pfesideney. He is'
without enemies to punish or intfigiling friends
to reward, consequently impledged and untram
melled except so fur as he in his sound judg
ment has seen proper to develope his views.—•
What are these views
1. He will be bound by the Constitution—
and lir the Constitution, as it is expounded and
explanibd by the judiciary of the United States.
2. He will be bound to take for his guide in
his administration of the National Oovernment,
the riles and doctrines established arid" held by
our first Presidents.
3. He will enter otfi!•e without pledges—that
he may be free to carry out the wishes of tho
people as expressed by their representatives.
4. He will not attempt to influence the action'
of Congress by foreshadowing his own peculiar
notions on mooted questions of doubtful policy,
further than required by the Constitution—nor
will he permit his cabinet to'do so.
5. He will not embarass the airlift of the
people's representatives Ar defeat their will by
the exercise of the Veto Power other than id
cases of extreme hasty legislation, or cleat vio-
lotion of the Constitution.
He will faithfully entry out the wishes of
the people as expressed through their represen
tatives on the subject of the Tarilf—and if the'
Whigs succeed in giving to the, conntry the
principles of the Tariff act (if fBl2 by the re
peal of the Tariff act of 1816, he sanction
their legislation.
. .
7. Ile will not veto or prevent the passage of
tau, passed by Congress in reference to Slavery,
ot. the improvement of rivers and harbors, or
any other matter that constitutionally belongs'
to them to settle.
S. He will prevent and overthrow all schemes
and plans for the conquest of other countries or
for annexing the lands of other ilritionS d these
States.
9. He will pr eat war, because loving truly
toiled through its desolating walks, and witness
ed its sad havoc of the fireside and hearth-s_tone
of his fellow-roan, he feels that it is an evil con
stantly to be aN'Oided, nhless nec,ssity regfiiiekt
eiistenee:
10. He will administer the governinent faith
fully according to the ConstittitiOn. During
his long life of arduous and trying service,
?lever failed to perfOrm all his duties well and ,
faithfully.
11. Ile will proscribe no man for a conscien- -
tious difference of opinion; being a lover of lib
erty of thought himself, he can afford to toler
ate it in others.
He will through his great popularity be
enabled to govern our country without the aid
of organs or irresponsible cabals ; but being
the President of the people, to them alone re
sponsible for his actions, without a cringing sub
serviency to platforms, erected to misguide in
stead of informing the public mind.
In addition to these ticeire reasons for the sup
port of Gen. ZACHARY TAYLOR, the Republic
owes to him a debt of gratitude for his brilliant
military services in the late war. The battles
of Palo Alto, Resat, de la Palms, Monterey
and Buena Vista, will fill the brightest pages in
American history ; and long after the great lead
er in those celebrated battles, having received
his reward on this earth, shall be gathered to
his fathers, will the proud retrospect be made
by succeeding, generations, and just tribute paid
to the memory of the illustrious hero and his
companions in arms.
It may be asked, what assurance is there that
Gen. TAYLOR will carry out the views that aro
herein expressed. It is answered—the solemnly
pledged word of the old soldier—a man who
never equivocates—never evades responsibility.
—never asserts an untruth—never speaks harsh
ly of any human being—and who never surren
ders.
On this day two years ago the gallant stand
ard bearer of our party broke up his camp op
posite Matamoros, and commenced that career
of victory at Monterey and Buena Vista, which
filled the world with astonishment and his coun
trymen with pride and exultation. What more"
-appropriate day could have been selected to
commence the campaign against the present oc
cupants of power at Washington city, and what
place more suitable to open the tight, than the
banner county of Pennsylvania. The contest
here begins—the camp is broken up—the army
of freemen have hackled oh their armor—and
if they fail, (hey are unworthy of the gallant
standard bearer whom they have chosen. The
day—the cause—the candidate are worthy of
an exertion. With exertion fairare is impossi
ble, while success will heap many rich bless
ings arid comforts upon yourselves, your neigh
bors, the country and posterrity.
A correct life of Lewis Cass.
The Wheeling Times has commenced
another life of Gen. Cass, in which sev-I
eral incidents will be named which have*
been strangely neglected by the whale
rim. The work is to be beautifully ii-
lustrated by an engraving of the identi-,
cal black cockade that he wore, the full
picture of the pedling wagon he sent
out from Detroit to follow his payment
of Indian Annuities, and the sword he
broke. It will also contain his letters
from France opoii the tariff—his vote om
the sabjeet of Internal Improvernenta
--his letters to the Chicago Convention'
—a synopsis of his Wilmot Proviso
and annexation letters—a copy , of his
letter from the Canard bridge to Gen.
Hull, asking whether he Should fight, (af
ter Snelling had put the rtidians fiti flight)
similie of the canoes in which'
he crossed over the Northwestern lakes
from Detroit, holding Indian treaties at
$8 per day, while drawing a salark of
$2OOO as Goiernor,—engravings of
several pieces of Mahogany furniture
manufactured in the "Indian Depart..
meat ; " (for the sole use of the Indians:
of coarse)—rt picture of the firer dis
tillery erected in Detroit, a short extract
froth' a well known temperance address,
I and a few extracts from a book entitled
the " King and court of France," and
several other things of interest.
A few more such lives will surely
prove the death of Lewis.—Troy Whig.