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BY JAMES CLARK
VOL. XIIT, NO. 4,
TERMS
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tiM3l - I= lO l,M Za
OF THE
kora'. ANDREW STEW.A.RT,
OF PENS YLVANIA,
In reply to the arguments put forth by Messrs.
Polk and Walker on the subject of the Tariff.
Mr. STEWART, said that when he
obtained the floor it had been with no
design or desire to reply to the remarks
of the gentleman over the way from Illi
nois, (Mr. MCCLERNARDO in laudation
of the President and the policy of his
administration. He had had a very dif
ferent object in view. But lie felt so
strongly tempted to say a few words in
reply that he could not wholly refrain,
but would occupy only a few minutes in
making a few passing remarks on some
of the positions the gentleman had taken.
The eloquent gentleman from Illinois
had pronounced a most splendid and
high-wrought eulogium on the President
of the United Statas. It was a eulogy
not on any one of the departed, but on
the living, ruling, reigning President of
the day. The gentleman informed the
members of the House that ours was
" a MODEL President." As for such Pres
idents as Washington, and Madison, and
Jefferson, they sank into utter insignifi
cance before the finished perfection of
James K. Polk, the " model President,"
now living. And the gentleman went
on to say that it had been reserved for
this, our model President, to build up
the great Democratic column that was to
stand as the bright and enduring monu
ment of his administration. Well, sir,
inquired Mr. S., and what sort of a col
umn.is it 1 And bow has it been erect
ed? In the first place, in order to clear
place (or it to stand on, this model
President began by tearing down and
utterly demolishing the great Democrat
ic column which Washington, and
Jefferson, and Madison, and Monroe
had, by their joint labors, built up.—
And when he had got this down, then he
set himself to work to build up a new one
in its place--a column of military glory.
Built of what Why, sir, of the bones
of the best portion of the American peo
ple, victims of the climate and of the
sword in a foreign land, and lie has ce
mented it with their blood. ' The old
Washington and Jefferson column—a
column of wisdom and of peace—had
long stood amidst the storms of our po
litical atmosphere ; and when' and how
was that erected At the foundation
lay the great system of internal improve
ments, recommended first by Washing
ton himself, and sustained as the policy
of every subsequent Administration—
rivers, harbors, arid all. (The gentle
man quite forgot to tell us that in knock
ing down the old column, he had utter
ly demolished the only system by which
his own constituents and his own dis
trict and State ever had, or ever would
receive a single dollar out of the United
States Treasury; this he entirely omit
ted to mention.) The second stone in
this glorious old Washingtonian column
was the great protective system. This
he has laid flat with the ground that lie
might replace it by a system which
takes off taxes from the labor of foreign
ers to impose them on the necks and the
strong arms of our own native laboring
population—a system which must soon
come to direct taxation in order to sus
tain the extravagance and gratify the
ambition of this our model President.—
The old Democratic column of Jefferson
and Washington being thus demolished,
how is this new Polk coin= construct
ed—this magnificent column which has
called forth to so enthusiastic a degree
the admiration of the honorable gentle
man from Illinois. The first, the foun
dation stone of this stupendous struc
ture, was the Subtreasury ; and so wor
thy was this of its important position
that in a little while the Administration
would not have a single dollar to place
in its vaults ; no, not one bit of coin to
jingle against another ; and Congress
would soon be refreshed by an appeal
from this model man to repeal the great
Subtreasury law. The next stone in
this modern Democratic column was
the present glorious WAR-a war which,
as the gentleman from Illinois boasted,
had been brought on by the President
himself. In that the gentleman was cer
tainly right. The war was brought on
by the President alone, by his own indi
vidual act, without submitting the ques
tion of its propriety to Congress, then
• HUNTINGDON, PA., TUESDAY, JANUARY 26, 1848.
in session at the other end of the avenue.
For all- that has followed that act he is
responsible, and he may have the glory
and the responsibility together. .Next
came a great and overshadowing navy.
And the uone that next was laid was a
tremendous national debt. Yes, that
was his Jeffersonian democracy ; that
was his admiration for Jeffersonian doc
trine. Next was built into this column
a vast standing army of ninety or one
hundred thousand men ; and, to crown
the whole, a system of oppressive taxa
tion to discharge the debt, imposed not
on foreigners, but upon the labor and
domestic industry of the people of the
United States. Here stood the magnifi
cent Democratic column of Mr. Polk's
administration—a column built up with
the skulls and bleaching bones of our
best citizens, cemented by their blood!
It is set up for the admiration of man
kind ! And the gentleman from Illinois
seems to revel, with his model master,
in the contemplation of so sublime a
piece of Executive architecture. They
seem to revel in delight at the view.—
But they have quaffed their cup of glo
ry to its very dregs, its dregs of bitter
ness and gall. Now let them swim in
the oceans of blood that had been spilt!
Let them sport their pleasure-boat in the
rivers of tears shed by orphan children
and their widowed mothers! They ap
peared delighted to look around them ;
they listened with rapture to the music
of the groans of the dying—of the cries
of children made fatherless—of the ag
onized shrieks and despairing cries of
the widows which the sword had made.
But, while thus gaily sailing and listen
ing to music so grateful to their ears,
there was a phantom—a ghost—a horri
ble shadow, which rose suddenly to
"sear their eye-balls" in the midst of
this joyous revelry. What was it 1—
The gentleman raised his eyes and look
ed across the way to this side of the
' House, and cried out to us, in a hollow
voice, that seemed to shake with sudden
fear, " Don't get behind that military
chieftain !" Aye, sir ; lie saw a shadow
dressed in arms, with noddipg plume,
and he turned pale at the ERht. And
why were we not to gather behind thig
" noble old chieftain '!" Was it because
he never led his followers but to victoryl
But, sir, if the mere shadow of that
nodding crest so affrighted the gentle
man, how will he sustain himself when
he beholds the living reality in breath
and being 1 How will his heart beat
when he hears the rattling of grape and
canister 1 when the roar of small arms
and great guns falls upon his ears 1—
What will be the feeling at the white
house then 1 Sir, the gentleman and
his party, his model President and all,
will fly before him as did the Mexicans
,
at Buena Vista.
The gentleman told us another thing.
He was not content with holding up Mr.
Polk as the model President : he said he
was the " reflex of popular opinion."—
Yes, sir; that was it ; "the reflex of
popular opinion." Aye, indeed? Mr.
Polk the reflex of popular opinion in
this country ! '‘‘ hy, sir, I will point
the gentleman, on that subject, to an
other "reflex" (an humble one, it may
be) of public opinion. Let him cast
his eyes on this side of the House and
on that side ; at the last session Mr.
Polk's majority in this House was near
ly two to one ; but where is the major
ity now, sir 1 Here is a little " reflex"
for the gentleman to look on, and for the
President too.
(Mr. MCCLERNARD interposed to make
some remark in reply ; but, owing to his
position and some noise in the hall, it
was wholly lost to the Reporter.)
Mr. STEWART resumed. Yes, sir,
here is one " reflex," and there will be
another "reflex" when old Rough and
Ready comes. ,He will drive the gen
tleman and his party where they never
will be seen again. I leave this reflex
to the gentleman and his reflections ; let
him contrast it with the splendid col
umn which his model President has
built of the bones and blood of armies'
and navies, of debt and taxation piled
up mountain high, for the admiration of
posterity !
But enough of this. I rose for the
purpose of examining a recent Report of
the Secretary of the Treasury which has
been lauded here and elesewhere as "the
greatest production of the age ;" a doc
ument which has been printed in the
German, and in 1 dont't know how ma
ny other languages, and it has been pro
fusely circulated among the people ; and
it is working in every direction that
effect for which it was intended by mis
leading and deceiving the people on the
subject of the tariff of 1846. I will
here say, in my place, that never did an
official paper emanate from any civilized
Government in the world which contain
ed so many falsehoods, (I cannot use
any milder term,) falsehoods so numer
ous and so grosi. Falsehoods, not in
hundreds or in thousands misstated, but
[CORRECT PRINCIPLES-SUPPORTED BY TRUTH.
falsehoods in millions and hundreds of
millions of dollars. That its statements
are false I am prepared to prove from
the Secretary's own reports. I will
show from his own figures that he has
fallen into mistakes, or misstatements
of the truth, in one case of eighty-two
millions ; in another instance of one
hundred and seventy-five millions ; in
another of four hundred and one mil
lions, and in another of four hundred and
twenty-three millions. 1 do not say, I
will not positively charge, that these
misstatements were made with design;
with that question it belongs not to me
to meddle ; hut I say that his own fig
ures prove the fact to be so. I will give
the Secretary's own figures, exposing
thsje-gross, their palpable misstatements
—hook and page, and I pray gentlemen
to take them and show them to Mr.
Walker, and let him deny or explain
them away if he can. This wonderful
effort of financial ability, this greatest
production of the age, is so replete with
monstrous errors that it is not wonder
ful that the honorable Secretary should
have fainted (as he is said to have done)
under the amazing task of producing
them and endeavoring to put them forth
as truth. Sir, it is an easy thing to
prove the truth to be trite ; but the task
of working error into truth is too great
for even the sublime genius, the hercu
lean ability of Mr. Walker himself; and
I any it is no wonder . he fainted under
the attempt.
Sir, the honorable Secretary has in his
report three great objects in-view. The
first is to prove that low duties always
produce increased revenue; the second
is to prove that the reduction of duties
has produced not only an increase of
imports but of exports, and especially
of the exports of bread-stuffs and pro
visions ; and the third is to show that,
by reducing the duties and increasing
imports, he has benefitted the farming,
mechanical, and manufacturing inter
ests of the country. Yes, to show that
importing foreign goods y millions on
millions, and sending money out of the
country to pay for them, is the way to
help the interests of American labor!—
Yet so says the Secretary.
The first position this report attempts
to establish is that his project of redu
cing duties has produced an increase of
eight Millions of dollars in the revenue.
So far is this from being true, or any
thing like the truth, that I will show
that instead of brining into the Treas
ury eight millions more, it has actually
brought $7,202,657 less than would
have been received during the last year,
had the tariff of 1842 remained in oper
ation; a blunder of the small amount
of fifteen millions of dollars in a single
year. . .
If gentlemen will look at the first
pages of the three last annual reports of
the Secretary they will find that, by his
own showing, the tariff of 1842 produ
ced, in 1845, $27,528,112 ; in 1846,
$26,712,667; and in 1847, under Mr.
Walker's tariff of 1846, he received
only $23,747,864, almost three millions
less than was received in 1846, and
nearly four millions less than in 1845.
Now, sir, by looking at the late report
of the Secretary, it appears that last
year we imported about ten and a half
millions more dutiable goofs than in
1845, which, at 32 per cent., the aver
age duties under the tariff of 184.2,
would yield $3,416,429, which, with the
excess received in 1845 over 1847, $3,-
718,288, makes $7,202,657 more reve
nue which would have been received if
the tariff of 1842 had not been repeal
ed. This is mathematically true; and
yet, in the face of these facts, the Pres
ident and Secretary says the revenue
has been increased more than eight
millions of dollars.
In his report of last session he gives
his own estimate for the proceeds of the
present or last year (1847) at $27,835,-
731; yet it has actually produced but
$23,147,864, more than four millions
less than his own official estimate. Yet
both he and the model President say that
the tariff has more than realized the
most sanguine hopes of its friends !
I confess I do not comprehend state
ments like these. Perhaps the Secretary
may explain them.
Now as to the modus operandi, the
legerdemain, the sleight-of-hand by
which falsehoods are made to appear
true, the plan by which he attempts to
make it out that he has received more
revenue under the tariff of 1846 than
was received under that of 1842. How
is this done '1 It is done by cutting up
the years ; taking a few months of one
year and four or five months of another
—five months under the tariff of 1842
and seven under the tariff of 1846.
Every body knows the tariff of 1846
was passed in July, and did not go into
operation till December; during this
time imports paying duties were almost
entirely arrested. The fact being that
the duties would in a few months be
greatly reduced, a very large amount of
goods which would have come in and
paid duty according to the then existing
tariff of 1842 were withheld till the du
ties come down. They were piled up
in warehouses or kept in bond till the
tariff of 1846 and low duties took effect;
besides, goods which had paid heavy
duties were re-exported, and the duties
withdrawn from the Treasury. During
this period, of course, little revenue, in
comparison, was coming in, though the
country was still nominally under the
tariff of 1842. Now these are the months
which this very fair and candid Secre
tary takes for his estimate of the pro
duce of the tariff of 1842. As soon as
the reduced tariff of 1846 went into op
eration all these goods,
which had been
held back waiting for the reduced duties,
were at once poured in, and in pours rev
enue by millions. The goods and duties
withdrawn from the tariff of 1842 now
return under the tariff of 1846 ; and
these are the months which this truth
seeking Secretary takes, as showing the
comparative product of this model tariff,
contrasted with five mouths of the tariff
of 1842, giving a little over seven mil
lions, when, for.twe years before, thel
revenue had exec - piled no average of
twenty-sevean millions! And this is put
forth as a fair compalrison. This in no
deception. 011, no ; this is fair. This
is the way to bring truth to the.people!
He might as well compare the 'strength
of a giant and that of a child, A?. ,put
ting down what the giant could lift
when on his sick bed and in has last
hours, and what the child could lift in
the vigor of health and under a sudden'
and violent excitement: Would this be
a very satisfactory way of proving that
the child was stronger than the giant 1
The next thing the learned Secretary
attempts to prove is, that under low du
ties more revenue is always obtained
than under high duties. To show this
he selects ten years' income under a
high tariff and ten years under a low
one. He selects ten years, from 1832
Ito 1842, under the compromise. bill, for
his low tariff, and ten years, from 1824
to 1832, eight years under the high tar
iff of 13)21 and 1828, with two years
under the tariff of 1842, as the high tar
iff period. Now, I assert that, in the
very years on which he relies, and which
he has selected for the comparison, his
own figures prove, not that he got less
revenue under the high than the low
paid, but it proves that he got eighty-two
millions more under the high tariff than
he did under the low. For the proof, I
refer gentlemen and the Secretary to
his own official report on the finances in
in 1845, page 95G. Here you have his
own report. Take it down, gentlemen ;
I desire you to take a minute of what I
state ; for what I say 1 can prove. I
hope the chancellor of the exchequer
that was (Mr..MeKAY) will pay special
attention to these-statements. I say, on
Mr. Walker's own showing, that under
the ten years of low tariff the receipts
were $214,885,858, and that under the
high tariff years the receipts were
$297,812,215. The difference in favor
I of the high tariff is $82,956,35G—55,-
295,635 per year; and yet the Secretary
and the President say. that all experi
ence proves that low tariffs give the
most revenue! Whether such state
ments proceeded from ignorance or de
sign lie would not say, but it was one or
the other. I refer (said Mr. S.) to day,
to date, book, and page. Let them look
at it. 1 want Mr. Walker himself to
look at it. I suppose when he sent us
his book, with all these confident state
ments, supported by figures too, he
thought it would answer its purpose.—
He owes it to his character for truth and
candor to come out and admit or deny
this statement, or authorize some friend
to do it for him on this floor. Will it
be done'? We will see.
And now for his positions on the sub
ject of exports. The Secretary affirms
that the balance of trade is always in
our favor under a low tariff; that our
exports exceed our imports, and that
the exports of breadstuffs and provisions
are especially increased. Now I say
that, deducting the imports during the
ten years of high tariffs, selected by the
Sectetary for comparison, from the im
ports during the ten years of low tariffs,
and it would appear that the balance
against the country under the low tariffs
was $101,976,076—equal to $40,197,-
607 a year; and, deducting during each
period the goods re-exported, the bal
ance against the country would he in
creased to the sum of $423,455,
And how had it been paid? By two hun
dred millions of State bonds, sent to Eu
rope to pay for goods ; a mercantile debt
of nearly an equal amount, resulting at
the cud of the low duty period, in 1840,
'4l, and '42, in repudiation and bank
ruptcy, State, national, and individual,
throughout the land. Yet we are told
by the President and Secretary that low
dutia;; produce prosperity. national and
individual, and especially the prosperitY j tariff or compromise bill of 1833. Yes, I
of the farmers and laborers of. the "toil- repeat it; during four years of the opera
ing millions." tion of the "hil! of abominations" our ex-
But this is not all. Take the exports ports of breadstuffs(wheat,flour,corn,and
from the imports during these ten years corn meal)were one hundred times great
of low duties, and it will be found that er to England than during four years
the debt against the people of the Uni- under the compromise bill. Yet the
ted States in favor of foriegners is $176, Secretary says the exports of bread
-166,242. What a sum of national pros- stuffs have uniformi t y been less under a
perity is here exhibited ! high than under a low tariff!
Such is the evidence in favor of Mr. (Here Mr. Hor.mEs, of South Carolina,
Walker's position that low tariffs always dolled for the proof of Mr. Stewart's po
turn the balance of trade in our favor.— sition.) . .
Such are the happy effects of his policy Mt. STEW AliT. The gentleman
of free trade. Low tariffs always have shall have it. I will give'it to him. Here
been and always will be the ruin of the it is. I have got it from official reports,
country. Let any man look at the scenes carefully revised by an officer of this
of general distress which always have House. Here is the . result". He would
followed this insane policy ; the ruin of give the details in tabular form hereof- .
flourishing establishments, the multi- ter; they were ready, but he had no
tiplieation of bankruptcies, tlie advertise- time to read them now; his brief hour
meats of sheriffs sales, the destruction of was fast running away,'and with all the
credit and confidence, the prostration of haste he could make he would not be •
enterprise, the stagnation of trade and , able to get half through what he Wish.
general condition of discontent and mis- ed to say. But lie would furnish the
ery which have invariably succeeded gentleman from South Carolina (Mr.'
the adoption of these false and visionary HoLlues) with the information he desk
theories, and he will find one of the best red; he could only give him the aggre- -
criterions to judge of their political gates.
soundness. And such, 1 say, will al- In four years, from 1835 to 1839, un
ways be the consequences of a repetition der low duties, we imported from Great
of the experiment. Mr. Walker says Britain $253,000,000 worth of goods,
that they never have followed. I say equal to $63,000,000 a year, and she
they always have. Their whole theory , took from us during this period of low
is a mistake, and practice will ever so duties $94,629 worth of breadstuffs,
prove it to be ; and when it is put forth equal to $23,657 per year ! Well, now
in the very. face of facts which every in- for the high tariff of 1828, which lasted
tehligent malt knows, it is difficult to re- four years, from 1828 to 1833. During
sist the conclusion that it is done to de., this time we took from Great Britain
ceive • that there is an object to be at- $142,000,000 worth of goods, equal to
tamed by misleading the public mind. j $35,000,000 a year; and she took from
Again : the Secretary asserts that low us, under this enormously high tariff,
duties have always been accompanied $9,504,241 worth of .our breadstuffs,
by a greatly increasediexport of bread. equal to $2,376,060 per year. We, un
stuffs. And he atributes the sudden der the high tariff; taking about half as
augmentation in those exports during much of her goods, and she taking one
the last season, not to the famine in Ire- hundred times as much of our bread
land and over the South of Europe • not stuffs. Yet the Secretary and Presi
at all; but solely to his model tariff' of dent say that low duties always have
1846 ! This is what has done it all.— and always will increase the exporta-
Low duties, not starvation, have indu- tion of our breadstuffs! Yet the Seers
ced the people of the old world suddenly ' taffy says that if we do no not take more
to eat Indian meal and call out for Amer- British goods in pay for our breadstuffsi
icanflour and American beef. But I wish "England will have to pay specie for
to ask him—and I put the same question our breadstuffS, and, not having it to
to Southern gentlemen—if this reduction spare, she will take less or pay less for
of duties is the thing which has prat!. our cotton."
ced so large an export of breadstufh's, , Yes, let the gentleman from South
pray why had it not in this same degree Carolina, (Mr. HoutEs) put these
increased the exports of cotton and to. amounts down and disprove them if lie
baco 1 The export of cotton under this can. Let him take it to Mr. Walker—
model tariff of our model President has if he does not I will send it to him, and
been less by four tnillions of dollars than call upon him to vindicate himself from
the average exports of ten years past , the charge of having given his official
from 1535 to 1845. sanction and the weight of his high sta-
What did this 1 What produce&this tion to these gross naisstatements,calcu
falling off under this beautiful free trade fated if not intended to deceive the peo
policy ? Was that, too, the fruit of the pie. He has stuffed every page almost
tariff of 1846 1 Why as there been no of his report full of breadstuff's. But
increased export of cotton 1 Southern lam mistaken if he will not be sick of
gentlemen, cotton growers, how is thisi j his breadstuffs before all is over. [A
And you, ye tobacco growers, how comes laugh.] In 1836 we imported eighty
it that, under Mr. Walker's patent ma- F six millions worth of British goods,
chine to increase exports, the export of and she took from us in breadstuffs the
tobacco has fallen off a million and n heavy amount of $1,684; that is, wo
half 1 What say you to that 1 Was take $460 from her in her manufactures
this the happy abet of the tariff of 1840 to every single cent she takes from us
The Secretary tells us that the steirva- in the form of our breadstuffs. And let
tion in Europe has had little or nothing it not be forgotten that of those very
to do with the consumption thereof oar manufactures more than one-eighth part
breadstuffs; nothing whatever. Well ; of the whole value is made tip of Brit•
the starvation has ceased, breadstiitfp ish breadstuff's consumed in the making
are down, and now the redoubtable Mr. of the goods. (When I say Britain, I
Secretary Walker is like to be caught , mean England, Ireland, and Scotland,
in his own trap ! I tell you that in a fewnot her dependencies.)
,
weeks more the corn laws in England, The gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Mc
sliding-scale and all will be in full oper- CLERNARD) congratulates himself very
ation. They were merely suspended, highly on the repeal of the tariff of 1842.
not repealed, during the famine; and Now, he probably forgets that his own
now, when the famine is over, and Mr. district consumed, in 1836,. $373,913
Walker is caught in Sir Robert Peel's worth of British goods to every $732
trap, the corn laws go into full eflbct on she took of its agricultural products--
the first day of March next, and then assuming that his district consumes in
exports cease, the revenue falls off, and proportion to all others. Yet we are
Mr. Walker will have to appeal to up congratulated on the great increase in
to restore the tariff of 1842, to replen- the export of breadstuffs tinder low du
ish his empty Subtreasury and feed the ties!
starving armies, civil and military, at What I have here stated I hold my
home and abroad. self bound to maintain. The statements
He next tells us with infinite satisfac- cannot be suceesfully contradicted.— .
tion that his report in favor of free trade They will not be contradicted. I doubt
and British goods in 1845 was reprinted whether it will be attempted. They may
in England ; that "Sir Robert Peel raised j reply, but they cannot and will not at.
his eyes to the light of truth." No won- • tempt to disprove those facts. They are
der Sir, Robert raised his eyes in aston- I afraid to deny and ashamed to admit
ishment. No wonder that he suspen- thorn. [A voice : it will be answered,
ded the duties on breadstuffs, and let probably, by a personal attack.] Well,
them in to feed Ireland that was star- so be it. lam used to personal attacks
ving. But, when that fit of starvation is but they have not and cannot deter me
relieved, the protection to British ag- from the fearless discharge of my duty
riculture as well as manufactures is at on this floor.
once restored. I Again : the Secretary says another
The Secretary asserts that under high thing. He says that by the tariff' of
tariffs the export of breadstuff's has al- 1846 duties have been reduced from 100
ways fallen off. The whole experience and 200 per cent. down to 20 and 30 per
of the past, he says, establishes this cent. ; that three-fifths of the duty has
general fact; and he wants our farmers • been taken off of ircu; and more than one
to look at the fact. Now, I aver that for half the duty off of coal : and yet ho
four years under the highest tar- says the price of iron is higher than it
awe ever had—l mean the "bill of , was before, and of coal too. Well, sir,
abominations," the tariff of 1828—we if the fact is so, who then is benefited
exported to Great Britain ( England, by the reduction of the duty The fop
Scotland, and Ireland) a hundred times as eigner, most clearly, and the foreigner
much breadstuff': as we did during four alone. American consumers pay more
years from 1835 to 1839, under the low for their iron than they 'lard before. Thy
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EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
WHOLE NO. 626.