Ilt\TI)G10.) JOUP'NAL
tY JAMES CLARK
VOL. XII, NO. 49.
ormion or MR. CLAY,
At the Mass Meeting in Lexington, Ky., on
Saturday, November 13, 1847.
After tho organization of the meeting, Mr. ClL►z
tose end addreesed it suhatanlielly as follow.:
Ladies and Gentlemen:
The day is dark and gloomy, unsettled
and uncertain, like the condition of our
country, in regard to the unnatural war
with Mexico. The public mind is agita
ted and anxious, and is filled with se
rious apprehensions as to its indefinite
continuance, and especially as to the con
sequences which its termination may
bring forth, menacing the harmony, if
not the existence, of our Union.
It is under these circumstances, I pre
sent myself before you. No ordinary
occasion would hive drawn me from the
retirement in which 1 live ; but, whilst
a single pulsation of the human heart
remains, it should, if necessary, be ded
icated to the service of one's country.—
And I have hoped that, although I am a
private and humble citizen, an expres
sion of the views and opinions I enter
tain, might form some little addition to
the general stock of information, and
afford a small assistance in delivering
our country from the perils and dangers
which surround it.
I have come here with no purpose to
attempt to make a fine speech, or any
ambitious oratorical display. I have
brought with me no rhetorical boquetsl
to throw into this assemblage. In the ,
circle of the year autumn has come, and
the season of flowers has passed away.
In the progress of years, my spring time
has gone by, and I too am in the autumn
of life, and feel the frost of age. My
desire and aim are to address you, ear
nestly, calmly, seriously and plainly,
upon the grave and momentous subjects
which have brought us together. And
I am most solicitous that not a solitary
word may fall from me, offensive to any
party or person in the whole extent of
the Union.
War, pestilence, and famine, by the I
common consent of mankind, are the ,
three greatest calamities which can be
fit! our species ; and war, as the most
direful, justly stands foremost and in '
front. Pestilence and famine, no doubt
for wise although inscrutable purposes, !
are inflictions of Providence, to which it
is our duty, therefore, to bow with obe
dience,
humble submission and resigna
tion. Their duration is not long, and
their ravages are limited. They bring,
indeed, great affliction whilst they last,
but society soon recovers from their ef
fects. War is the voluntary work of
our own hands, and whatever reproach
es it may deserve should be directed to
ourselves. When it breaks out, its do
ration is indefinite and unknown—its
vicissitudes are hidden from our view.
la the sacrifice of human life, and in the
waste of human treasure, in its losses
and in its burthrns, it affects both bel
ligerent nations; and its sad effects of
mangled bodies, of death, and of deso
lation, endure longafter its thunders are
hushed in peace.
War unhinges society, '
disturbs its peaceful and regular indus
try, and scatters poisonous seeds of dis
ease and immorality, which continue to
germinate and diffuse their baneful in
fluence long after it has ceased. Daz
zling by its glitter, pomp and pageant
ry, it begets a spirit of wild adventure
and romantic enterprize, and often dia.
qualifies those who embark in it, after
their return from the bloody fields of
battle, from engaging in the industrious
and peaceful vocations of life.
We are informed by a statement, which
is apparently correct, that the number
of our countrymen slain in this lamen
table Mexican war, although it has yet
been of only 18 months existence, is
equal to one half of the whole of the
American loss during the seven years
war of the Revolution ! And I venture
to assert that the expenditure of treas
ure which it has occasioned, when it
shall come to be fairly ascertained and
footed up, will be found to be more than
half of the pecuniary cost of the war of
our Independence. And this is the con
dition of the party whose arms have
been every where and constantly victo-
rious !
How did we unhappily pet involved in
this war 1 It was predicted Rohe con
sequence of the annexation of IZexas to
the United States. if we had not Texas,
we should have no war. The people
were told that if that event happened,
war would ensue. They were told that
the war between Texas and Mexico had
not been terminated by a treaty of peace ;
that Mexico still claimed Texas as a re
volted province: and that, if we receiv
ed Texas in our Union, we took alone
with her, the war existing between her
and Mexico. And the Minister of Mex
ico formally announced to the Govern
ment at Washington, that his nation
would consider the annexation of Texas
to the United States as producing a state
of war. But all this was denied by the
partizans of annexation. 'they insisted tinue the conflict, without any visible
we should have no war, and even impu- ob c je-t, or any prospect of a definite ter
ted to those who foretold it, sinister mo- munition This is the important sub
tives for their groundless prediction. I ject upon which I desire to consult and
But, notwithstanding a state of virtual to commune with you. Who, in this free
war necessarily resulted from the fact government, is to decide upon the ob
of annexation of one of the belligerents jects of a war, at its commencement, or
to the United States, actual hostilities lat any time during its existence Does'
might have been probably averted by the power belong to the Nation in the 1
prudence, moderation, and wise states- collective wisdom of the Nation in Con-1
manship. If General Taylor had been I gress assembled, or is it vested solely In
permitted to remain, where his own good i a single functionary of the government?
sense prompted him to believo he ought A declaration of war is the highest and
to remain, at the point of Coi ;,tis Christi ; most awful exercise of sovreignty. The
and if a negotiation had been opened Convention, which framed our federal
with Mexico, in a true spirit of amity constitution, had learned from the pages
and conciliation, war possibly might of history that it had been often and
have been prevented. But, instead of greatly abused. It had seen that war
this pacific and moderate course, whilst had often been commenced upon the
Mr. Slidell was bending his way to I most trifling pretexts ; that it had been
Mexico, with his diplomatic credentials, ' frequently waged to establish or exclude
General Taylor was ordered to transport a dynasty ; to snatch a crown from the
his cannon, and to plant them, in a war- , head of one potentate and place it upon
like attitude, opposite to Matamoros, on the head of another ; that it had often
the east bank of the Rio Bravo, within been prosecuted to promote alien and
the very disputed territory, the adjust- I other interests than those of the nation
ment of which was to be the object of I whose chief had proclaimed it, as in the
Mr. Slidell's mission. What else could Icase of English wars for Hanoverian in
have transpired but a conflict of arms 11 terests ; and, in short, that such a vast
Thus the war commenced, and the 1 and tremendous power ought not to be
President, after having produced it, ap- • confided to the perilous exercise of one
pealed to Congress. A bill was propo-1 single man. The Convention, therefore,
sed to raise 50,000 volunteers, and in resolved to guard the war making pow
order to commit all who should vote for ler against those great abuses, of which,
it a preamble was inserted falsely at- in the hands of a monarch it was so
tributing the commencement of the war susceptible. And the security, against
to the act of Mexico. I have no doubt those abuses which its wisdom devised,
of the patriotic motives of those who, was to vest the war-making power in
after struggling to divest the bill of that the Congress of the United States, being
flagrant error, found themselves con-. the immediate representatives of the
strained to vote for it. But I must say people and the States. So apprehensive
that no earthly consideration would have and jealous was the Convention of its
ever tempted or provoked me to vote for abuse in any other hands, that it inter
s bill, with a palpable falsehood stamped dicted the exercise of the power to any
on its face. Almost idolizing truth, as State iu the Union, without the consent
I do, I never, never, could have voted of Congress. Congress, then,
in our
for that bill. system of government, is the sole depos-
The exceptionable conduct of the Fed-'
eral party, during the last British War,
has excited an influence in the prosecu
tion of the present war, and prevented
a just discrimination between the two
wars. That was 'a war of National de
fence, required for the vindication of the
National rights and honor, and deman
ded by the indignant voice of the peo
ple. President Madison himself, I know,
at first reluctantly and with great doubt
and hesitation, brought himself to the
conviction that it ought to be declared.—
A leading, and perhaps the most influ
ential member of his Cabinet, (Mr. Gal
latin,) was, up to the time of its decla
ration opposed to it. But nothing could
withstand the irresistable force of pub
lic sentiment. It was a just war, and
its great object, as announced at the
time, was, " Free Trade and Sailors
Rights," against the intolerable and op
pressive acts of British power on the
ocean. The justice of the war, far from
being denied or controverted, was ad
mitted by the Federal party, which only
questioned it on considerations of policy.
Being deliberately and constitutionally
declared, it was, I think, their duty to
have given to it their hearty co-opera
tiou. But the mass of them did not.—
. They continued to oppose and thwart it,
to discourage loans and enlistments, to
deny the power of the General Govern
ment to march the militia beyond our
limits, and to hold a Hartford Conven
tion, which, whatever were its real ob
jects, bore the aspect of seeking a dis
solution of the Union itself ; They lost
and justly lost the public confidence.—'
But has not an apprehension of a simi
lar fate, in a state of a case widely dif
ferent, repressed a fearless expression ,
of their real sentiments in some of our
public men 1
How totally variant is the present war!
This is no war of defence, but one un
necessary and of offensive aggression.—
It is Mexico that is defending her fire
sides, her castles and her altars, not we.
And how different also is the conduct of
the Whig party of the present day from
that of the major part of the federal par
ty during the war of 1812 ! Far from
interposing any obstacles to the prosecu
tion of the war, if the NI higs in office
are reproachable at all, it is for having
lent too ready a facility to it, without
careful examination into the objects of
the war. And, out of office, who have'
rushed to the prosecution of the war
with more ardor and alacrity than the
Whigs 1 Whose hearts have bled more
freely than those of the Whigs! Who
have more occasion to mourn the loss of
sons, husbands, brothers, fathers, than
whig parents, whig wives and whig
brothers, in this deadly and unprofitable
strife 1
But the havoc of war is in progress,
and the no less deplorable havoc of an
inhospitable and pestilential climate.—
Without indulging in an unnecessary
retrospect and useless reproaches on the
past, all hearts and heads should unite
in the patriotic endeavor to bring it to a
satisfactory close. Is there no wuy that
this can be done Must we blindly con
[CORRECT PRiNCIPLES7---EMPPORTED BY TRUTH,'
HUNTINGDON, PA., TUESDAY, DECEMBER 7 , 1847.
itory of that tremendous power,
The Constitution provides that Con
gross shall have power to declare war,
and grant letters of marque and repri
sal, to make rules concerning captures
on land and water, to raise and support
armies, to provide and maintain a navy,
and to make rules for the government of
the land and naval forces. Thus we
perceive that the principal power, in re
gard to war, with all its auxiliary atten
dants, is granted to Congress. When
ever called upon to determine upon the
solemn question of peace or war, Con
gress must consider and deliberate and
decide upon the motives, objects and
causes of the war. And, if a war be
commenced without any previous decla
ration of its objects, as in the case of
tke existing war with Mexico, Congress
tnust necessarily possess the authority,
at any time, to declare for what purpo
ses it shall be further prosecuted. If
we suppose Congress doei not possess
the controlling authority attributed to it ;
if it be contended that a war having
been once commenced, the President of
the United States may direct it to the
accomplishment of any objects he plea
ses, without consulting and without any
regard to the will of Congress; the Con
vention will have utterly failed in guard
ing, the nation against the abuses and
ranbition of a single individual. Either
Congress, or the President, must have
the right of determining upon the ob
jects for which a war shall be prosecu
ted. There is no other alternative. If
the President possesses it and may pros
ecute it for objects against the trill of
Congress, where is the difference be
tween our free government and that of
any other nation which may be govern
ed by an absolute Czar, Emperor, or
King 1
Congress may omit, as it has omitted
in the present war, to proclaim the ob
jects for which it was commenced or has
been since prosecuted, and in cases of
such omission the President, being char
ged with the employment and direction
of the national force is, necessarily, left
to his own judgment to decide upon the
objects, to the attainment of which that
force shall be applied. But, whenever
Congress sholl think proper to declare,
by some authentic act, for what purpo
ses a war shall be commenced or con
tinued it is the duty of the President to
' apply the national force to the attain
ment of those purposes. In the instance
of the last war with Great Britain, the
act of Congress by which it was decla
red was preceded by a message of Pres
ident Madison enumerating the wrongs
and injuries of which we complained
against Great Britain. That message
therefore, and without it the well known
objects of the war, which was a war
purely of defence, rendered it necessa
ry that Congress should particularize, in
the act, the specific objects for which it
was proclaimed. The whole world kr.ew
that it was a war waged for Free Trade
and Sailors' Rights.
It may be urged that the President
and Senate possess the treaty making
power, without any express limitation
as to its exercise; that the natural and claiming the desire of conquest, peace Shall it be annexed to the United •
ordinary termination of a war is by a would follow in less than sixty days, if States 1 Does any considerate min be
treaty of peace; and therefore, that the the President would conform to his con- liete it possible that two such ifnmense
President and Senate must possess the stitutional duty.j coentries, with territories of nearly
power to decide what stipulations and Here, fellow-ejtizens, I might pause, equal extent, with populations so in
conditions shall enter into such a treaty. having indicated'a , mode by which the congruous, so dinrent, in race, in lan-
But it is not more true that the Presi- nation, through its accredited and legit- gunge, in religion and in !ay.'s, could be
dent and Senate possess the treaty imate representatives in Congress, can blended together in one barathitious
making power, without limitation, than announce for what purpose and objects mass, and happily governed by one rem-.
that Congress possesses the war making this war shall be longer prosecuted, andmon authority 1 Murmurs, divmtt.n4
power, without restriction. These two can thus let the whole people of the I insurrections, rebellion, would inevitably
powers then ought to be so interpreted United States know for what end their ensue, until the incompatible parts would
as to reconcile the one with the other; blood is to be further shed, and their be broken asunder, mid possibly, in ail
and, in expounding the constitution, we treasure further expended, instead of the frightful struggle, our present glorious
ought to keep constantly in view the na- knowledge of it being locked up and Union itself would lie dissevered or
ture and structure of our free govern- concealed in the bosom of one man. We dissolved. We ought not so forget
meet, nnd especially the great object of should no longer perceive the objects of the warning voice of all history,—
the Convention in taking the war making I the war varying, from time to time, ac- which teaches the difficulty of combin
power out of the hands of a single man cording to the changing opinions of the ing and consolidating together, conquer
and placing it. in the safer custody of Chief Magistrate charged with its pros• ing and conquered nations. After the
the representatives of the whole nation. ecution. But Ido not think it right to lapse of eight hundred years, during
The desirable reconciliation between stop here. It is the privilege of the which the Moors held their conquest of
the two powers is effected by attributing people, in their primitive assemblies, Spain, the indomitable courage, perse•
to Congress the right to declare what and of every private man, however hum- verance and obstinacy of the Spanish
shall be the objects of a war, and to the bie, to express an opinion in regard to lace finally triumphed, and expelled the
President the duty of endeavoring to i the purposes for which the war should African invaders from the Peninsula:.
obtain those objects by the direction of be continued; and such an expression And, even within our own time, the co
the national force and by diplomacy. will receive just so much consideration !easel power of Napoleon, when at its
lam broaching no new and speculative and consequence as it is entitled to, and loftiest height, was incompetent to sub
theory. The Statute book of the Uni- no more. due and subjugate the proud Castilian.
ted States is full of examples of prior Shall this war be prosecuted for the And here in °el-own neighborhood, Low
declarations by Congress of the objects purpose of conquering and annexing or Canada, which near one hundred
to be attainted by negotiation with For- Mexico, in all its boundless extent, to years ego, after the conclusion of the
eign powers, and the archives of the Ex- the united States 1 seven years war, was ceded by France
ecutive Department furnish abundant 1 will not attribute to the President to Great Britain, remains a foreign land
evidence of the accomplishment of those any such design ; but I confess I have in the midst of the British provinces,
objects, or the' attempt to accomplish been shocked and alarmed by manifes- foreign in feelings and attachment, and
them, by subsequent negotiation. Prior tntious of it in various quarters. Of all foreign in laws, language and religion.
to the declaration of the last war against the dangers and misfortunes which could And what has been the fact with poor,
Great Britain,in all the restrictive cocas- Ireful this nation, I should regard that of gallant, generous and oppressed Irelandl
urea which Congress adopted, against its becoming a warlike and conquering Centuries have passed since the over
the two great belligerent Powers of Eir. p owe r, the most direful and fatal. His- bearing Saxon overrun and subjugated
rope, clauses were inserted in the sever- tory tells the mournful tale of conquer- the Emerald Isle. Rivers of Irish blood
al acts establishing them, tendering to ing nations and conquerors. The three have flowed, during the long and ardu
both or either of the belligerents the ab- most celebrated conquerors, in the civil- ous contest. Insurrection and rebellion
olition of those restrictions if they lied world, were Alexander, Cesar and have been the order of the day ; and
would repeal their hostile Berlin and Napoleon. The first, after overrunning yet, up to this time, Ireland remains
Milan decrees and Orders in Council, a large portion of Asia, and sighing and alien in feeling, affection and sympathy,
operating against our commerce and lamenting that there were no more towards the power which has so long
navigation. And these act of Congress worlds to subdue, met a premature and borne her down. Every Irishoimi hates,
were invariably communicated, through ignoble death. His Lieutenants quar- with .a mortal hatred, his Saxon oppres
the Executive, by diplomatic notes, to relied and warred with each other, as to sor. Although there are great territorial
France and Great Britain, as the basis the spoils of his victories, and finally differences between the condition of
upon which it was proposed to restore lost them all. Ciesar, after conquer. England and Irelnnd, as compared to
friendly intercourse with them. So, af- mg Gaul, returned, with his triump. that of the United States and Mexico,
ter the termination of the war, various hnnt legions to Rome, passed the there are some points of striking resem
acts of Congress were passed, from time Rubicon, won the battle of Pharsalia, blance between them. Both the Irish and
to time, offering to Foreign Powers the trampled upon the liberties of his court- the Mexicans are probably of the same
principle of reciprocity in the commerce try, and expired by the patriot hand of Celtic race. Both the English and the'
and navigation of the United States Brutus. But Rome ceased to be free. Americans are of the same Saxon origin.
with them. Out of these acts have War and conquest had enervated and The Catholic religion predominates in
sprung a class, and a large class of tree- corrupted the masses. The spirit of both the former, the Protestant among
ties (four or five of which were ne g oti- t rue lib er ty was extinguished, and a long both the latter; religion has been the fruit
wed, whilst I was in the department of line of Emperors succeeded, some of ful cause of dissatisfaction and discon-
State,) commonly called reciprocity whom were the most execrable monsters tent between the Irish and the English
treaties concluded under all the Presi- that ever existed in human form. And nations. Is there no reason to appre
dents, from Mr. Madison to Mr. Van that most extraordinary man, perhaps head that it would become so between
Buren, inclusive. And, with regard to in all history, after subjugating all con- the people of the United States and
commercial treaties, negotiated with the thienal Europe, occupying almost all its those of Mexico, if they were united
sanction of prior acts of Congress, where Capitals, seriously threatening., accord- together 'I Why should we seek to in
they contained either appropriations or iMg to 11 r. Tillers. proud Albion itself, terfere with them in their mode of wor
were in conflict with unrepealed statutes and decking the brows of various mein. ship of a common Saviour 1 We believe
—it has ever been held as the republican hers of his family, with crowns torn that they are wrong, especially in the
doctrine from Mr. Jays's treaty down to from the heads of other monarchs, lived exclusive character of their faith, and
the present time, that the passage of to behold his own dear France itself in that we are right. They think that they
acts of Congress was necessary to se- the possession of his enemies, and was are right and we wrong. What oth
cure the execution of those treaties.— made himself a wretched captive, and er rule can there be than to leave the
If in the matter of Foreign Commerce, far removed from country, family and followers of each religion to their own
in respect to which the power vested in friends, breathed his last on the dis- solemn convictionsof conscientious duty
Congress to regulate it and the treaty tant nnd inhospitable rock of St. Helena, towards God 1 Who, but the great Ar
making power may be regarded as con. The Alps and the Rhine had been claim- biter of the Universe, can judge in such
current, Congress can previously decide ed as the natural boundaries of France, a question 1 For my own part, 1 sin
the objects to which negotiation shall but even these could not be secured i n cerely believe and hope, that those who
be applied, how much stronger is the the treaties to which she was reduced to belong to all the departments of the
case of war; the power to declare which submit. Do you believe that the people great church of Christ, if, in truth and
is confided exclusively to Congressl of Macedon or Greece, of Rome, or of purity they conform to the doctrines
I conclude, therefore, Mr. President France, were benefitted individually or which they profess, will ultimately se
and fellow citizens, with entire confi- collectively by the triumphs of their cure an abode in those regions of bliss ;
dence, that Congress has the right, ei- great captains 1 Their sad lot was im- which all aim finally to reach. I think
ther at the beginning, or during the mouse sacrifice of life, heavy and intol- that there is no potentate in Europe,
prosecution of any war, to decide the erable burdens, and the ultimate loss of I whatever his religion may be, more en
', objects and purposes fur which it was liberty itself. lightened or at this moment so interrest
proclaimed, or for which it ought to be That the power of the U n it e d Stat es ing, as the liberal head of the Papal See.
continued. And, I think it is the duty is competent to the conquest of Me x i co , But 1 suppose it to be impossible that
of Congress, by some deliberate and is quite probable. But it could not be those who favor, if there be any who
authentic act, to declare for what objects achieved without frightful carnage, I favor the annexation of Mexico to the
the present war shall he longer prosecu. dreadful sacrifices of human life, and I United States, can think that it ought
ted. 1 suppose the President would not the creation of an onerous national debt; to be perpetually governed by military
hesitate to regulate his conduct by the I nor could it be completely eflected, in sway. Certainly no votary of human
pronounced will of Congress, and to em. all probability, until after the lapse of liberty could deem it right that a vi
ploy the force and the diplomatic power many years. It would be necessary to olation should be perpetrated of the
of the nation to execute that will. But, loccupy all its strong hold s , t o di sarm i ts great principles of our own revolution,
If the President should decline or refuse inhabitants, and to keep them in con- according to which, laws ought not to
to do so, and, in contempt of the sit- straw fear and subjection. To consilm. be enacted and taxes ought not to
preme authority of Congress, should mate the work, I presume that standing be levied, without representation on the
persevere in waging the war, for other I armies, not less titan a hundred thousand part of those who are to obey the one
objects than those proclaimed by Con- men, would be necessary, to be kept and pay the other. Then, Mexico is to
gross, then it would be the imperative perhaps always in the bosom of their participate in our councils and equally
duty of that body to vindicate its au- country. These standing armies, rev- share in our legislation and government.
thority by the most stringent and effec• elling in a foreign land, and accustomed But, suppose she would not voluntarily
tual, and appropriate measures. And, to trample upon the liberties of a foreign choose representatives to the national
if, on the contrary, the enemy should people, at some distant day, might be fit I Congress, is our soldiery to follow the
refuse to conclude a treaty, containing and ready instruments, under the lead electors to the ballot-box, and by force
stipulations securing the objects, desig- of some daring unprincipled chieftain, to compel them, at the point of the bay
tutted by Congress, it would become the to return to their country and prostrate
onet, to deposit their ballots 1 And how
duty of the whole government to pros- the public liberty. I are the nine millions,of Mexican people
ecute the war, with all the national en- Supposing the conquest to be once to be represented in time Congress of the
orgy, until those objects were attained made, what is to he done with it 1 Is it United States of America and the Con
by a treaty of peace. There can be no to be governed, like Roman Provinces, 1 gross of the United States of the Re-'
insuperable difficulty in Congress ma- by Proconsuls 1 Would it be compati- public of Mexico combinedl Is every
king such an authoritativedeclaration.— ble with the genius, character, and safe- Mexican, without regard to color .or
Let it resolve, simply, that the war shall, ty of our free institutions, to keep such ' caste, per capitum, to exercise the elec.
or shall not, be a war of conquest ; and, a great country as Mexico, with a pop- tive franchise i How is the quota of rcp- -
if a war of conquest, what is to be con. I legion of not less than nine millions, in resentation between the two Republics,
; quered. Should a resolution pass, dies. a State of constant military subjection i to be fixed 1 Where is their seat of
EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR
WHOLE NO. 619.