11UNTUNGDO) JOURNAL. BY JAMES CLARK :] VOL. XI, NO. 48, PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House Of Representatives :—ln resuming your labors in the service of the people it is it subject of congratulation that there has been no period in our past history, when all the elements of national pros perity have been so fully developed.— Since your last session no afflicting dis pensation has visited our country; ge neral goon health has prevailed; abun dance has crowned the toil of the hus bandman, and labor in all its branches is receiving an ample reward, while education, science and the arts are rap idly enlarging the means of social hap piness. The progress of our country in her career of greatness, not only in the vast extension of our territorial limits and the rapid increase of our population, but in resources and wealth, and in the happy condition of our peo ple, is without example in the history of nations. As the wisdom, strength, and benifi cence of our free institutions are unfold ed, every day adds fresh motives to con tentment, and fresh incentives to patri otism. Our devout and sincere acknowledg ments are due to the gracious Giver of all good, for the numberless blessings which our beloved country enjoys. • It is a source of high satisfaction to know that the relations of the U. States with all other nations, with a single ex ception, are of the most amicable cha racter. Sincerely attached to the poli cy of peace, early adopted and steadily pursued by this government, I have anx iously desired to cultivate and cherish friendship and commerce with every fo reign power. The spirit and habits of the American people are favorable to the maintenance of such international harmony. In adhering to this wise poli cy, a preliminary and paramount duty I obviously consists in the protection of our national interests from an encroach ment or sacrifice, and our national hon or from reproach. These must be main tained at any hazard. They admit of no compromise or neglect, and must be scrupulously and constantly guarded.— in their vigilant vindication, collision and conflict with foreign Powers may sometimes become unavoidable. Such .has been our scrupulous adherence to the dictates of justice, in all our foreign intercourse, that, though steadily ad vancing in prosperity and power, we have given no just cause of complaint to' any nation, and have enjoyed the tiles sings of peace for more than thirty years. From a policy so sacred to hu- ' Inanity, and so salutary in its effects .upon our political system, we should never be induced voluntarily to depart. The existing war with Mexico was neither desired nor provoked by the U. States. On the contrary, all honorable means were resorted to to avert it. Af ter years of endurance of aggravated and unredressed wrongs, on our part, Mexico, in violation of solemn treaty stipulations, and of every principle of justice recognised by civilized nations, commenced hostilities; and thus, by her own act, forced the war upon us. Long before the advance of our army to the left bank of the Rio Grande, we had ample cause of war against Mexico; and had the U. States resorted to this extre mity, we might have appealed to the whole civilized world for the justice of our cause. I deem it to be my duty to present to you, on the present occasion, a condens ed review of the injuries we had sus tained, of the causes which led to the war, and of its progress since its coin- mencement. This is rendered the more necessary because of the misap prehensions which have to some extent prevailed as to its origin and true char acter. The war has been represented as unjust and unnecessary, and as one of aggression on our part upon a' weak and injured enemy. Such erroneous views, though entertained by but few, have been widely and extensively cir culated not only at home, but have.been spread throughout Mexico and the whole world. A more effectual means could not have been devised to encourage the enemy and to protract the war, than to / advocate and adhere to their cause, and thus give them " aid and comfort." It is a source of national pride and ' exultation, that the great body of our people have thrown no such obstacles in the way of the government in prose cuting the war successfully, but have shown themselves to be eminently patri ' otic, and ready to vindicate their coun- try's honor and interests at any sacri fice. The alacrity and promptness with which our volunteer forces rushed to the field on their country's call, prove not only their patriotism, but their deep conviction that our cause is just. The wrongs which we have suffered •from "Mexico, almost ever since she be crime an independent power, and the patient endurance with which we have borne them, are without a parallel in the history of modern civilized nations.— There is reason to believe that if these wrongs had been resented and resisted in the first instance, the present war might have been avoided. One outrage, however, permitted to pass with impu nity, almost necessarily encouraged the perpetration of another, until at last Mex ico seemed to attribute to weakness and indecision on our part a forbearance which was the offspring of magnanimity and of a sincere desire to preserve friend ly relations with a sister republic. Scarcely had Mexico achieved her independence, which the United States were the first among the nations to acknowledge, when she commenced the system of insult and spoliation, which she has ever since pursued. Out citizens engaged in lawful commet ce were imprisoned, their vessels seized, and our flag insulted in her ports. If money was wanted, the lawless seizure and confiscation of our merchant vessels and their cargoes was a ready re source ; and if to accomplish their pu. poses it be came necessary to imprison the owners, captains, and crews, it was done. Rulers superseded rulers in Mexico, in rapid succession, but still there was no change in this system of depredation. The go vernment of the United States made repeated re clamations on behalf of its citizens, but these were answered by the perpetration of new outrages. Pro mises of redress made by Mexico in the mast sol emn forms were postponed or evaded. The files and records of the Department of `tale contain conclusive proofs of numerous lawless acts perpe• tented ups n the property and persons of our citi zens by Mexico, and of wanton insults to our na tional flag. The interposition of our government to obtain redress was again and again invoked, un der circumstances which no nation, ought to disre gard. It was hoped that these outrages would cease, and that Mexico would be restrained by the laws which regulate the conduct of civilized nations in their intercourse with each other nfier the treaty of amity, commerce and navigation, of the sth April, 1831, was concluded between the two republics; but this hope soon proved to be vain. The course of seizure and confiscation of the property of our citizens; the violation of their persons, end the in eults to our flag pursued by Mexico previous to that time, were scarcely suspended for even a brief period, although the treaty so clearly defines the rights and duties of the respective parties that it is impossible to misunderstand or mistake them. In less then seven years after the conclusion of that treaty our grievances had become so intolerable that, in the opinion of President Jackson, they should no longer be endured. In his message to Congress in February, 1837, he presented them to the consideration of that body, and declared that "The length of time since some of the injuries have been committed, the repeated and unavailing applications fur redress, the wanton character of some of the outrages upon tha property arid per sons of our citizen., upon the officers and flag of the United States, independent of recent insults to this government and people by the•late extraordi• nary Mexican minister, would justify in the eyes of all natio,ts immediate war." In a spirit of kindness and forbearance, however, he recommend ed reprisals as a milder mode of redress. He de clared that war should not be used as a remedy "by justand generous nations, confiding in their strength for injuries committed, if it can be honorably avoid ed," and added, "it has occurred to me that, consi dering the present embarrassed condition of that country, we should act with both wisdom and mo deration, by giving to Mexico one more opportuni ty to atone for the past, before we take redress into our own hands. I'o avoid ell misconception on the part of Mexico, as well as to protect our own na tional character from reproach, this opportunity should be gi tien with the avowed design and full preparation to take immediate satisfaction, if it should not he obtained on a repetition of the de mand for it. To this end I recommend that an act be passed authorizing reprisals, and the use of the naval force of the United States, by the Executive against Mexico, to enforce them in the event of a refusal by the Mexican government to estate to an amicable adjustment of the matters in controversy between us, upon another demand thereof, made from on hoard one of our vessels of war on the coast of Mexico." Committees of both houses of Congress to which this message of this President was referred, fully sustained his views of the character of the wrongs which we had sufferel from Mexico, and recom mended that another demand for redress should be made before authorizing war or reprisals. The Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate, in their report, say t After such a demand, should prompt justice be refused by the Mexican Govern ment, we may appeal to all nations not only for the equity and moderation with which we shall have acted towards a sister republic, but fur the necessity which will then compel us to seek redress for our wrongs, either by actual war or by reprisals. The subject will then be presented before ( ongress, at the commencement of the next session, in a clear and distinct form; and the committee cannot doubt but that such measures will be immediately adopt• ed as may be necessary to vindicate the honor of the country, and insure ample reparation to our in jured citizens." File Committee on Foreign Affairs of the House of Representatives made a similar recommendation. In their report they say that they fully concur with the President that ample cause exists for tak ing redress into our own hands, and believe that wo should lie justified in the opinion of other nations for taking such a step. But they are willing to try the experiment of another demand, made in the most solemn form, upon the justice of the Mexican government, before any further proceedings are adopted." No difference of opinion upon the subject is he• lieved to have existed in Congress at that time; the Executive and Legislative departmetes concurred; and yet such has been our forbearance and desire to preserve peace with Mexico, that the wrongs of which we then complained, and which gave rise to these solemn proceedings, not only remain unre dressed to this stay, but additional causes of com plaint, of an aggravated character, have ever since been accumulating. Shortly after these proceedings, a special mes senger was despatched to Mexico, to make a final demand for redress; and on the 20th July, 1837, the demand was made. The reply of the Mexican rroiernment bears date on the 2tlth of the same 'month, and contains assurances of th.. 'anxious wish' of the Mexican government 'not to delay the CORRECT PRINCIPLES-SUPPORTED BY TRUTH HUNTINGDON, PA,, DECEMBER 16, 1846. moment of that final and equitable adjustment whech Is to terminate the existing difficulties be tween the two governments; that 'nothing should be left undone which mi y contribute to the most speedy and equitable determination of the subjects which have so seriously engaged the attention of the American government:' that the 'Mexican go• vernment would adopt, as the only guides for Its conduct, the plainest principles of public right, the sacred obligations imposed by international law, and the religious faith of treaties; and that 'what ever reason and justice may dictate respecting each case will be done.' I'he assurance was further given, that the decision of the Mexican government upon each cause of complaint, for which redress had been demanded, should be communicated to the government of the U. States by the Mexican minister at Washington. These solemn assurances, in answer to our de mand for redress, were disregarded. By making them, however, Mexico obtained further delay.— President Van Buren, in his annual message to Cot grass, of the sth of December, 1537, states, that 'although the large number' of our demands for redress, and 'many of them aggravated cases of personal wrongs, have been now for years before the Mexican government, and some of the causes of national complaint, and those of the most of fensive char ncter, admitted of immediate, simple, and satisfactory replies, it is only within a few days past, that any specific communication in an swer to our last demand, made five months ago, has been received from the Mexican minister; and that 'for not one of our public complaints hassatie faction been given or offered ; that but ono of the cases of personal wrong has been rave? ably consi dered, and that but four cares of both descriptions out of all those formally presented, and earnestly reseed, have as yet been decided upon by the Mexican' government." President Van 13ui en, believing that it would be vain to make any further attempt to obtain redress by the ordinary means within the power of the Executive, communicated this opinion to Con gress, in the message referred to, in which ho said: On a careful and deliberate examination of the contents (of the correspondence with the Mexican Government), and considering the spirit manifested by the Mexican government, it has become my painful duty to return the subject as it now stands, to Congress, to whom it belongs, to decide upon the time, the mode, and the measure of ted ess. Had the United mates at that time adopted com pulsory measures. and taken redress into their own hands, all our difficulties with Mexico would pro bably have been long since adjusted, and the ex isting war have been averted. Magnanimity and moderation on our port only had the effect to corn plicate these difficulties, and render an .amicable settlement of them the more embarrassing. That such measures of redress, under similar provoca tions, committed by any of the powerful nations of Europe, would have been promptly resorted to by the United States, cannot be doubted. The na tional honor, and the preservation of the national character throughout the world, as well as our own self-respect, and the protection due to our citizens, would have rendered such a resort indispensable.— The history of no civilized nation in modern times has presented within so brief a period so many wanton attacks upon the honor of its Ilag, and up• on the properly nod persons of its citizens, as had at that time been borne by the U. Mates front Mex icon authorities and people. But Mexico was a sister republic, on the North American continent, occupying a territory contiguous to our own, and was in a feeble and distracted condition ; and these considerations, it is presumed, induced Congress to forbear still longer. Instead of taking redress into our own hands, a new negotiation was enter ed upon with fair promises on the part of Mexico, but with the real purpose, as the event has proved, of indefinitely postponing the reparation which we de manded, and which was so justly due.— This negotiation, after more than a year's delay, resulted in the convention of the eleventh of April, 1839, "for the adjust ment of claims of citizens of the United States of America upon the government of the Mexican Republic." The joint board of commissioners created by this convention to examine and decide upon these claims was not organized until the month of August, 1840, and under the terms of the convention they were to terminate their duties within eighteen months from that time. Four of the eighteen months were consumed in pre liminary discussions on frivolous and dilatory points raised by the Mexican commissioners; and it was not until the month of December, 1840, that they commenced the examination of the claims of our citizens upon Mexico.— Fourteen months only remained to ex amine and decide upon these numerous and complicated cases. In the month of February, 1842, the term of the com mission expired, leaving many claims 'indisposed of for want of time.. The claims which were allowed by the board, and by the umpire authorized by the convention to decide incase of disagree- , meet between the Mexican and Amer ican commissioners, amounted to two million twenty-six thousand one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents. There were pending before the umpire when the commission expired additional claims which had been exam ined and awarded by the American com missioners, and had not been allowed by the Mexican commissioners, amounting to nine hundred and twenty-eight thou sand six hundred and twenty seven dol lars and eighty-eight cents, upon which he did not decide, alleging that his au thority had ceased with the termination of the joint commission. Besides these claims, there were others of American citizens amounting to three million three hundred and thirty-six thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven dollars and five cents, which had been submit , ted to the board, and upon which they had not time to decide before their final adjournment. The sum of two million twenty-six thousand one hundred and thirty-nine dollars and sixty-eight cents, which had been awarded to the claimants, was a liquidated and ascertained debt due by Mexico, about which there could be no, dispute, and which she was bound to pay according to the terms of the con vention. Soon after the final award for this amount had been made, the Mexi can government asked for a postpone ment of the time of making payment, alleging that it would be inconvenient to make the payment at the time stipu lated. In the spirit of forbearing kind ness towards a sister republic, which Mexico has so long abused, the United States promptly complied with her request. A second convention was accordingly concluded between the two governments on the thirtieth of January, 1843, which upon its face declares that "this new arrangement is entered into for the accommodation of Mexico."— By the terms of this convention, all the interest due on the awards which had been made in favor of the claimants un der the convention of the eleventh of April, 1839, was to be paid to them on the 30th of April, 1843, and "the prin cipal of the said awards, and the inter est accruing thereon," was stipulated to "be paid in five years, in equal instal ments every three months." Notwith standing this new convention was enter ed into at the request of Mexico, and for the purpose of relieving her from embarrassment, thenimants have only received the intere tie on the 30th of April, 1843, and th a of the twenty in- I t stalments. Although the payment of the sum thus liquidated, and confessedly due by Mexico to our citizens as indem nity for acknowledged acts of outrage and wrong, was secured by treaty, the obligations of which are ever held sacred by all just nations, yet Mexico has vio lated this solemn engagement by failing and refusing to make the payment. The two instalments due in April and July, 1844, under the peculiar circumstances connected with them, have been assu med by the United States and dischar ged to the claimants, but they are still due by Mexico. But this is not all of , which we have just cause of complaint. To provide a remedy for the claimants whose cases were not decided by the joint commission under the convention of April the 11th, 1839, it was express ly stipulated by the 6th article of the convention of the 30th of January, 1843, that "a new convention shall be entered into for the settlement of all claims of 1 the government and citizens of the United States against the republic of Mexico which were not finally decided by the late commission, which met in the city of Washington, and of all claims of the government and citizens of Mexico against the United States." In conformity with this stipulation, a third convention was concluded and signed at the city of Mexico on the 20th Novemb'r 1843, by the plenipotentiaries of the two governments, by which pro -1 vision was made for ascertaining and paying these claims. In January, 1844, this convention was ratified by the Sen ate of the United States with two amend ments,which were manifestly reasonable in their character. Upon a reference of I the amendments proposed to the govern ' meet of Mexico, the same evasions, difficulties, and delays were interposed which have so long marked the policy of that government towards the United ' States. It has not even yet decided whether it would or would not accede to them, although the subject has been repeatedly pressed upon its considera i tion. Mexico has thus violated a second ' time the faith of treaties, by failing or refusing to carry into effect the 6th arti cle of the convention of January, 1843. Such is the history of the wrongs which we have suffered and patiently endured from Mexico through a long series of years. So far from aflbrding reasonable satisfaction for the injuries and insults we had borne, a great aggra vation of them consists in the fact, that while the United States, anxious to pre serve a good understanding with Mex ico, have been constantly, but vainly, employed in seeking redress for past wrongs, new outrages were constantly occurring, which have continued to in crease our causes of complaint and to swell the amount of our demands.— While the citizens of the United States were conducting a lawful commerce with Mexico under the guaranty of a treaty of "amity, commerce, and nav igation," many of them have suffered all the injuries which would have result ed from open war. This treaty, instead of affording protection to our citizens, has been the means of inviting them into the ports of Mexico, that they might be, , as they have been in numerous install ' ces, plundered of their property and deprived of their personal liberty if they dared insist on their rights. Had the unlawful seizures of American prop erty, and the violation of personal liberty of our citizens, to say nothing of the insults to our flag which have occurred in the ports of Mexico, taken place on the high seas, they would themselves long since have constituted a state of actual war between the two countries.— In so long suffering Mexico to violate her most solemn treaty obligations, plunder our citizens of their property, and imprison their pereons without affording them any redress, we have fail- ' ed to perform one of the first and high est duties which every government owes to its citizens; and the consequence has been,- that many of them have been re duced from a state of affluence to bank ruptcy. The proud name of American citizen, which ought to protect all who, bear it from insult and injury through out the world, has afforded no such pro tection to our citizens in Mexico. We I had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the breaking out of hostil ities. But even then we forebore to take redress into our own hands, until Mexico herself became the aggressor by invading our soil in hostile array and shedding the blood of our citizens. Such are the grave causes of complaint on the part of the United States against Mexico—causes which existed long be fore the annexation of Texas to the American Union; and yet, animated by the love of peace, and a magnanimous' moderation, we did not adopt those mess- • urea of redress which, under such cir cumstances, are the justified resort of injured nations. The annexation of Texas to thd Uni ted States constituted no just cause of offence to Mexico. The pretext that it did so is wholly inconsistent, and irre concilable with well authenticated facts connected with the revolution by which Texas became independent of Mexico. That this may be the more manifest, it may be proper to advert to the cause and to the history of the principal events of that revolution. Texas constituted a portion of the ! ancient province of Louisiana ; ceded to the United States by France in the year 1803. In the year 1819, the United States, by the Florida treaty, ceded tol l Spain all that part of Louisiana within the present limits of Texas ; and Mex ico, by the revolution which separated her from Spain, and rendered her an in dependent nation, succeeded to the rights of the mother country over this territory. In the year 1824, Mexico established a federal constitution, under which the Mexican republic was compo sed of a number of sovreign States, con federated together in a federal Union similar to our own. Each of these States had its own Executive, legislature and judiciary, and, for all except feder )al purposes, was as independent of the general government, and that of the other States, as is Pennsylvania or Vir ' ginia under our constitution. Texas and Coahuila united and formed one of I these Mexican States. The State con stitution which they adopted, and which I was approved by the Mexican confed eracy, asserted that they were " free and independent of the other Mexican United States, and of every other power and dominion whatsoever ;" and pro , claimed the great principle of human liberty, that "the sovreignty of the State resides originally and essentially in the general mass of the individuals who compose it." To the government under this constitution, as well as to that under the federal constitution, the people of Texas owed allegiance. Emigrants from foreign countries, in cluding the United States, were invited by the colonization laws of the State and of the federal government to settle in Texas. Advantageous terms were offered to induce them to leave their own country and become Mexican cit izens. This invitation was accepted by many of our citizens, in the full faith that in their new home they would be governed by laws enacted by represen tatives elected by themselves, and that their lives, liberty and property would be protected by constitutional guaran tees similar to those which existed in the republic they had left. Under a gov ernment thus organized they continued until the year 1835, when a military revolution broke out in the city of Mex ico, which entirely subverted the federal and State constitutions, and placed a military dictator at the head of the gov , eminent. By a sweeping decree of a Congress subservient to the will of the dictator, the several State constitutions were abolished, and the States themselves converted into mere departments of the Central Government. The people of Texas were unwilling to submit to this usurpation. Resistance to such tyranny became a high duty. Texas was fully absolved from all allegiance to the Cen [EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. WHOLE NO, 568, . . tral GoVernment of Mexico from the moment that government had abolished her State constitution, and in its place substituted an arbitrary and despotic Central Goiernment. .- Such were the principal causes of the Texan revolution. The people of Texas at once determined upon resistance, and flew to arms. In the midst of these im portant and exciting events, however; they did not omit to place their liberties upon a secure and permanent foundation. They elected members to a convention, who, in the month of March, 1836, is sued a formal declaration that their . "political connexion with the Mexican nation has forever ended, and that the people of Texas do . now constitute a FREE, SOVREIGN, and I.NnetNDENT LIE, and arc fully . invested with all the rights and attributes which properly be long to independent nations." They also adopted for their government a lib; eral republican constitution. About the same time, Santa. Anna, then the dicta tor of Mexico, invaded Tekas with .a numerous army for the purpose of sub duing her people, and enforcing obedi ence to his arbitrary and despotic gov ernment.- On the 21st of April, 1836, he was met by the Texan citizen sol diers, and on that day was achieved by them the memorable victory of San Ja cinto, by which they conquered their independence. Considering the limn; hers engaged on the respective sides, history does not record a more brilliant achieveMent. Santa Anna hiMself was among the eaptiVes. In the month of May, 1836, Santa Anna, acknowledged, by a, treaty With the exan authoritiei, in the most sol emn form, the , 4 full, entire, and perfect independence of the republic of Texas." It is true he was then a prisoner of war, but it is equally true that he had failed to reconquer Texas; and had met with signal defeat; that his authority had not been revoked, and that by virtue of this treaty he obtained his personal re lease. By it hostilities were suspended, and the army which had invaded Texas tinder his command returned in pursu ance of this arrangement, unmolested, to Mexico, From the day that the battle of San Jacinto was fought until the present hour, Mexico has never possessed the power to reconquer Texas. In the lan guage of the Secretary of State of the United States, in a despatch to our Min ister in Mexico, under date of the eighth of July, 1842, "Mexico may have chosen to consider, and may still choose to con sider Texas as having been at all times since 1835, and as still continuing, a re bellious province ; but the world has been obliged to take a very different view of the matter. From the time of the battle of San Jacinto, in April, 1836, to the present moment, Texas has ex hibited.the same external signs of na tional independence as Mexico herself, and with quite as much stability of gov ernment. Practically free and inde pendent, acknowledged as a political sovereignty by the principal powers of the world, no hostile foot finding rest within her territory for six or seven years, and Mexico herself refraining for all that period from any further attempt to re-establish her own authority over that territory, it cannot but be surpris ing to find Mr. de Bocanegra" (the Sec retary of Foreign Affairs of Mexico) "complaining that for that whole period, citizens of the United States, or its gov ernment, have been favoring the rebels of Texas, and supplying them with ves sels, ammunition, and money, as if the war for the reduction of the province of Texas, had been constantly prosecuted by Mexico, and her success prevented I by these influences from abroad." The Texas which was ceded to Spain by the Florida treaty of 1819 embraced all the country now claimed by the State of Texas between the Nueces and the Rio Grande. The republic of Texas always claimed this river as her western boundary, and in her treaty made with Santa Ana, in May, 1836, he recognized it as such. By the constitution which Texas adopted in March, 1836, senato rial and representative districts were organized extending west of the Nueces. The Congress of Texas, on the nineteenth of December, 1836, passed " An act to define the boundaries of the republic of Texas," iu which they declared the Rio Grae from its mouth to its source to be their boundary, and by the said act they extended their " civil and political jurisdiction" over the country up to that boundary. During a period of more than nine years, which intervened be tween the adoption of her constitution and her annexation as one of the States of our Union, Texas asserted and exor cised many acts of sovereignty and ju risdiction over the territory and inhabi tants west of the Nueces. She organi zed and detined the limits of counties extending to the Rio Grande. She es. (CONTINUED ON FOURTH rAot.]
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