Huntingdon journal. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1843-1859, September 02, 1846, Image 1

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SS .9anttlg a ctoopaper—V)tbottir to etnerat iintrlttgence, atibertioing,ltt(to, atterAttire, 111 Orattig, Avto, Actencen ; flortrttittire, Stitttoeinent, s cr.,
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C E:2 (OLP Ma
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The Infalliable Remedy.
For Rheumatism, Spinal liffections, Con
' tractions of the Muscles, Sore Throat
and Quinsy, Issues, Old Ulcers, Pains
in the Breast and Chest, Ague in the
Breast and Face, Tooth Ache, Sprains,
Bruises, ,Salt Rheum, Burns, Frosted
Feet, and all Nervous diseases.
THE following certificate of the resto
ration to health and the perfect cure
of a deformed and crippled child, who was
thought to be beyond t'te reach of hope,
shows that, no matter how appalling
the case may be, there is a remedy in
BUNT'S LINIMENT, that will conquer
the most desperate cases, and that, if the
disease be curable,this cerebrated external
remedy will do it. It has never failed in
giving immediate releif if timely applied,as
proved by the abundance of high and un
impeachable testimony, the particulars of
which are to be found in the pamphlets
Which are to be had of every agent.
Ossinaing, June 10, 1845
called upon by the tie of gratitude, to oiler
the following testimony in favor of /feint's
Liniment- My grandson, Clarke E.
Evans, who is now ten years of age, has
been for the last eight years a cripple, caus
ed by falling from a chair when he was two
years old, and wrenching his spine. From
the time of the occurrence, we have tried
every means to restore him to his natural
shape, but all without avail. We took him
to New York and placed him under the
care of a physician of skill, anal after re
maining there some time, we brought him
home no better than when we took him
there. For several days at times he was
so helpless that he mild only walk by plac
ing his hands upon his knees for support,
giving him the appearance of a deformed
hunchback. He,was also taken to Newburg
and prescribed for without any better suc
cess. At times he would be strong enough
to go outdoors, but after playing an hour
would come in perfectly exhausted, and for
aeveral days would be again perfectly help.
fess. We had lost all hope of ever again
seeing him restored to his natural strengh or
ahape—but a kind Providence placed your
external remedy in my hands. I have
used four bottles, and 1 am rejoiced to say
that the boy is now as straight and strong
as any boy of his age. Any of my neigh
bors will testefy to the truth of this state
ment. I take sincere pleasure in stating
these facts fur the benefit of those who are
sufl'aring under the like calamity.
Yours, respectfully,
This is to certify, That 1 am;
ally acquainted with the subscriber, Mrs.
Shute, as well as the boy alluded , o. and
frankly bear witness to the deformity of
which he was seriously afflicted, aparently
for lite.—Dated SinA.Sing, June 9, 1845.
Justice of the Peace.
Cc}l'or particulars of cures, see the cer
tificate accommpanying each bottle.
HOADLY, PHELPS (5 , CO., 142 Wa
ter street, wholesale Agents. Orders ad
dressed to them, or to the proprietor,
Sing-Sing, will be attended to.
Dated March 19, 1846.
For sale by Thomas Read 4 Son, Hun
tingdon, and the principal Stores and
DrUggists throughout the country.
July 15, 1846.
Huntingdon, Pa,
sITTORA El' .IT Lair,
Will attend with promptness and fidelity to all
business with which ho may be entrusted in Hun-
tingdon or the adjoining counties.
His office is the ono formerly occupied by James
Vtoel, Esq., nearly opposite Jackson's Hotel , .
Huntingdon March 11, 1846.
r:Ertsricsuazncsaa) ZPEti.6 o!idarociatorrotilioaou. aa34:116
• - -
Of Massachusetts, on the WHEAT TRADE of
the Country,dehvered in the House of Reprcten.
talives of the United Stales. February 26, 1846.
I have, I trust, clearly shown that the eastern
continent has the physical ability of supplying the
English market with breadstuff. And what is their
fintnical ability Can the nation. upon the Baltic
afford their grain in the English market as low an
the United States? this is the great question to
be decided. I have taken pains to satisfy myself
upon this subject, and I have come to the conclusion
that they can undersell us in that market. In the
first place, we see that they do so at present, whtn
the corn laws operate equally upon them and upon
us. So long as the laws are equally applicable to
them and us, it matters not whether the duty is
high or low, or whether there is any duty at 811.-
1 say that they undersell us now, as appears by the
fact that they supply 14 times as much as the United
The following table will show the price of wheat
per bushel in the principal marts of trade on the
Continent, from 1830 to 1943, inclusive:
to g a r... o
1 Ei a
E ▪
g g is
r -9
1830, $1 07 93 113 95 68
1831, 1 18 1 19 1 15 1 07 71
1832, 93 90 1 10 90 62
1933, 83 70 89 55 61
1834, 70 67 66 50 77
1835, 61 65 76 68 67
1836, 70 79 76 70 52
1837, 73 76 81 99 50
1838, 94 79 1 20 1 48 65
1839, 96 1 15 1 33 1 37 79
1840, 1 07 1 30 1 11 1 48 71
1841, 123 99 109 145 74
1842, 1 10 1 11 1 11 95 65
1843, 76 82 78 76 48
Average 91 90
99 98 64
Here we have the prices of wheat, at five great
marts of the wheat trade, for 14 years, showing a
general average of 89 cent. per bushel.
The prices at our seaports during the same period,
tone l follows:
In IsSo $1 15 In 1837 $1 83
1831 1 18 1838 1 54
1832 1 15 1839 1 42
1833 1 13 1840 1 10
1834 1 08 1841 1 03
1835 1 19 1842 1 16
1836 1 44 1843 1 00
The general average of the aforenamed prices is
$1 25 ; being 37 cents more than the average per
bushel at the aforementioned ports on the Black
Sea and Baltic. This shows demonstratively, that,
in the first cost of grain, we are not able to come
into fair competition with our trans-Atlantic wheat
growers. And how is it with reference to freight?
By official documents laid before Parliament it ap
pears that the freight on the highest calculation
cannot exceed, on an average, 13 cents per bushel.
By the report of the Hon. Mr. Ellsworth, Commis
sioner of Patents, laid before Congress in 1943,
where he examines this subject somewhat minutely.
it appears that the average freight from New York
to Liverpool is 35 or 36 cent. per cwt. We cannot
estimate wheat at lees than 56 pounds per bushel;
and hence the freight must amount to 17 or 18 eta,
per bushel. The difference in the freight and first
Costs would make a balance against us of 41 cents
per bushel. But as the year 1837 was one ofuncom
monly high prices in this country, I will omit that
year in my estimate, which will reduce this balance
down to about 36 cents; and from this I will de
duct, for difference of exchange, ;0 cents, which
will bring the difference down to 26 cis. per bushel.
The English consul, writing from Odessa, at the
close of 1843, says: 'Udder present circumstan
ces, extraordinary low freight and favorable ex
change, a shipment of the hest wheat could now be
made add delivered in England on the following
terms, yiz:
6. d.
First cost 22 6 per quarter.
Charge of loading 2 5 "
Freight 6 7
Insurance rSt factorage in Engiand 4 0 "
Tot al
85 8 4.
This reduced to our currency would amount to
97 cents per bushel delivered in England. And in
1843 there was still further rrdaction ; so that
wheat from the Baltic could be delivered at En.
gland without duty at 87 cents, and from the Black
Sea at 78 or SO cents per bushel. A price much
less than our wheat could be purchased at our own
This, as it appears to me, is a just and fair view
of the subject. But it may be said that I have
proved too much. And if the argument be sound,
we cannot send any grain to Great Britain. But
every practical man knows, that, between two
great commercial nations, an article will be expor
ted from ono to the other, when the prices in the
two countries seem to forbid. The wheat that we
have sent direct to Great Britain is toe considerable
extent, the result of accidental causes. A merchant
is indebted abroad, and must send forth something
to discharge his debt, and not being able to meet
the demand in specie, he sends forward a quantity
of flour. Or, a vessel is going out without a full
cargo, and will take grain for a mere trifle. Or, a
speculator has a large amount of flour on hand,
bought perhaps on six months, and is obliged to trend
it out at a sacrifice. Our grain goes to England
mainly in the shape of flour, by which a raving of
10 or 15 per cent. Oyer the eipett or wheat is reali
zed. These are the causes more than any thing
else, which enable no to supply the English market
to the small extent we now do. Ask our mer
chants who have had experience in this trade, and
they will generally tell you that it is a precarious
business, and one in which much more has been
lost than made.
But gentlemen seem to suppose that the repeal of
the corn laws will give a new impulse to this trade,
But how io this? On what pi inciple, I demand,
do they base their calculations? If these laws are
modified or repealed, it will be done by a general
law, applicable alike to all nations. The present
law IMposes no more duty upon wheat from
the United States than upon wheat from the
Baltic. Suppose those duties be reduced one-half,
or annulled entirely, the north of Europe will en
joy all the advantages of these changes as well as
we. The scarcetrof grain in Europe, the partial
failure of the wheat crop, and the disease among
the potatoes, enables us at the present rims to send
forth an unusual quantity. But It is unsafe to tea
eon from a single year. In 1837, as ive have
already seen, we imported 4,000,000 bushels of
wheat into the United Staten ; and, were we to rea
son from that year, we should be compelled to admit
that we could not raise our own bread stuffs. If
we would reason correctly on subjects such as this,
we must take successions of years into the account.
And if we do this, wo shall, I think, at once per
ceive that the modification of the English corn lowa
would not benefit us at all.
We have had a practical illustration of this prin
ciple. A. I have before said, that the modification
of the English corn laws in 1842 did not increase
the demand for grain in Great Britain ; on the con
trary, in the first entire year after the reduction, the
importation into Great Britain fell off more than
one-half. And how was it with our exports to that
market? Tho reduction in 1842 was about equal
to the whole of the present duty; and Sir Robert
Peel does not propose to take off all the duty at
present. If the proposed reduction is to operate so
much in our favor, we may expect to find that the
greater reduction in 1842 proved a great blessing
to the United States. And how was it with that
I will tell you, Mr. Chairman. The reduction
took place in April, 1842, and, falling In the midst
of the commercial year, I have no means of deter
mining its effect upon our exports for that year. I
will, therefore, throw that year out of the account,
and take the two years preceeding, and the two MC.
ceedini, 1842. In the two preceding, viz: 1840
and 1841, we exported to Great Britain an average
of 2,390,000 bushels a year; but in the two succee
ding, viz: 1843 and 1844, we exported only an
average of 464,800 bushels a year. But, sir, as I
wish to do perfect justice to the subject, 1 readily
admit that, by a change of a commercial year, the
year 1843 centrism] of only nine months. I wish,
therefore, to add to it another quarter, so ae to make
it of the usual length. But if we add one-third to
the imports of that year, so es to make up four quar
ters, or twelve months, we shall have even then an
average for the two years of only 476,700 bushels
a year, which is in fact less than one-fifth of the
average export of the two years preceding the mo
dification of the English corn laws. lam not su
perficial enough to ascribe this falling off of our
export of wheat to the reduction of the British du•
ties; but the case before us shows incontestibly that
our wheat trade with England is governed by laws
more efficient, more controlling, than any rate of
duty. le it not, then, perfectly preposterous to
maintain, that the partial reduction, or prospective
repeal of the British duty upon wheat, will of ne
cessity enable us to send more of our bread-stuff to
that kingdom?
But, sir, though no intelligent gentleman, con, I
think, see any just cause for believing that we shall
gain materially in the direct trade, it must be per
fectly obvious that we shall lose in an indirect trade
with Great Britain. Our best, and in fact our prin
cipal trade with the mother country in the article
M question, hes been through Canada. For the
last seven years we have Cent into Canada 12,586,-
892 buehela of wheat, Ohne our direct trade to
England, at the same time, has amounted to only
7,764,588 bushels, being 62 pet cent. more to
Canada than to England. Or, if we take the last
three years, we have sent into Canada 6,325,60
bushels, and Into England 2,097,598 bushels, be
ing more than three times as much into Canada as
into England. Here are facie, which no specula ,
Lion can bend—which no tholes can annul.
The questions which now present themselves for
our consideration are these: Why have we sent
so little to England direct? And why so much to
England through Canada I The answer to each of
these questions is obvious. In our direct trade we
come in competition with the north of Europe ; and
the low price of labor enables them to undersell us
in the English market. This is the reason, and
the only satisfactory reason, why our direct trade
with England has been so small. And the reason
why we have sent so much to England through
Canada is equally obvious. Our wheat which goes
into Canada is, after being manufactured into flour,
admitted into Great Britain on the colonial duty,
which is much less than her duty on wheat or flour
direct from this country. I have examined the
English tables of artual duty paid during each week
of 1843, and I find the mean difference between the
duty actually paid on colonial and foreign wheat to
be 14 shilling' the quarter, or 33 cents the bushel.
All the wheat, therefore, which we send through
Canada, ie admitted into the English marks on
terms more favorable, by thirty•three cents a buehel,
than the wheat which we send direct. From this,
however, we moat take the Canadian duty of the
average of S cents per pualiel, which reduces the
sum to 25 cents.
Now this advantage of 25 cents per bushel—this
monopoly of the colonial trade which we enjoy, and
of which the north of Europe is deprived, is whht
enables us to send more than two-thirde of our et
port of wheat to Cheat Britain. But repeal the corn
laws of England, and we are deprived of this mo
nopoly, and are brought directly in competition
with the great wheat-growing countries on the Bal
tic, where the agricultural laborers can be obtained
for ;from 8 pence to a shilling a day, and board
themselves. Are the independent yeomanry of the
West prepared to yield all the benefits of the Cana
detradc, and thus loose two-thirds of the market
which they now enjoy ? Are they willing to be
brought into competition with the down-trodden
Pelee attl serfs of Russia, and so be compelled to
labor for fifteen or twenty cents per day I Would
devotion to party, or the satisfaction of frillowing
out the delusive theory of free trade, reconcile them
to a condition so degraded I If they possess the
independent spirit of freemen—if they are Ameri
cans—they will spurn such an idea.
But Mr. Secretary Walker, *hese devotioil to
British interests haa been complimented in that
country by the publicttion of his report, would have
us understand that the opening of the British ports
to ottr grain would be ti great blessing to this coun
try. But on what principle does lie found his
theory? What facts does ho adduce to sustain his
position? None whatever. He asks us to believe,
but furnishes its with no evidence to sustain our
faith. In this respect he deals less fairly with us
than Lord Ashburton himself. At a meeting at
Winchester, Jan. 19, 1846, Lord Ashburton, when
speaking on this very subject, said that protection
had existed in England from the days of Planta
genets, whilst the whole line of country opposite to
us on the continent--France, Belgium, Holland,
and Prussia; indeed, almost every country in the
world—monarchical Europe as well as republican
America--had its protective laws and regulations."
" It was clear, that, in the event of a recurrence of
difficulties, her (America's) first step would be
again to shut her ports against us—in which case
the supply from America would undoubtedly fail us.
But the supply must not be expected from Ameri
ca; and we could not have a better proof of this
than the fact that, at this moment, American corn
could come here from Canada at a duty of four
ahilliags; and yet, if the returns were examined,
it would be found that nine-tenths of the foreign
corn in England was from the Baltic, though the
duty on the corn from its shores was 15 shillings
a quarter. This was entirely owing to the low
price of labor in the north of Europe.
Here Lord Ashburton, more frank than the Amer
ican Secretary, admits that the United Stales would
not derive any benefit from the proposed change ir!
thelawa. Speaking on this subject in Parliament,
on the 29th of January, Lord Ashburton said, " the
British farmer must not have his hands tied behind
him. bid he meet the foreigner on equal terms'
The farmer on the shorea of the Baltic had his labor
at 6 pence a day td ccimpete with the farmer of this
country, (England,) With hit labor at 2 shillings
Jay. It required no skill in political economy to
discover that these two parties did not meet on equal
These remarks in Parliament would apply with
additional force in Congrres. If the British farmer,
whose labor costs him 2 ehillings a day, cannot com
pete with the fanner on the Baltic, whose labor
I costs him 0 pence, how can the farmer in the United
States, whose labor is worth 4 shillings a day, com
pete with the cheap labor on the Baltic I Lord
' Ashburton warns the people of England of their
danger, but the advocate of British interests in this
country would lead us blindly into the very jaws
of this ruinous competition.
But, sir, this is not all. The very policy which
would destroy the moat important branch of our
wheat trade, viz : that through Canada, would, at
the came time, greatly impair our market et home.
The beet and the &reit Market for the*lttet grotfer
iii fi , und in the manufacturing distal-Jo in our cots
try. This home market is near at hat'd, is not dis
turbed by rubtrMs foreign competition, is not sub
ject to that fluctuation which has over characterized
the British market, and is, in fact, the principal
market for our bread Muff. 'With our present pro
tective policy, this market is constantly increasing.
Si Robert Peel has justly said, that the revenue and
the demand, and the prim of labor and all coin
modifies, seemed to depend upon the general pros
perity of the country more than upon any partic
ular legislation. Our present policy tends to pro
duce that general prosperity, and as creates a de
mand for the agricultural products of the United
States. Tho demand for wheat in this country is
constantly increasing. Thousands who, ten years
ago made rye end Indian corn their principal bread
stuff, now consume a large quantity of wheat.—
The State of Massachusetts alone consumes about
three times as much wheat, the growth of other
States, as wo send to England direct, and the New
England States more than our entire apart to all
foreign countries.
Lest this position should be thought extratagant,
let me present, in as brief a manner kid I may, some
of the facts on which this calculation is based. The
present population of Massachusetts may safely be
estimated at 815,000. More than half of air en•
tire population are engaged in other callings than
dgrictiflure ; and to those thud employed T give one
barrel of flour, or five bushels of wheat, per head.
This estimate cannot be considered extravagant.—
Those engaged directly or indirectly in manufac
tures and the mechanic arts, in trade and commerce
in all ire varieties, in nahigation in all its forms, in
the fisheries Of all kinds, and those employed ht the
learned professions and ad teachers—these with
their families and dependants, would constitute at
least 420,000 of our population, and would consume
a barrel of flour per hand. The other 205,000 of
our population, employed in agriculture, may be as.
stained to consume a half barrel per head, which
will give 197,000 barrels—making a total of 617,-
000 barrels of flour. Flour is also aced in considerable
quantities in manufactur es. There is used in Lowell
alone, for starch and sizing, at least 4,000 bat rely an
nually which may be considered as one-fourth of the
amount consumed in the State. The quantity thus
consumed, when•added to that used as bread stuff,
would make the entire consumption 633,01 be.
rels, or 3,165,000 bushels. This estimate is fully
sustained by the imports into the State. There
was brought into Boston, in 1845, 730 138
barrels of flour ; sod although one-half of this may
have been reshipped, or sent to Maine and New
Hampshire, the flour brought into Salorn, New Bed
ford, Fall River and ether smaller ports, and by the
several railroads, will make up the deficiency. The
railroad from Albany Jo Boston, in 1844, distrib
uted within the interior of the State, of flour brought
frorti Albany, 144,704 barrels. There was also
brought into Boston. from other States, in 1845,
2,371,406 bushels of Indian corn, 548,683 bushels
of oats, 24,184 bushels of rye, end 05,630 bushels
of shorts. Nearly the whole of this was consumed
in the State, and largo quantities of the same kinds
of grain were brought into the Suite et ether points
I have no means of knowing the amount consu•
met] in the other New Englan I States, but, as
their population is about 1,600,000, it will be safe
to give them, upon an average, three bushels per
head, which will make a consumption of 4,800,-
000 bushels a year. This, added to the consump
tion of Massachusetts, will give a total of 7,965,-
000 bushels, being at least half a million more than
our average export to all foreign nations. I have
estimated the consumption of the New England
States, other than Massachusetts, at considerable
less per head than my own State; because, with
the exception of Rhode Island, they are more agri
cultural, and because they raise a venter propor
tion of wheat 'from their own soil. This estimate
may not be entirely accurate, but I am confident
that it cannot be far from the truth.
But manufactures are not by any means confined
to New England. Now York, New Jersey, Penn
sylvania, and several other Staten, are deeply enga
ged in them; and all these manufacturing establish
ment. furnish so many markets for the wheat grow
ers. If the repeal of the corn laws should cut dff
our trade through Cirfadd, we should have a sur
plus which would reduce the price, and so injure
the grain growing interest. Nay, if our duty on
foreign wheat were repealed, the ras:eift States
would, when the crops are good in Europe, receive
a portion of their supply froth the Baltic: /sift] if
our present protective policy is to be bartered for ei
repeal of the corn laws, and large quantities of Brit
ish goods are to be thrown into our market, it will •
prostrate many of our manufactories, add thereby
destroy the home market, which the grain growers
now enjoy. Let our present policy be abandoned,
and the surplus of Europe be thrown in upon us,
and the balance of trade will neon be turned against I
us; in which case our specie will be sent abroad,
our currency will be deranged, and all the evils we
experienced a few years since will return. Individ
ual enterprise will be paralized, our imports will fall
off from our inability to purchase, and the Govern
ment Will be bankrupt as it was in 184122. These
are the evils which the proposed policy will, in my
estimation, bring in its train.
But we shall be told that Great tritain has sat us
a noble example, anti we, as a free people, should
follow it. But what Is the example which Great
Britain has sell She has consulted het own inter
est ; and prcipcdo eci make such is modification ef
her policy as is, in the estimation of her Ministry,
hest suited to her present condition dad the condi
tion of the world. She sees that her corn laws have
deluded the wheal of Germany and Prussic, and
have driven them into manufacturing. She sees,
that instead of being her customers, they are begin
ning to become her conipetitors for the markets of
the world, and she wishes to arrest their progress.
She secs, also, in the United States it great and
powerful rival, and she wishes to embrace the pres
ent opportunity to Check our growth and impair our
prosperity. She regards the present moment as pe
culiarly favorable to strike the fatal blow. She be
holds in our Chief Magistrate a leaning to a com
mercial policy which is well suited to her condition,
but illy adapted to our own. She finds in the Sec
retary of the Treasury an advocate of her interests
rind rho greets him with well done, good and
faithful servant."
But if gentlemen suppose that Great Britain has
any special reference to the welfare of any other
nation, let them undeceive themselves. All her
proposed changes have reference to her own prow ,
parity. She takes the duty off from American cot
ton, not to benefit our cotton growers, but to enable
her own manufacturers to compete more successfully
with the manufacturers of this country for our mar.
ket, and the other inatkets into which our manufac
tures hare found their way. If she wialmo to pro.
gamin® ®v a›ebei
mete the agricultural interests of this country, why
does she not abate her 1200 per cent. duty upon
American tobacco, and stiffer it to come in et a mod:;
orate rate No nation lodks more carefully to her
own interests than Great Britain; and no one leg,
islates more understandingly. Her agriculture and
manufactures have been carried to the highest point
of perfection ; and, seeing herself in advance of the
nations. she no* proposes free trade, with a full
conviction that She will prove more than a match
for them in such an unequal contest. Bhe has built
herself up by her Navigation act, and other restric
tive measure*, and now she proposes a partial aban-.
donment of that &Hey,. and kindly invites other
stations to give up the very policy which has made
her what she ie. Free trade with such a nation
would be like intercourse between the wolf and the
laMb. To the one it might prove beneficial, but to
the other it would be dir'sth. Free trade, in fact,
con never exist between nations 'situated so different
ly as the United States and Great Britain. If both
nations shou'Al Model thole ieveniie la we sifter the
same standard, the trade between us would not be
" free and equal." Her accumulated capital, her
low rate of interest, the cheapness of her labor, the
advanced state of her Manufactures, would give her
en adVantr ge over us. You must make all thingi
equal at home, by equivalents and balances, before
any two nations cart have a system of commercial
intercourse which will be strictly reciprocal anti
equally productive of the prosperity of both.
I do not intend to Censure Great Britain for the
now policy Which she proporiee. She is the guar
dian of licr own interests, and will see that they are
well protected. In fact, consider her example
worthy of our imitation. She conforms to her con
dition, and it becomes us to conform to ours. The
cheapness of capital and the low price of labor in
that kingdom ure the great characteristics, en far as
this question is concerned ; and, in order to meat
her on equal ground, our independent laborers muse
consent to come down to the low standard of the
half starved labor of England. They must be con
tent to labor for from 30 to 50 eta per day, end
board themselves. But aro they willing to do ill—
Will the free born citizens of America consent to
degradation like this! I trust they will not. The
glory of our country consists in the fact that here
the laborer is worthy of his biro." The great
mass of oar people are born to no other inheritance
than the privilege which our cbtltitri holds out to
every industrious man, of obtaining a comfortable
Ding by the fruit of his own toil; and he is a free
man, indeed, who is born to such a patrimony.— -
The consciousness that tic can sustain himself by
his evlm hands, and that well directed industry will
enable him to provide for the maihtenance of his
family and the education of his child] en, more than
any thing else, gives charit'cier to an American, and
makes !net whit he was designed to be by his Cre
atrir, a marl.
Iftit if We are to adopt the Principle of free inftik
the manly and independent character of our laborers
must be given up; and they must content them
selves with dragging Ora a miserable existence in
poierty and wretchedness. This, after all, is the
great objection to the policy which has been recom
mended. The rich man needs no sympathy. His
wealth will give him consequence in any state of
society ; and 0 chdrige, duch free Wide will Wing
' upon rid, wotild increase the relative value of hid
treasures. L o ring the laborer down to . the English
standard, reduce his wages to the low level of the
old world, and you ptit hiMcompletely into the pow
er of the capitalists of the country. Such a change
Would break up our small manufacturing establish
ments, and turn many an honest laborer out of em
ploy. But the Lowell manufactories would go on;
the pike Of labor would be reduced; and, having
no competition, these wealthy establishments would
continue to make fair dividends. The South and
the West would suffer most. Their infant man
ufactures would be prostrated ; but the older and
more skilful establishments of New England would
survive: Their currency would be deranged , but
the accumulated wealth in the Eastern States would'
supply them with a sound circulating medium.—
Born to toil, the hardy sensor New England would'
put forth their energy and enterprise; and, by that
industry and frugality for which they are distingnlah=
ed, they would obtain a comfortable livelihodd; the*
would have "bread enough, and to spare;" while
their brethren, in some other sections of the Conn
try, "would perish with hunger." New England
desires no change. She believes that our present'
policy is best adapted to the interests of the whole
country. Being laborers ourselvea, our ay mpathiee
are with those who eat their bread idthe sweat . of
their brows , . We adhere to our present polieY.'
because the interest of labor requires it; becarise
change would fall heaviest upon those who hate no
capital but their own hands. But if a ciiange
must come—if the prosperity of the country 111U6 1
be Ril ic k en down, the sons of the pilgrims, enured
to toil, and familiar with hardships, will turn theit'
attention to Their ice and their gr &rite, and convert
them into bread. If folly must prevail in our na
tional councils, and the storm of adversity ensues,
they will endeavor to brave the tempest; and,
though they have no desire to "ride upon the Whirl
wind," they will, as far as in them lies, so "direct
the storm" that its pittileas peltingv may Call upon
other heads than their oWn.
A l'axstimen.—" You ought to have a pen
sion," said a wag to an unfortunate who wee in the
habit of taking a drop too much. " How so?" en
quired the redeye. Why you fell et the battle ol
Brandy Wine .'