lIF)TIINGDON JOUR:N4A
faintly Stioompry—OttioteV to Cturrat irrlttclltantcr, Abticrttotitg, Vottttm, niteratttyr, Otoritlittp, arto, s , 4rft . tt rm. 30;0 cuttort, klittuotintitt, ttzt•.,r§cc.
'lrciDa. SMT.I 9 ETQD. IGE).
PUBLISHED EY
JAMES CLARK,
ccpcsbuviztraGOo
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STANTON'S EXTERNAL REMEDY
CALLED
=KT'S LINIMENT.
IS NOW TJNIVERSALLY ACKNOWLEDGED TO BE
The Infalliable Remedy.
For Rheumatism, Spinal difecttons, Con
fractrons of the Muscles. Sore Throat
and Quinsy, issues, Old Ulcers, Pains
in the Breast and Chest, Ague in the
Breast and Face, Tooth Ache, Sprains,
Bruises, halt Rheum, Burns, Frosted
Feet, and all Neroous diseases.
THE following certificate of the resto
ration to health and the perfect cure
of a deformed and crippled child ; who was
thought to be beyond the reach of hope,
shows that, no matter how appalling
}he case may be, there is a remedy to
xurrrs LINIMENT, that will conquer
the most desperate cases, and that, if the
disease be curable,this cerebrated external
remedy will do it. It has never failed in
giving immediate releif if timely applied,as
proved by the abundance of high and un
impeachable testimony, the particulars of
which are to be found in the pamphlets
which are to be had of every agent.
Ossinsing, June 10, 1845.
GEORGE E. STANTON, Eso.—Sir—l feel
balled' upon by the tie of gratitude, to otter
the following testimony in favor of Hunt's
Liniment. My grandson, Clarke E.
Evans, who is now ten years of age, has
been for the last eight years a cripple, caus
ed by falling from a chair when he was two
years old, and wrenching his spine. From
the time of the occurrence, we have tried
every means to restore him to his natural
shape, but all without avail. We took him
to New York and placed him under the
care of a physician of skill, and after re•
Maining there some time, we brought him
home no better than when we took hint
there. For several days at times he was
so helpless that he mild only walk by plac
ing his hands upon his knees for support,
giving him the appearance of a deformed
hunchback. novas also taken to Newburg
and prescribed for without any better suc
cess. At times he would be strong enough
to go out doors, but alter playing an hour
would come in perfectly exhausted, and for
several (lays would be again perfectly help.
less. We had lost all hope of ever again
seeing him restored to his natural strengh or
shape—but a kind Providence placed your
external remedy in my hands. I have
used four bottles, and 1 am rejoiced to say
that the boy is now as straight and strong
as any boy of his age. Any of my neigh
bors will testefy to the truth of this state
ment. I take sincere pleasure in stating
these facts for the benefit of those who are
suffering under the like calamity.
Yours, respectfully,
• HACH E A L SH UTE.
This is to certify, That 1 tun person
ally acquainted with the subscriber, Mrs.
Shute, as well as the boy alluded to. sod
frankly bear witness to the deformity of
which he was seriously aillicted, »parent ly
for lile.—Dated Sing .Sing, June 9, 1845.
HENRY HARRIS,
Justice of the Peace.
Cr.:7-For particulars of cures, see the err
ttficate accomtnpanyi wig each bottle.
HOADLY, PHELPS 4 CO., 142 Wa
ter street, wholesale Agents. Orders ad
dressed to them, or to the proprietor,
Sing-Sing, will be attended to.
GEORGE E. STANTON.
Dated March 19, 1846.
For sale by Thomas Read 4 Son, Hun
tingdon, and the principal Stores and
Druggists throughout the country.
July 15, 1846.
DR. U. Z. =Fr,
SURGEON DENTIST.
Huntingdon, Pa.
-•
alma taste and try,
I am sure you will uuy,
somevery superior molasses, at the cheap
CASO STORK Of
JOHN N. PROWELL,
Huntingdon, March 11, 1846.
.1 7 3 U ES Efaat GO 2
largo supply of JUSTICEW BLANKS, on
superior paper. just printed, and for sale at
offi,e.
SPERM OF TAO
HON, JOHN BLANCHARD,
ON THE TARIFF.
Delivered in the House of Representatives of fhe
United Stales, June 29, 1946.
The Bill reducihg duties on imports and for
other purposes being under consideration in the
Committee of the Whcle oti the State of the
Union—
Mr. 13LANC1IARD said :
Mr. CIILIRMAN Having sat ailent during a greet
er part of the session, I am induced, by an imper
ative sense of duty, to make a few observations upon
the bill before us, and more particularly fru the rea..
eon that if this bill passes, the district which I have
the honor to represent will suffer more in its busi
ness, both manufacturing and agricultural, than any
other in the State, and perhaps in the United States.
And I earnestly and solemnly ask gentlemen to
pause and reflect before they come to a final decis
ion on a subject so important and interesting to the
American people. It is no less a question than an
entire change of the domestic policy of this nation.
The principle of protection to domestic industry
and manufactures Is coeval with the Constitution
itself, and has been steadily pursued, with little va
riation, for upwards of seventy years. And what
has been done'? How lusts we progressed under
this protective pokey—thin American system I
We had occular demonstration of what we had
done at the late exhibition of the National Fair.—
It must have astonished the representatives of for
eign nations, residing at our Capital, to see that we,
a nation yet in the "grizzle, and not hardened into
manhood," should accomplish more in the mechanic
arts and manufacturing industry in so short a time,
than European governments hod performed in many
hundred years. They must have seen the impress
of free institutions in the specimens exhibited, end
felt, yes. deeply felt, how much mind and intellect
would accomplish, when left free to act, unrestrained
by the shackles of arbitrary power. Every genuine
American bosom throbbed with feelings of pride
and exultation while gazing on the specimens of
the invention and ingenuity of their countrymen—
those true emblems of social independence—and
Saw in those things that the day way fast approach
ing when we should lie indebted to no nation on
earth for the necessaries of life, but be as indepen
dent in social life as in political power. The ob
jects of the Revolution were, first, to sever the po
litical bonds that bound us to the mother country ;
and, second, to haVe the full control and manage
ment of the blessings Which the Almighty had be
stowed upon out land for the benefit of human ex
istence and human comfort. fti abort, that we might
in reality be, as we declared in 1776, a free and
independent nation.'"fhe flrst threwing off of,
the power of Great Britain, our fathers performed
by the blood and sufferings in the leevolution.-.-
The second object was the work of lime; and do
our early statesmen thought it. They pursued the
principle of protection of American industry with
prudence, wisdom, and caution, and, by the extra
ordinary enterprise anti energy of the American peo
ple, and the fostering care of Government, with
rewards held out to the labor of the toiling millions,
so much has been accomplished in no short a time,
we all hoped, if no sudden change was made in
our protective policy, soon to rival England in all
those manufactures to which our country was
adapted. We expected, also, to establish a home
market for our grain, as permanent and lasting as
the industry and enterprise of our countrymen.—
t•This Was a consummation devoutly to be wished."
but, as human expectations are often disappointed,
and human hopes often blast, d, we must prepare
ourselves for pectiniai y embarrassments, public re
pudiation, and all the evils that follow in their
train; for the present Chief Magistrate, his cabinet,
and his supporters, Ore determined to destroy the
whole protective policy, and change the industrial I
pursuits and habits of our people. This comes
upon ua like n clap of thunder in a clear sky ; for
we expected something better than a totalannihila
lion of the protective policy, evah from James K.
Polk. The errors and inequalities of the tariff of
1842 were to he modified and corrected. That was
all that hie partizans pretended to want. We ore
deceived, basely deceived. All this disappointment
is to be attributed to the proceedings of that most
remarkable of all political assemblages, the Balti
more Convention. The fit at thing they did was to
pars the two-thirds rule, to cut up the prospects of
the foothlep President, Martin Van thiren, for a
re-nomination. He was too non-committal to an
swer their purpose. He had too much principle to
violate the Constitution, and too much knowledge
to believe the area of freedom would be extended
by annexing a slave country to the confederacy.—
He was rejected, and James IC. Polk was nomina
ted for the Presidency ! ! This surprised every
body but the convention themselves, and those who
had the control of the convention. No one had
spoken of James K. Mk; no one had thought of
him in connexion with that high office. He was
the great uuthought of, until his nomination was
announced to the people. The convention did not I
step here, but they threw into the election, to he de+
tided at the ballot-box, the Oregon question, although I
the Constittution has placed our foreign negotiations
exclusively in the bands of the Executive and Sen
ate of the United States.
Tho Texas annexation was another great object
to be effected by the election of James K. Polk.—
The tariff and the tariff policy was more perplex
ing, and Mr. Polk's sentiments on this were Judi=
ciously set forth in very general terms, with Various
modifications. He was for protection to all Inter
ests alike, without any preference for any. Thus
equipped and accoutred he was puth forth by the
Baltimore Convention to beat down the great
statesman of the West in the coming election ;
and a more formidable competitor could not have
been selected, as the result has shown.
It has been said by wiser men than myself, that
the serpent can climb as high as the eagle can soar,
and they both may arrive at the same height, but by
very different means. And, also, that the insect
that lights upon the body of the lion, may sting
that noble animal to death.
But James K. Polk is the tenant of the White
House. He is now the President of the United
States. By the firmness and intelligence of the
Senate, the Oregon question is settled at 49 with
out war or bloodshed, and no thanks to James K.
Polk fur that. Texas is annexed. Texas is ad
mitted into tho Union with a clause in favor of
perpetual slavery in her constitution ; and this act,
so impottant in its nature, and ao vast in its come
quences, affecting the principles of our compact of
Union, was forced upon the nation in the presence,
but not by the consent, of the representatives of all
riEVITEZTUPI3CELis= . 3D O LlPati.6 sg.quiz.u . astna 41, aT3--4-1..,
the parties to the compact, Without consideration
and without debate, by the force of party votes.—
But a voice of protestation has been heard from the
granite hills of New Hampshire, whore freemen
are allowed to speak their thoughts—and that voice
will not stop. It will mingle with every wind front
the north and from the east, until it shakes the
foundations of this Government td its centre.—
And I tell the reckless party men of this country,
who are driving the notion to deetructitm, your ears
will tingle and your face. become pale at the con
sequences of your raehnees and folly.
An other gentlemen, of inuer mars ability than I
possess, have shOwn the effect of the bill now be
fore us upon all tho various interests of the whole
country. I will endeavor to chow its effect upon the
interests of the State of Pennsylvania, and upon
the district I have the honor to represent. I can
not he better understood. than by giving a plain des
cription of the district which I represent.-.•
The district consists of five counties:--Juniata,
(which is chiefly, agricultural,) the other four,
Mifflin, Centre, Htintingdon, and Blair, era agri.
cultural and manufacturing counties. In the
four litter confines, there ere thirty or thirty-five
blast furnaces engaged in making pig iron;
thirty or thirty-five forges which mike bloom
and bar iron; about seven or eight rolling mills;
six or seven axe factories; and from fifteen to
twenty foundries, which manufacture stoves, mill
irons, and other hardware. These Meitufacturing
establishments are mostly carried on by men of
moderate capital. Many of them have been foun
ders, forgemen, Woodcutters, and colliers in the
commencement; but by industry, perseverance, and
economy, have gradually risen to he proprietors of
works of their own. The farrhere In the neigh
borhood find a home market at these iron esti Wish
merits for their coarse grains, and Waters, and hay,
which would net bear carriage to a distant market.
Thus the agricultural and manufacturing interests
mutually stippdrt each other; and at this time all
is happiness, prosperity, and contentment. But if
the bill before us becomes the law of the loud, the
hunt of business will ream. the noise of the forge
hammer will be silent, and the thuhdor of the roll
ing mill will no longer be heard—all will be deso
late and still.
We Pennsylvanians have reason to complain
that this Adminlstration in about sacrificing our in
terests by the passage of this new tariff bill, for the
vote of the State was obtained for Mr. Polk by the
hand of hi• famous letter to John K. Kane; and in
support of my statement, I must send a copy of the
letter to the clerk, to be read for the information of
members :
[The letter was here read by the clerk.]
This is a capital letter—a well written letter—a
noble letter—and, as the Irishman said of his friend,
so noble that it is ignoble. I never read any letter
like it. I have taxed my memory, and consulted
history, and I have been unable to find any letter
written by any great man in modern or ancient
times that bears any analogy to it, unless it be one
in the Holy Bible, where every thing that shows
the wickedness of man is to be found. It is the let
ter Datsid wrote to Joab, concerning Uriah the,' lit
tite, after he had violated his marriage bed, when
Uriah Was absent fighting his battles in his army.
Its contents were es follows: " Set ye Uriah its the
fore-front of the hottest battle, and retlie ye from
him that he may be smitten and die." And David
gave this letter to Thiel], and ha Carried and deliv
ered it to Joab. But Uriah did not kin,* that death
was in that letter. Neither when the people of
Pennsylvania received Mr. Polk's Kane, letter, did
they think that death to their intermits was contain.•
ed in that letter. The Democratic orators, when
this letter came, said to the people. " there is his
own letter. Now you see all we told you is true.—
Here Mr. Polk says he is for protection—he is for
protecting all the interests of the country alike—
no preference to any class—no monopolies—no
exclusive priviliges--equal protection to all. You
may safely trust him. The (aril!' will be safe in Ins
hands." And then they applied General Jackson's
rule of construction, that any one was to read the
letter as he understood it. According to this Jack
eon rule of construction, and the explanation of
the Democratic orators, the letter suited Pennsyl
vania exactly. The letter was understood to be a
clear, explicit letter, in favor of protection--much
stronger than any one Mr. Clay had written. Then
the whole patty cried out—Mr. Polk is a tariff man
the friend of equal and just protection to all Amer
ican interesta—the tariff will be safe in his hands
—and some went so far as to declare, as their sol
emn conviction. that it would he safer in Mr. Polk's
hands than Mr. Clay's t that he would not suffer
the tariff of 1842 to be repealed, but correct same
of its errors, and modify settle of its inequalities.
These assertions were repeated over and over again,
until the honest men of the party believed them to
be infallibly true.
To add to this', Jarboe Buchenaii—Pertheyive
nia's favorite son—traversed many ports of the
. State, and told the people (as my friend and col
' league Mr. Por.r.ocx stated a few days since on
' this floor,) that he wars well acquainted with Mr.
Polk and Mr. Clay both, and from their writings
land voted. and opinions expressed, he would assure
I them the tariff of 1842 was as safe in Mr. l'olk's
hands as Mr. Clay's! ! And, Mr. Chairman, you
and the mernbers of this House must know, that
the sayings of James Buchanan are oracular with
the Pennsylvania Democracy. ever since the Fed
eral blood in his veins has been drawn off and ex
punged. They are as implicitly believed and relied
on by the Democratic party in our State, ria the re
sponses of the Delphic oracle were by the ancient
Grecians. So it was with us, after these declara
tions in confirmation of the letter. Faith was
I added to conviction. Then were raised the banners
" Polk an .1 belles, and the Ma' of 1842;" anti I
have seen with my own eyes, intelligent mon, yea,
ehristinn men of the Democratic party, Matching
to political meetings limier these /yinss banners
floating to the wind, with as much patriotic devo
tion as the crusaders marched to Jertumlem tinder
the banners of the croon. And many of the hem-1
oolitic party, as late as last fall, thought that Mr.
Polk was a tariff man ; for when I started from!
home for this city, and was taking leave of some
of my Democratic constituents. the very last worda
they said to me were—stick to the tits llr, Wh e n
I answered them, that I feared it would be repealed,
their reply was—No, NET., "it will never he
touched."
I beg gentlemen from other States to cease to
sneer at our ignorance, and laugh at our calamity,
in this our day of tribulation--to show some char
ity and compassion for no. We Whigs aro not in
fault that the vote of Pennsylvania was cast for Mr.
Polk, instead of Mr. Clay. We fought bravely,
and manfully, both from a sense of duty to our
country, and the interests of our State. Stimulated
1w a deep feeling of admiration and gratitude to the
great statesman of the Wczt, who hid been our un
tiring friend for a long political life ' we contended,
yea, we contended even unto the death, until we
were conquered by a constitutional majority. Sir,
you might as well stop the waves of the sea with a
bulrush, or whistle to the wind to arrest the tornado
in its progress, as to resist Pennsylvania Democracy
in o contest for the loaves and fishes of office.—
And even the Democracy may be excused, (I mean
the rank and file,) for they were deceived, basely
deceived by men in high places. Dr not men gen
erally look upon the victims of betrayed confidence
end broken faith with compaesion; ohd upon their
betrayers with detestation and scorn? These ob
servations do not apply to the leaders of the Dern ,
ocratic party who joined in this deception, for there
is not a niche in the temple of infamy sufficiently
infamous for them. Thera is no new and unheard
of punishment commensurate with their crime.
I have heard much said about incorporated, as
sociated wealth, end a rich manufacturing aristoc
racy, and about laboring melt being oppressed by
the lords of the furnace, the forge, and the loom.—
'rhos° Who talk in this way have never been in
Pennsylvania. These works I have described are .
carried on by men who have made their own cap
ital with toil and labor—by men who, with as few
exceptions as other occupations, despise and hate
an aristocratic spirit.
The gentleman from Virginia, on the other side
Of the House, talked about the manufacturers tread
' ing on Brussels carpets, and wearing French silks,
and riding in imported coaches. I agree that there
aro some men in Pennsylvania, and even in my
district, who, after a long of industry, and toil,
and careful manag'ement, with many "hair-breadth
escapes" froth impending ruin, f, om the fluctua
ting policy bf our legislation, have aceumulated
wealth; who have houses built in the modern style,
and thshionably furnished with appropriate furni-
I Lure ; and now, when their strength is failing, and
their activity gone, are disposed to enjoy the faint;
of their own labor, liko as other men of property
enjoy theirs. And why shoUld thin be an argument
against the protective system? Why has not the
rich iron master of Penneylvaiiie as good a right to
enjoy his Wealth, Corned by himself, ea the wealthy
planter of the South hie plantation and his tiegroes,
which he received by inhe. Rance? Which is the
Most republican and consistent with our free insti
tutions, I leaee with the bemom acy to decide.- -
Hut these men are exceptions to the general rule.
and few in number; and if the gentleman from
Virginia will come into my district, or among the
iron works in Pennsylvania, lie ray see some of
those bloated aristocratic iron musters coming in
from their mine bank and coaling ground at night,
their *hoes heavy with the clay and their clothes
covered with the dust of the coaling ground, their
faces as black as the coal of their furnace, with a
pick on their shoulder of a spade in their hand, and
nothing to distinguish them from one of their hands,
except that the hands in their employ can go to
their rest, and the proprietor must see that all is
rightahout the works, and lay his plans for the bu
siness of tomorrow. Talk of these men ne orbs
tocrats! It is nonsense! Where should they get
their aristocracy ? They were very much like their
hands; they all worked together; sad this showed
the real democratic state of the people. It provid
that, in the manufacturing districts in Pennsylva
nia, a poor man's son might go into the mine hank,
or to the forge fire, or to the coaling ground, and,
eller laboring for a course of years, might come out
a proprietor. This is the very beauty of our insti
tutioue. A young man who was left without any
inheritahhe could, by industry and perseverance, so
better lila condition no Cl lehgih to earn works of
his mei:. Men who become independent by patient
industry had.nd thought of lorditig it over their
workmen. All lived very Much alike. They Ware
not lifted up one above another, but live in a state
of republican equality. I have often reflected cn it,
and felt rejoiced to see the children rif peer men
thriving by their own exertions, and gradually be
coming rich, Such then, instead of domineering
over those they employed, felt a sympathy with
them. There was no knocking the men aboitt like
dogs in the iron works in Pennsylvonia. And to
one who lived there it sounded very absurd tuhedr,
ouch representations made in speerhea here, and Is
see gentlemen fly into a passion about it. Anti
republican ! They were the moot republican peo
ple in the country.
And as to the honorable gentle.nan from Louis
iana, (Mr. Hs rtatawso:v,) representing these men
who worked in our manufactories as ignorant and
degr aded, there never was a greater mistake. They
are quite as intelligent as some of those who talked
so foolishly about them, Many, very many of
them, are as intelligent as any other members of
the same community ; and they have much better
advantages, in some respects, than others have for
acquiring knowledge--for many live secluded, and
do not mix much with the world ; but these men
have the advantage of much convereation with very
intelligent men of business. They read the news
papers and political documents, and converse much
together about what they read in them. At every
iron works there is an office where the books are'
kept and the bbsinese of the establishment trans.
acted. Hero very shrewd and intelligent tnen as
semble, and they talk freely of what relates to man
ufactures and bueinee ih general; and the propri.
eta' e, instead of being such awful tyrants and iron
hearted oppressors. ore in the habit of sitting down
and talking with their men as men of understand
ing; and of reading to them, and explaintng what
they read, as that it would benefit them. All was
harthohy and good fellowship among them. They
lived in unity and good will; and so they Would
have continued, to the end of time, but for certain
petiticians, who came among the men, professing
great sympathy with theth—trying to tnake them
believe they were groaning under oppression. It
was much like Satan entering into paradise. They
whispered in the ears of the workmen—" You won't
vote with that man. Ho cares nothing for you.--
He makes all his money out of you. See how Proud
ho is getting. I would not vote as he pleases. He
will soon make a sieve of you. Show yourself ih
dependent. When he votes one way, you vote the
other. The satire laws that will protect him will
destroy you." This sort of talk went on for a
While, and the vvotkmen made it a rule to vote on
die opposite side to their employer. As long as
Government let them and their concerns alone,
they did not care moth about question. of party
politics; but when they found the tilovernment fall
ing foul of the great intermit. of the country, and
business and politics mixed up together, and that
the demagogues who came coaxing them for their
votes were like to starve them to death, their eyes
by degrees became fully opened to the baseness of
their demagogueical deceivers; and thee. they were
willing to listen to their employers, who would set
down end reason the matter with them, and show
them how the thing worked in practice on their
business, and how their interests, and the interests
of their employer, instead of being at war with
each other, were one and the same : and though
these men had sweaty Nees and dust on their
clothes from the mine bank and the coaling ground,
yet, when it came to a practical, common sense
atginhent, I would pit them against nanny of the
gentlemen who have made such fine anti-tariff
speeches in this House. and they would meet with
their match, They know nothing about theories,
but they know how the thing worked. As for
these fine-spim theories oboist free trade end polit
cal economy, I hove a greet contempt for them.
And I beg of the honorable gentlemen from Lou
isiana, who seems to be so distressed about North
ern laborers in our manufactories, to reserve his
sympathy for the sufferings of the slaves of his
own Mote, which are raid to be so severe that seven
years of labor upon the plantation relieves them
from their Miseries by death. I say this not in the
way of reproach to any one, but to correct the mis
take of the gentleman as to the monufacturing labor
of the North; for I am persuaded, noSouthern man
can realize the happiness, the independence, and the
comfort, enjoyed by the free laborer of the North,
without he has been among them.
The honorable gentleman from New York, (Mr.
Collin,) read a long apeech the other day against
protection, in which hesnid, under the tariffol 1842
the farmers of this country paid eighty-one millions
of dollars annually for the protection of the Menu , .
facturers; that the money actually come out of the
farmer's pockets. and .es put into the pockets of
the manufacturers. This, he said, he would prove
by what he collect statiettee. He h a d ;h a thi ng a ll
to himself. He assumed whatever he liked, made
hie own theory, took what be pleased for his premi
:
ores, drew his own inferences, aid proved everything
quite smoothly. Men loved their theories as they
did their childreh. re, them they seemed all beau
tiful. There was ho fault in them. lint, witch
such theories are applied to the practie.l btrid nesa
of life, they ere as absurd as the mind of inert can
conceive. The gentleman's :Teeth reminds me of
old story-tellers, who make Dud tell their own sto
ries, and they generally tell them well; but they
have one defect—there is no truth In them. It.,
with the gentleman's theoretical free.trade speeds ;
it reads well, Very ivell, indeed; but it has no truth
in it. He has deceived hitnaelt; and by his ingenu
ity will deceive others.
If the gentleman would take his speech into any
of the manufacturing districts of Pennsylvania, and
read to the farmers that part of it which asserts that
the farming interest in the United States pays eighty
one millions of do:lars to the manufacturers, with
out art equivalent under the tariff of 1842, they
would tell him that it could not be; that they knew
better; that the tariff was as beneficial to them as
to the ironmaster himself; that to melte a ton of iron
required about twenty-five dollars worth of grain,',
rye, buckwheat, oats and corn, that would not hear
carriage to a distant market ; that iron works were
o benefit instead of any injury to them, and that the
farmers' and manufacturers' interests were mutually
advantageous to each other. They would tell him
further, that the mechanics were benefitted by the
protection given the iron manufneterer. They
must have harness for the horses from the saddler;
work from the carpenter to build and repair the va
rious buildings about the works ; shoes from the
shoemaker for the hands to wear; and shoes from
the blacksmith for the horses' feet. Thus the duty
on iron protects all interests alike, without prell.renee
to any, in exact accordance with Mr. Polk'a fathous
letter to John K. Kane. If there is any difference,
the ovvher gets the leak wages for his Capital, his
rick. and supervision of the establishinept. They
could not believh that the Iromilasters were pion
derere,,aB the gentlerhah ;tar said in his speech. if,
fly such faCts as these,
.theii. could net drive this
vvilil freelrede theory out of his head. they might
pin him tinder jridlciohe restraint, lest he Might do
!dwelt" and others some harrh.
. . .
hat I have said concerning rriv own district is
applicable to most of the iron and cool districts in
Pennsylvania. f will now endeavor to show how
that State will be affected as a State by the passage
cif this hilt. She is now upwards of forty mdllona
in debt for her public works; and this debt is as
mock a lien on our renl property as in specific mort
gage. It moat be pnid by us, or our children mat
pay it. We are now taxed an high as we can bear,
to pay this very debt, nod we ha, difficulty in pay
ing the interest semi-annually. But we are going
on prosperously under the Tariff of 1842. iVe
have paid off the February interest, and have a
fair prospect of paying the August :ostallment.
But pass this bill, and we must stop and repudiale
from necessity. Our good old honest Quaker Com
monwealth must be disgraced by repudiation and
breach of faith, which we enrnestly desire to keep
sacred, as we always have done. Yes, public rept,-
diation and private insolvency must take place if
this bill become the law of the land. And how
was this debt contracted? I agree we made too
many improvements. We were imprudent. But
fifteen millions of this debt was contracted for the
construction of the mein line—the great thorough
fare through the State to the West—which is more
a national work than a State improvement. under j
the strictest Democratic construction of the Consti
tution. Thie fifteen millions of our public debt
the national treasury ought to pay, or at least let I
its have our share of the proceeds of the public
land to pay it with ; for it raises the price of those
fiery lands to more than the amount of that port of
our public debt. Ti benefits the nation generally.
And in war it would snve millions to the nation in
transporting troops, cannon, and military stores for
the army. But this appropriate fund—the proceeds
of the public lands—you have taken from us, and,
as we are now engaged in a war, we cannot at
present ask you to give it to us. Let that pos..
We do not ask it at this time. But we do ask that
you should let your tariff law remain as it is. We
are willing to pay the debt contracted fur the benefit
of the notion. WO will pry the debt—principal
and interest, within twenty years. Only let us
haVe the liberty of making the most of our mineral
rvealth—our coal and our iron. But we cannot
pay if the present Tariff is stricken down.
Our State tax generally exceeds the tax for coun
ty purpose., and in many instances doubles it; and
our school tax is as high or higher than the State
tax. Put of this arc do not complain. The people
are determined to have infortnation, so that no more
Polk letters shall deceive them. They aro resolved
to have light. They will go Polking about in the
dark no longer. If I had no higher motive than
the exaltation of the Whig party to power, regard
less of the interest of my State and country, I
might be willing to see this bill pass; for, so sure
as it posses, Pennsylvania must, from necessity, re
pudiate her public debt ; and she would et the same
time voluntarily repudiate her party democracy. it
cLI
will operate as one universal emetic throughout the
State; and all Locofocoism, and Po/loam, and,
every other ism connected with this weak and cor
, rupt Administration, will be vomited up, and thf
stomach of the Democratic patty will be in a more
sound and healthy state than it was in 1844. I
would ask gentlemen to look nt the signs of the
times. Did they ever see Pennsylvania Democrats
and Pennsylvania Whigs marching up side by aide
in united column before I Did this betoken nettl
ing? The two parties, until now, have never
touched each other politically ; bite now they have
eeme together, shoulder to shoulder, in defence of
the interests of our geed old Commonwealth. This
is as it should he. Enongh lies been sacrificed to
party ; but I am afraid it in too late; I greatly fear
it is too late. Pennsylvania elected Polk, .d
dreadfully has he hiked her. Pennsylvania bar
been called rr the Keystone State," and she is a no
ble State—true to the country, patriotic and brave.
Although cite does not boast of so touch chivalry
! os some other States pretend to have, net from 1775,
down to this day, when hard blows were to be given
and received, she has borne her full share; and rho
1 to willing now to do Ice duty, and her whole duty.
Why, then, are her vital interests disregarded in
the councils of the notion? Is PerltltqlVenie no .
unimportant a port of this I:hion fie to have no
claims upon the Federal Government for the pro
tection of her interests? The President and the
Democratic party should remember what rile has
done for them as a party. Her merits are mani
fold, and as great, or greater than any other Stole
in the Union. She has orawn steadily in the Dem
ocratic team froth the days of Jeiferson down to the
present time; and, while other Stales were restive
and refused to pull, Making trouble in the team, she
never put her leg over the traces but (mire, and then
she pia it brick again the next pull, without any in
jury to the harness. She was the great preserver
and regulator of the party ; and without her the
Democratic party could not have kept soul and body,
together. Have gentlemen forgotten, on glint and
exciting elections, and the great overwhelming ma:.
jorities of Pennsylvania democracy, how, in the
I voice of rejoicing for victory, she caused the nit to
ring With—lima boors! for the old Keystone
State ; disinterested Pennsylvania Democratic
Pennsylvania! true to Democracy os the needle to
the pole! firm in her principles as her own Allege-
Meg ! Do nut gentlemen remember 1 Once she
was a great favolite—a prime favorite. Jr that day
her democracy might hare dotal againd the
world.' But no*, since she has been deceived by
the false and hypocritical letters of Kone and Polk,
"there in none so poor as to do her reverence."
Did not gentlemen hear my friend and colleague,
Mr. Brodhead? He told you Pennsylvania might
be slighted now, but about the time of another elec
tion you would want her aid. Ho told it very re
luctantly, but when he did do it, he did it manfully.
He hod swallowed and swallowed, again and again.
your doses of progressive democracy, but when this
hill came up it choked him. And Mr. Chairman,
Pennsylvania democrats can swallow as much no
any democrats in the lend, and when they choke, it
must hen bitter pill indeed that they cont't swallow.
The Deinocrals never can keep possession of Gov
ernment by breaking down Pennsylvnnia. As to
the South. I knotv they honestly think they are in
jured by this protective system. I think they are
mistaken; but they ore sincere in their opposition.
The misfortune is, they dare not look the real cause
of their depression in the face—they dare not meet
it. It is their slate institutions; for it cannot bo
that men in bondage con have the same enterprige.
industry, and perseverance, as freemen. The one
has hope that some day his toil, Will be lessened or
ended, and part of his days will he spent in rein
iterative ease and happiness; the other.hes no hope
that 1114 toil will et d but in death. And 1 say fir
the South, es their friend, you must abolish your
peculiar institutions, or so modify them, that this
Ainerican systeni will operate more justly upon
your industry, if its operations he unjust for yott
cannot expect that the States will much longer suf.
fee their free labor and enterprire to he crippled or
destroyed, for the preservation of the slave institu
tions; of the South. They entrant and they will
not do It. Wo cannot meddle with your institu
tions; you must do it, and do it in your own way.
I say nothing of the moral sin of t lavery. As a
legislator, I have nothing to do with that, But only
na slavery affects our political system, and the great
industrial interests of the nation.
But what surprises me most is, the con
duct of the West. Western men corn
plain that New England sells her muslini
and calicoes too dear; and Pennsylvania,
her ken at too high a price ; that upon the
repeal of the tariff of 18-12, and the pas
sage of this bill, they will pay less fiii•
British goods and manufactures than they
now do for American, and receive in re
turn a higher pike their grain. In
this they are clearly mistaken. The'
ought to know that the only possible ad
vantage we can have in the British market
for our breadstulfs, consists in the trade
through Canada, and that the repeal of the
British corn laws, (witty which this is ur
ged as a reciprocal measure,`. wall effectu
ally destroy that market by d placittg, iiA
upon the same level with the countries
upon the Baltic, which can furnish wheat
touch cheaper than we can. But di) they
not feel some interest in building up this
great pri)tective American system It is
the only way the West will arriae at thh
greatness lOr which she is destined by ha
lure--,she is our great Egypt of production.
The Yankees possess unrivalled industry
and ingenuity tit manufacture whatever
they would want or desire. It seemed as
if the Almighty had made one fertile,a v
nd
the other . sterile, on purpose
o thiii trey
might play into each other's handS. The
East Was just made for the West, and the
West for the . EasL '['he western men etc
men of strong minds, but they have not
turned their attention to this subject or
they would understand it better. They
must lay aside their rifles, and abate tonic
of their ferocity, and iplit 'jcny four-for . -
ly," and settle down to the dull pursuiti
of civil life upon 1./m.o4litre," and calm.:
ly and coolly examine this protective sys.
tern. They will change their views of many
things, and among the rest, upon the tat.:
ifF 'Fhey wall roe that a ery soon the Hhote