~~'j~":.r~vusrc.
be male, consistently with the spirit of that coo
nation.
The recottonendationJ which I hare tootle, as to
to the bent manner or securing our right.. in Ore
gon, me ..abinitted to Convoys with great defer
en:o. Nliculd they, in their wisdom, dealer any
oche- mode hewer calculated to accomplish the
,ome object, it shall meet with my hearty concur-
4 . 0 'lO and the year's notice, should Congrese
'Lh.rik, it plop, to make provision fur giving that
notice. we chill have reached a period when the
n et ional rig! is in Oregon mum either be ebandoned
or fi•mly maintained. That they cannot be alien-
doncl tv.rieut a sacrifice of both national honor
and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt.
Oregon is a part of the North American conti
nent. to which it is confidently affirmed, the title of
the United States is the beet now in exietence.
For the grounds en which that title reale. I refer
you to the correspondence of the late and present
Secretary of State, with the Pritien Pleniptentia
metering the negottetion. The British propoei
tion of compromise, which moat make the Colum• '
bin the line south of forty-nine degrees. with a
trifling addition of detached territory to the United
Stately, north of that river, and would leave on the
British aide two thud. of the whole Oregon terri
tory, including the free navigation of the Columbia,
and all the valuable harbors on the Pacific, can
never, for a moment, be entertained by the United
State., without an abandonment of their clear ter
ritorial righte, their own self-respect, and the na
tional honor. For the information of Congrea. I
communicate herewith the correspondence which
took plate between the two governments during
their late negotiation.
The rapid e,tenaion or our sett'emante over our
territories heretofore unoccupied; the addition of
naw State. to our confederacy; the expansion of
free principles, and our rising greatness as a nation,
are attracting the attention of the Powers of Eu
rope; and lately, the doctrine has been broached in
come of them, of a "balance of power' nn this
continent, to check our advancement. The United
States, sincerely desirous of preserving relations of
good understanding with all nations, cannot in si
lence pernZt any European interference on the North
American continent; and should any such interfe
rence be attempted, will be ready to resist it any
and all hazard..
It to well known to the American people and to
all nations, that this government has never inter
fered with the relations subsisting between other
governments. We have never made ourselves par.
ties to their wars or their alliance.; we pace not
sought their territories by conquest; we have not
mingled with parties in their domestic struggles ;
and believing our own form of government to be
the bent, we have never attempted to proogate it by
intrigues, by diplomacy, nr by force. We may
claim on this continent, a like exemption from Eu
ropean interference. The tiationo of America are
equally soveteien and independent with those of
Europe. They possess the same rights. independ
ent of all foreign interpooitilm,to make war, to con
clude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs.
The people of the United States caunnt. there
fore, view with indifference sttempte of European
powers to interfere with the independent actions of
this continent. The American system of govern
ment, is entirely cliff . ..rent from that of Europe.
Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe,
led any one .sf them might become too powerful for
the rest. has caused them anxiously to desire the
erab r ehm'n!. of what they term the -balance of
power." It cannot he permitted to have any ap
plication on the North American continent, and
especially to the United Ildtetes. We must ever
mainta'n the principles, that :the peopl e of this con
tinent alone. have a right to Jkcide their own desti
ny. Bhoul.l any portion of them, constituting an
independent state propose to unite themselves with ,
our confederacy, Ir • will be a question for them
and us to determine, without any foreign interior
'Won.
It • can never consent that European Powers
shall interfere to prevent such a union, because it
might disturb the "balance of power" which they
may desrre to maintain upon this continent. Near
• Quarter of a century ago, the principle was di.
tinnily announced to the world in the annual mes
sage of one of my predecesaors, that "the Arnhi
cart continents, by the fee and independent condi
tion which they have ammo., and maintain, ame
henceforth not to he considered as subjects for Cu
lp, colhniation by any European Power." This
principle will apply with *neatly increased force,
shoal l nny European Power attempt to establish
any new colony in North America. In the existing
circa n.rt urges of the world, the present is deemed
4 fr Tasidn to reiterate and reaffirm the prin.
end.. meowed by Ur. Monroe, and to state my cor
dial C 11171, 1 ,1,11 CO in its wisdom and sound policy.
r e reairsertion of this principle, espciaelly in ref=
erence to N,rth America, is at this day hut the
p omoleation of a policy which no European Pow
er ahoold cherish the disposition to resist.
,isting ritchtt, or every European nation should
hr t•a•otetrd: hut it he due alike to our toilet) , and
our that the efficient prote.tion of our
:r.vs s'ioul I be extended over our whole territorial
ii n d, an d that ii should be distinctly announced
t^ ',ye wrold as our settled policy, that no future
E•vonean r•dlooy or dominion shall, with our con
sent. te planted or established on any part of the
North American continent.
A question has recently arisen under the tenth
article of tho subsisting treaty Ite:wcen the United
States and Prueeia. By this article, the commie of
the two countries have the right to nit ae judges
and arbitrators "in such differences as may arise
between tho captains and crews of the vevwels he•
longing to the nation whose interests are committed
to their charge, without the interference of the lo
cal authorities, unless the conduct of the crews er
the captain should disturb the order or tranquility
of the country ; or the Raid consuls should require]
their assistance to cause then decisions to he car require]
their
into effect or supported."
The Prussian consul at New Bedford, in June,l
1844, applied to Mr. Justice Story to carry into oG
feet a decision made by him between the captain
and crew of the Pruasian ship Borussie ; but the
request was refused on the ground that, without
previoua legislation by Congress, the judiciary did
not possess the power to give effect to this article
of the treaty. The Prussian government, through
their miuistsr here, have complained of this violation
of the treaty, and have asked the government of the
U. States to adopt the necessary measures to pre..,
vent similar violations hereafter. Good faith to
Prussia, as well as to other nations with whom we
have similar treaty stipulation, requires that these
should be faithfully observed. 1 have deemed it
proper, therefote, to lay the subject beforel!ongress,
and to recommend such legislation no may be nec
essary to give effect to these treaty obligations.
By virtue of an arrangement made between the
Spanish government and that of the United States.
in December, 1831, American veseels. since the
twenty-ninth of April. 1832, have been tolminett
to entry in the ports of Spain, including those of the
Balearic and Canary island., on payment of the
so ta" tonnage dote of five came per ton. as though
they had been Spanish vessels ; end this. whether
our vessels arrive in Spain directly from the
States. or indirectly trent any other country. When
Congress, by the act of the thirteenth of July. 1832
once effect to this arrangement between the two
wsrnments, they confined this reduction of ton
eetze int, merely to spanish vessels, "coming from
now in Snain." leaning the former ilincriminating
•ry in rennin axitinst such vessels coating from a
hoof] so any other country.
•
It is manifestly unjust that, whilst American iree
nein, arriving in the pests of Spain from other cowl
tries. pay no more duty than Spannish velvets,
Spanish vesiiels arriving in the ports of the United
States from other countrnea should be subjected to
heavy discriminating tonnage duties. This is nei
their equality nor reciprocity, and is a violation of
the emu:gement concluded in December, tB3l, be
tween the twocountriee. The Spenieh government
have mode repeated and earnest remonstrances
against this inequality, and the favorable attention
of Congress hen been several times invoked to the
subject by my predecessors. I recommend, as en
act of justice to Spain, that thin inequality he re
moved by Convent, and that the discriminating
duties which have been levied under the act of the
thirteenth of July, 1832, on Spanish vessels corn
ing to the United States from any other foreign
country, be refunded. This recommendation does
not embrace Spanish 'erode coming to the United
States from Cuba and Port Rico, Which witl sal! re
! main subject to the provisions of the act of June
30th, 1834, concerning lounge duty on such Yea
! acts.
By the act of the fourteenth of July, 1832, cof
fee Wfla exempted from duty altogether. This ex
emption a•as universal, without referehee to the
country where it was produced, or the ha•ionsl
character of the vessel in which it was Imported.
By the tariff act, of the thirteenth of August, 1 842,
this exemption from duty woe restricted to coffee
imported in American vessels from the place of its
production ; whilst coffee imported under all other
circumstance. was subjected to a duty of twenty
per cent. ad valorem. Under this act. and our ex
isting treaty with the King of the Netherlands,
Java coffee imported from the European ports of
that kingdom into the United States, whether in
Dutch or American vessels now pays this rote of
duty.
'the government of the Netherlands complains
that such a discriminating duty should have been
imposed on coffee, the production of one of its col
onies, and which is chiefly brought from Juva to
the ports of that kingdom, and exported from
thence to foreign countries. Our trade with the
Netherlands is highly beneficial to both countries,
and our relations with them have ever been of the
most friendly character. Under all the circum
stances of the ease, I recommend that this discrim
ination should be abolished, and that the coffee of
Java impeded from the Netherlandebe placed upon
the same footing with that imported directly from
Brazil and other countries were it is produced.
. . . . . _ .
Under the eighth section of the tariff act of the
thirteenth of August, 1842. a duty of fifteen cents
per gallon was imposed on Port wine in conks;
while. on the red wines of several other countries,
when imported in casks, a duty of only six cents
per gallon was imposed. Thin discrimination, so
far ne regards the Port wine of Portugal, wan deem
ed a violation of our treaty with that Power, which
provides that "No higher or other duties shall be
imposed on the importation into the United Staten
of America of any article, the growth, produce, or
manufacture of the kingdom and possessions of
Portugal. than eurh as are or shall tie payable on
the like article, being the growth, produce, or man
ufacture of any other foreign country.'
Accordingly, to give effect to the treaty, as well
ae to the intention of Congresa, express, d in a pro
vino to the tariff act knelt, that nothing therein con
tained &hookd he so construed as to intefere with
nubnisting emetic.a with foreign nations; a treasury
circular wee hinted on the 16th of July, 1844,
which, among other things, declared the duty on
the Port wine of Portugal, in canker under the ex-
Wine laws and treaty, to be nix cents per gallon.
and directed that the exersi of duties which had
teen collected on such wine should be refunded.
13y virtue of another clause in the name sr ction
o( the art, it is provided that all imitations of Port,
or any other wimp, "shall tie subject to the duty ,
provided for the genuine article." limitations of
Port wine, the production of France, are imported
to some extent into the United Estates,. and the
government of that country now claims that , and. ,
a correct .d,.tt of the act, these imitations
ought not to pay a higher duty than that imposed
upon the original Port wine of Portugal. It ap
pears to me to he unequal and lining, that French
imitations of Port wine ehould be subjected to a
duty of fifteen cents, while the more valuable arti-
He from Portugal ehould pay a duty of six only per
gallon. I therefore recommend to Congress such
legi , lation no may be necessary to correct the me
, q b ! li ! l Y*. -
The late President, in his annual message of
December last, recommended an appropiation tolsat
i.tfy a' e claims of the Texan government against
the United States, which had heen previously ad
juate.l, so far as the powers of the Executive ex
tend. These Halms arose out of the act of disarm
ing a holy of 'Pe• an troops under the command of
Maine Snively. by an officer in the service of the
ITnited States, acting under the orders of our gov
ernment; and the forcible entry into the custom
hence at Dryarly Blanding, on Red river, by certain
citizens of the United States, and taking away
therefrom the goads seized by the collector of the
customs as forfeited under the laws of Texas. This
watt a liquidated debt. ascertained to be due to Tex
as when an independent State. Ifer acceptance of
the terms of annexation proposed by the U. States
does not discharge or invalidate•. the claim. I rec
ommend that provision he made for its payment.
The commissioner appointed to China during
the arterial session of the Senate. in March last,
shortly afterwards set out on his mission in the
United • tates ship Columbus. On arriving at Rio
de Janeiro on his passage, the state of his health
haul become an et it ieu I, that, by the advice
of his medical attendants, he returned to
the United States early in the month or
October last. Commodore Biddle, com
manding the East India squadron, pro
ceeded on his nonage in the Columbus,
was charged by the commissioner
witii the duty of rgt•h;tnying ',ilk the
primer within it;es , lie rltificationc of the
•••••31v lately conch:4Pd tviih E.eirwtior
ofi.China. Since the return or t he coo,
uiss: imee to the Stater' hi.. health
hits ' een much and he enter
flint: the confident belief that lie will soon
:1111e hr prlOCeed u!t 6 is mission
nolortotott..ly. difference.. continue to
ex;s , among some of the relations of S.
America which. following our example
base established their independence, while
in others internal dissensions prevail. ft
in nainral that our sympathies should be
warmly enlisted in th , ir welfare; that we
should desire that all controversies be-
I Welql them should he amicably adjusted,
and their governments administered in a
manner to protect the tights and promote
the ort.tiprity of their people. It i... con
trarv, however. to our settled policy, to
intet fere in their controversies, whether
-sternal or internal.
haveklitis adverted to all the subjects
ono,ted with our foreign relations, to
•k hid) I deem it necessary to call your at.
tntion. Our policy is not only peace
iiith all. but goodwill towards all the
onsvers or th.- earth. %%idle we sae ju•t
0 all. %ve require that all should be just
to us. Excepting the differet4ee with
Mexico and Great Britain, our relations
with all civilized nations are of the most
satisfactory character. It is hoped that
in this enlightened age these differences
may be sink ably adjusted.
'I he Secretary of the Treasury, in his
'sport to Congress, will communicate a
lull statement of the condition at our
finances. The imports for the fiscal year
ending on the thirtieth of June last, were
of the value dune hundred and seven
teen millions two hundred and fifty-four
thousand five hundred and sixty four dol
lars, of which the amount exported was
fifteen millions three hundred and forty
six thousand eight hundred and thirty
dollars—leaving a balance of one hutis
tired and one millions nine hundred and
seven thousand seven hundred and thirty
four dollars for domestic consumption.
The exports for the same year were of
the value .ol one hundred and fourteen
millions six I undred and forty-six thou•
sand six hundred and six dollars. of which
the amount of domestic articles was
ninety-nine millions two hundred and
ninety-nine thousand seven hundred and
seventy-six dollars. The receipts into
the Treasury during the same year, were
tttenty•nine millions seven hundred and
sixty nine thousand, one hundred and
triitysthree dollars and fifty-six cents;
of which, there were derived train cus
toms, twenty-seven millions five hundred
and twenty - eight thousand one hundred
and twelve dollars and seventy cents;
f r om sal es o r public lands, two millions
seventy seven thousand and twenty-two
dollars and thirty centst and from loci.
dental and miscellaneous sources, one
hundred and sixty-three thousand nine
r hundred and ninety-eight dollars and
fifty six cents.
the expenditures far the same period
were twenty-nine millions nine hundred
and sixty-eight thousand two hundred
and six dollars and ninety-eight cents ; of
which eight millions five hundred and
eighty-eight thousand one hundred and
sixty-two cents were applied to the pay•
meat of the public debt. The balance in
the Treasury on the first of July last,
was seven millions six hundred and fifty
eight thousand three hundred and six
dollars and twenty-two cents.
The amount of the public debt remain•
ing unpaid on the first of October last,
was seventeen millions seventv-five thou
sand four hundred and forty * five dollars
an d fty-two cents. Further payments
of the public debt would have been made,
in anticipation of the period of its reim•
horsemen: under the authority conferred
upon the Secretary of the Treasury, by
the acts of Jot's' twenty•first, 1841, and
and of April fif•reoth, 1842, and March
third, 1843, had not the tinsettled state
of our relations with Nemo, menaced
hostile collision with that power. In view
of such a contingency, it was O.:emed
prudent to retain in the Treasury An
amount unusually large for ordinary pur
poses:
A few years ago, our whole national
.rem st•owinit out of the Revolution and
the war of 1812 with Great Britian, was
extinguished, and we presented to the
world the rare and noble spectacle of a
great and growing people who had fully
ilisc:iaraed every oldigation. Since that
time, the existing debt has been contract
ed ; and small as it is, in comparison
milli the similar burdens of most other
nations, it should be extinguished at the
earliest practicable period. Should the
state of the country peimit, and, especial.
Iv, if our foreign relations interpose no
obstacle, it is contemplated to apply all
the monies in the Treasury a• they accrue
heyonil what is required for the ippropri
ations by Congress, to its liquidation. I
cherish the hope of soon being able to
congratulate the country on its tecovering
once more the lofty position which it so
recently occu pied. Our country, which
exhibits to the world the benefits of self
government, iu developing all the sources
of national pi °verity, owes to mankind
the pet manent example of a nation, free
trout the blighting influence of public
debt.
The attention of Congress is invited to
the importance of making suitable modi
fications and reductions of the rates of
duties imposed by nor present taritilawg,
The object of imposing duties on imports,
should be to raise revenue to pay the ne •
cessary expenses of government. Con
;tress may, undoubtedly, in the exercise
of a sound discretion, discriminate io a r•
nging the rates of duty on different ar
ticle•s; but the discriminations should be
within the revenue standard, and be
made with the view to raise money for the
support of government.
It becomes important to understand
distinctly what is meant by a revenue
wandard, the maximom of which should
riot be exceeded in the rates al the duty
imposed. It is conceded, tind experience
proves. that duties may be laid so high as
to diminish, or prohibit altogether, the
importatation of any given article, and
thereby lessen or destroy the revenue
which, at lower rates, would he derived
front its importation. Such duties exceed
the revenue rates, and are not imposed to
raise money fur the support of govern
ment.
It Congress levy a duty for revenue,
of one per cent, on a given article, it will
produce a given amount of money to the
Treasury, end oill incidentally and ne
cessarily afford protection, or advantage,
to the amount of one per cent, to the
home manufacturer of a similar or like
article, over the importer. If the duty
be raised to ten per cent. it will produce
a greater amount of money, and afford
greater protection. It it still he raised
to twenty, twenty-five, or thirty per cent,
and if, as it is raised, the revenue deaived
from it is found to be increased, the pro
tection or advantage will also be increased;
but if it be raised to thirty one per cent,
and it is found that the revenue produced
at that rate. is less than at thirty per cent.
it ceases to be a revenue duty.
l'he precise point in the wending scale
of duties, at which it is ascertained from
experience that the revenue is greatest,
is the maximum rase of duty which can
be laid for the bone fide purpose of col
lecting money for the support of govern•
ment. To raise the duties higher than
that point, and thereby diminish the
amount collected, is to levy them for pro.
tection merely, and not for revenue.—
As long, then, as Congress may gradually
increase the rate of duty on a given arti
cle, and the revenue is increased by such
increase of duty, they are within the rev
enue standard. When they go lielontl
that point, and, as they increase the du
ties, the revenue is dintinished Or des•
troved, the act ceases to hive for its ob.
ject the raising of money to support gov•
eminent, but is for protection merely.
It dues nut follow th it Congress should
levy the highest duty oil all articles ol
import, which they will bear, Within the
revenue standard; for such rates would
propably produce a touch larger amount
than the economical administration of the
government would require. Nor does it
follow that the duties on all articles should
be at the same, or a horizontal rate. Some
articles will bear a much higher revenue
duty than others, Below the maximum
of the revenue standard, Cungress may
and ought to discriminate itt the rates im
posed, taking care so to adjust them on
different articles, as to produce in the ag
gregate the amount which, when added
to the proceeds of sales of public lands,
may be needed to pay the economical ex
penses of the government.
In levying a 'ariff of duties, Congress
exercises the taxing power, and or pur
poses of revenue may select the objects
t.f taxation, They may exempt ceraiii
articles altogether, and permit their im
portation free of duty. On others they
nay impose low duties. In these classes
should be embraced such articles of nec
essity as ate in general use, and especially
such as are consumed by the laborer• and
the poor, as well as by the wealthy citi
zen. Care should be taken th it all the
great interests 41 the country, including
manalact urea, agriculture, commerce—
navigation, and the inechabic arts, should,
as far as may be practicable, derive equal
advantages trout the incidental protection
which a just system of revenue duties
may anat.!. Taxation, direct or indirect,
is a burden, and it should be so imposed
as to operee as equally as may be, on all
classes, in the proportion of their ability
to bear it.
To make the taxing power an actual
benefit to one class, necessarily increases
' 'lie burden of the others beyond their
to i a irtion, and would be manifestly
terms "protection to domestic
o re of popular import t but
'hey should h;ip:: under es just sysitem to
all braces of industry in
our or planter who
;Ls engaged in
v country.ariou.srhe
,Inich en
toils yearly in his fields,
t " i i t l i t e n t t l ie t s o t
ha i v n e d h l i t i ti s t l r it y h ,: e a ., n ptr l
utt s e a e s t
the
manufacturer, the man of commerce ; I:7e
navigator, or the mechanic, who are eng•
gad also in "domestic industry" in their
cliff rent pursuits. The joint labors of
all classes constitute the aggregate HI the
“iloniestic industry" of the nation, and
they are equally entitled to the nation's
"protection." No one of them can justly
claim to be the exclusive recipients of
"protection,' which can only he afforded
by incrersing burdens on the "domestic
Industry" of the others.
If these views be correct, it rennin's
to enquire how far the tariffact of 184'2
is consistent with them. that many of
the pitivisions of that act are in violation
of the cardinal principles bete laid duo n,
all must concede. The rates of duty
imposed by it on some articles are pro
hibitory, and on others so high as greatly
to diminish importations, and to produce
a less amount of revenue than would be
derived from lower rates. They operate
as "protection merely," to one branch of
•domestic industry," by taxing other
branches.
By the introduction of minimums, or
assumed and false values, and by the
iw
position of specific duties, the injustice
and inequality of the act of 1842, in its
practical operations on different classes
;mil pursuits, are seen and telt. Many of
the oppressive duties imposed by it under
the operation of these principles, range
from one per cent. to more than two lion
, tired per cent. They are prohibitory on
some articles, partially so on others, and
bear most heavily on articles of common
necessity, and but lightly on articles of
luxury. It is so framed that much the
greatest burden which it imposes is
thrown on labor and the poorer classes
who are least able to bear it, while it pro
' tects capital and exempts the rich from
paying their just proportion of the taxa•
' (ion required for the support of govern
ment. While it protects the capital of
the wealthy manufacturer, and increases
his profits, it does not benefit the opera
lives or laborers in his employment, whose
wages have nut been increased by it.
Articles of prime necessity or of coarse
quality and low price, used by the masses
of the people, are, in many instances, sub-
jecteet, by it to heavy taxes, while articles
of finer quality arid higher price, or of
luxury, which can be used only by the I
opulent, are lightly taxed. It imposes
heavy and unjust burdens on the farmer,
the planter, the commercial man, and
those of all other pursuits except the cap
italist who has made his investments an
.
• ms
manufactures. All the great interests of
the country are nut, as nearly as may be
practicable, equally protected by it.
The government in theory knows no
distinction of per Sons, or classes, and
should not bestow upon some favors and
privileges which all others may not enjoy.
It was the purpose of its illustrious foun•
ders to base the institutions which they
reared upon the great and unchanging
principles ofjustice and equity, conscious
that if administered in the spirit in which
they were conceived then would be felt
only by the benefits which they diffused,
anti would secure for themselves a defence
in the hearts of the people, more power
ful than standing armies, and all the
means and appliances invented to sustain
governments founded in injustice and op.
pression.
The well known fact that the tariff act
of 1142 was passed by a majority of one
Vote in the Senate, and tits in the !louse
of Representatives, and that some of those
who felt themselves constrained under
I dle peculiar circumstances existing at the
time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed its
defects, and eipresSed their determination
to aid in its modification on tke first op.
pottunity, affords strong and conclutive
evidence that ii was not ;Mended to be
permanent, and of the expediency and
necessity of its thorough revision.
In recommending to Congress a reduc
tion or the preten't rates of duty, and a
revision and ',notification of the act of
184 e, I aM far froth entertaining opinions
unfriendly to the manufacturers. Ott the
contrary,- I desire to see therm prospernus
as far as they can be so, with Out itnpu.ing
unequal burdens on other interests.—
The advantage under any system of in•
direct taxation, even within the revenue
standard, must be in favor of the manu
facturing interest ; and of this no other
interest will enmplain. . .
I recommend to Congress the abolition
of the minimum pein'cipTe, or assnmed,
arbitrary, and false values, and of specific
duties, and the substitution in their place
of ad valorem duties, as the fairest and
moat equitable indirect tax which can be
imposed. By the ad volotem principle,
all articles are taxed according to their
cost or value, and those which ate of in•
fermi quality, or of small cost, teat &illy
the just proportion of the tax with those
which are of superior quality or greater
cost. The articles consumed by all are
taxed at the same rate.
A system of ad valorem revenue duties,
with proper discriminations and proper
guards against frauds in collecting them,
tt is not doubted, will afford ample incis
dental advantages to the manufacturers,
and enable theta to derive as great profit.
as can be derived from any other regular
business. It is believed that such a sys
tem, strictly within the revenue standard,
will place the manufacturing interests on
a stable footing, and inure to their per
manent advantage ; while it will, as near
ly as may be practicable i extend to all
tn.. Went inirrest it,., eoUolry the in
cidental protection which call be afforded
by our revenue laws. Such a system,
when once firmly established ( would he
permanent, and not be subject to the con
stant conylaints, agitations, and!changes
which must ever occur, when duties are
nut laid for revenue, but for the 't pro
trction merely" of a lavored interest.
;.rt the deliberations of Congress on
t i„*., object, it is hoped that a spirit rat
inutua: cincession and compromise be
tween cooflic ling interests way prevail,
and
thatel t of their labors may be
w
happiest Conscquences.
crowned the ;
t i ' . ' J
(In consequence of the - extreme and unusual
length of the Message, we deCre is better to defer a
portion of it until next week, so that we may be
enabled to give our readers some nevit;. That por
tion, then, which speaks of the Sub-tram:7, Pub•
lic Lands, Postage Law, &c., will be published
our next. The following is a synopsis of the re: ,
minder of the message.]
Sun TREABURT.—The project of an independ
ent treasury, disconnected from all banks, is re.
newed and pressed in the message; and in support
of the proposition the message uses the usual ar
gument about the expansion, contraction, &c. of the
circulating medium by banks.
PUBLIC Lexus.—lt is recommended in the mes
sage, that the price be reduced to one dollar per
acre, for a limited time—after which time to be
further reduced—and that the policy of granting
pre-emptions be continued, in its most liberal ex
tent. The present system of managing the mineral
lands of the U. S., is said to be radically defective.
Posreoe LAw.—The income from the postages
will fell short of the expenditures of the l'ost Office
Department between one and two millions of dol
lars; and the attention of Congress is called to the
propriety of so modifying the existing low as to en
able the department to sustain itself, without aid
from the Treasury.
It is recommended that, in consequence of in.
increased duties, the Attorney General be placed on
the same footing with the heads of the other execu
tive departments, with such subordinate officers as
mayberequired.
The interests of the District of Columbia are
commended to the especial care of Congress—a
tribute is paid to the memory of General Andrew
Jackson; and the message closes with a quotation
from one of the General's messages, commending
members to the guidance of Almighty God, arc.
The Washington Monument Society
has decided upon commencing the pro
posed Monument to 'Washington so soon
as a suitable site can be obtained in Wash
ington. A fine design by Robert Mills,
Architect, of that city, has been adopted,
anti ordered to be lithographed and sold
in aid of the funds of the Society.—Th e
cost will not exceed $200,000; towards
which the Society has in hands upwards
$50,000. Reasonable expectations are
entertained that the residue ut the necess
nary sum will be realized by another up.
peal to the patriotism of the people.
lion. Isaac S. Pennypacker, has been
elected a Senator in Congress from Vir
ginia, In place of Wm. C. Rives, Whig.
Pennsylvania Intelligeneer.
The INTELLtognono* will be pub
lobed during the ensuing session of tho
lo.giolature, owe a seek, on the folloiir%
terms
A single ropy,
'Three copies,
Five copies.
___
Pay ri a ' b e l n e c i o tta ie,
all casesin advance/
The price of subscription for the year
is TWO DOLLARS, but $1 ./10 will be
taken if paid in advance or Iva copies
for lift 6, in advance.
The paper will contain full and correct
reports of Legislative proceedings I the
proceedings of Congress on all subjects
ot general interest; and the general news
of the day, foreign and domestic. A pin,
lion of our columns will be also devoted
to literary and miscellaneous items: and
the Farmer will be weekly supplied with
a review ot the city markets, and other
agrictilturat matter. In short, our paper
shall be made interesting and useful to all
classes of readers, and we hope to receivo
such an accession to our subscription list,
as will, remunerate us fur our trouble.
Address, C. MoCvitar, Harrisburg, Pii.
PENNSYLVANIA TELEGRAPH.
The session of the Lt.gisiature whic h is
just at hand, We havie reason to believe will
be one that Will excite Much interest
amongst the people of the Commonwealth,
and induce a desire to obtain accurate re
verts of its proceedings through a paper
published at the seat of Government.
We hwie engaged intelligent and compe
tent Reporters for the Senate
,and House of
Representatives, and shall publish in the
Telegraph full and impartial reports of the
same up to the latest hours of publicatioa,
and send to subscribers at the rates specified
below.
We shall also be enabled to give the la •
test Congressional Intelligenc?, with tho
Political news at Washington,havii , 4 en
gaged intelligent and experience res
pondents at Washington City, fur that pur
pose.
SEMI- WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
The Telegraph will be ."- Publjsht7l . eml.
weekly, at e 2 tor the session,' or $3 for the
whole. year:
SIX copies of the paper will be sent to
one office for $lO (luring the session, or for
$l5 the year, to he paid in advance.
_WEEKLY TELEGRAPH.
The Telegraph Will be sent to subscribeta'
once a week at $2 par annul* and will con ,
lain Literary, as well as General. Legislw
tive and Congressional news.
CHEAP SESSION TELEGRAPH.
For the puriose4l)laci; — tl7;Woce;
logs of the L•:gislature within the reach of
every one, we have made arrangements to
issue the Telegraph •mce, a week at the
low price of ONE DOLLAR for the see+
ston, in all cases to be paid in advance.—
lhe weekly session Telt graph will be made
up of the Legislative, Congressional and
General News that appear in the seini.
weekly paper, and will be issued from the
press every Monday morning.
(c).• Persons procuring FIVE subscribers
and forwarding $5, shall receive a copy for
their trouble.
THEO: FENN.
Congressional Into lligencer.
The Proprietors of the National Intelll
gencer, in order to meet the wishes of those
whose circumstances or inclination de not
allow them to subscribe even to our wvekky
paper during the whole year, have determi
ned to issue, during the session of Congr,ss,
a wet kly sheet styled "The Congrareional 14.
lelligencer," to be devoted exclusively to the
publication, as far as its limits will permit,
of the pi Oceedirgs Of both Houses of Con
gress, and Official Reports nod Documents
connected therewith, including a complete
official copy of all the Acti passed during
the session.
T o bring the price within the means of
every Mao who can read, the charge for this
paper will be for the FIRST session of each
Congress, One Dollar, and the lECOND ses
sion of each Congress half a Dam,
The price of the "Congressional Intel
ligencer," to be issued on each Wednesday
during the approaching Session Of Congress,
will therefore be One Dollar paid in ad
vance.
Tn enlarge upon the value, to those
take no newspaper from Washington. of
publication, containing an impartial
but I:et""arilY abbreviated account of the
Proceeoin;fs in Congress; including an au
thentic o ff;:lial copy of the laws passed da
ring the ses;ion, would be needless. The
man w h o t a k es pu guch paper ought to take
one, if he does no: prefer remaining igno
rant of what most n e arlyconcerns his own
destiny, and that of his hmsterilY forever.
aZYWhen six copies are crcli,rd and paid
for by any one person, a deo,?ct:on of one
sixth will be made from the pr;ce that is
to say, a remittance of Five Doibirs will
command six copies of the Congressior,v ,
I ntelligencer for the next Session. A rentii ,,
tance of Ten Dollars will secure thirteen
copies; and for Fifteen Dollars remitted
from any one person or place twenty copittv
will he forwarded.
pj• Payment in advance in all cases is in , .
dispensable.
IVEEKLY NATIONAL INTELLI-
GENCER.
This paper, being made up of such por
tion of the contents of the National Intelli
gencer proper as can be compressed within
the compass of a single newspaper, contin
ues to be issued and mailed to subsc: ibere
every Saturday at Two Dollars a year, pay
able in advance in all cases—no account be
ing opened with subscribers to the weekly
paper-
Fo bring this paper yet more nearly with
in the reach of such as desire to take by the
year a cheap paper from the seat of the Gen
eral Government, a reduction will he made
in the price of it where a number of copies
are ordered and paid for by any one person
or association at the following rates.
For Ten Dollars six copies will be sent.
For Twenty Dollars thirteen copies: and
For each sum of Ten Dollars, above
Twenty, eight copies will be forwarded.
so that a remittance of Fitteen Dollars
will command thirty-seven copies.
CO' Publishers of papers throughout the
several States and Territories who will give
a single insertion to this advertisement (with
this note annexed) and send one of their pa•
pers to this office with the advertisement
marked therein, shall receive the Weekly
National letrlligencer for one year free of
charge', •••
I
.
81.04
2.00
3.00
3.00