~~'j~":.r~vusrc. be male, consistently with the spirit of that coo nation. The recottonendationJ which I hare tootle, as to to the bent manner or securing our right.. in Ore gon, me ..abinitted to Convoys with great defer en:o. Nliculd they, in their wisdom, dealer any oche- mode hewer calculated to accomplish the ,ome object, it shall meet with my hearty concur- 4 . 0 'lO and the year's notice, should Congrese 'Lh.rik, it plop, to make provision fur giving that notice. we chill have reached a period when the n et ional rig! is in Oregon mum either be ebandoned or fi•mly maintained. That they cannot be alien- doncl tv.rieut a sacrifice of both national honor and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt. Oregon is a part of the North American conti nent. to which it is confidently affirmed, the title of the United States is the beet now in exietence. For the grounds en which that title reale. I refer you to the correspondence of the late and present Secretary of State, with the Pritien Pleniptentia metering the negottetion. The British propoei tion of compromise, which moat make the Colum• ' bin the line south of forty-nine degrees. with a trifling addition of detached territory to the United Stately, north of that river, and would leave on the British aide two thud. of the whole Oregon terri tory, including the free navigation of the Columbia, and all the valuable harbors on the Pacific, can never, for a moment, be entertained by the United State., without an abandonment of their clear ter ritorial righte, their own self-respect, and the na tional honor. For the information of Congrea. I communicate herewith the correspondence which took plate between the two governments during their late negotiation. The rapid e,tenaion or our sett'emante over our territories heretofore unoccupied; the addition of naw State. to our confederacy; the expansion of free principles, and our rising greatness as a nation, are attracting the attention of the Powers of Eu rope; and lately, the doctrine has been broached in come of them, of a "balance of power' nn this continent, to check our advancement. The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good understanding with all nations, cannot in si lence pernZt any European interference on the North American continent; and should any such interfe rence be attempted, will be ready to resist it any and all hazard.. It to well known to the American people and to all nations, that this government has never inter fered with the relations subsisting between other governments. We have never made ourselves par. ties to their wars or their alliance.; we pace not sought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles ; and believing our own form of government to be the bent, we have never attempted to proogate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, nr by force. We may claim on this continent, a like exemption from Eu ropean interference. The tiationo of America are equally soveteien and independent with those of Europe. They possess the same rights. independ ent of all foreign interpooitilm,to make war, to con clude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs. The people of the United States caunnt. there fore, view with indifference sttempte of European powers to interfere with the independent actions of this continent. The American system of govern ment, is entirely cliff . ..rent from that of Europe. Jealousy among the different sovereigns of Europe, led any one .sf them might become too powerful for the rest. has caused them anxiously to desire the erab r ehm'n!. of what they term the -balance of power." It cannot he permitted to have any ap plication on the North American continent, and especially to the United Ildtetes. We must ever mainta'n the principles, that :the peopl e of this con tinent alone. have a right to Jkcide their own desti ny. Bhoul.l any portion of them, constituting an independent state propose to unite themselves with , our confederacy, Ir • will be a question for them and us to determine, without any foreign interior 'Won. It • can never consent that European Powers shall interfere to prevent such a union, because it might disturb the "balance of power" which they may desrre to maintain upon this continent. Near • Quarter of a century ago, the principle was di. tinnily announced to the world in the annual mes sage of one of my predecesaors, that "the Arnhi cart continents, by the fee and independent condi tion which they have ammo., and maintain, ame henceforth not to he considered as subjects for Cu lp, colhniation by any European Power." This principle will apply with *neatly increased force, shoal l nny European Power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing circa n.rt urges of the world, the present is deemed 4 fr Tasidn to reiterate and reaffirm the prin. end.. meowed by Ur. Monroe, and to state my cor dial C 11171, 1 ,1,11 CO in its wisdom and sound policy. r e reairsertion of this principle, espciaelly in ref= erence to N,rth America, is at this day hut the p omoleation of a policy which no European Pow er ahoold cherish the disposition to resist. ,isting ritchtt, or every European nation should hr t•a•otetrd: hut it he due alike to our toilet) , and our that the efficient prote.tion of our :r.vs s'ioul I be extended over our whole territorial ii n d, an d that ii should be distinctly announced t^ ',ye wrold as our settled policy, that no future E•vonean r•dlooy or dominion shall, with our con sent. te planted or established on any part of the North American continent. A question has recently arisen under the tenth article of tho subsisting treaty Ite:wcen the United States and Prueeia. By this article, the commie of the two countries have the right to nit ae judges and arbitrators "in such differences as may arise between tho captains and crews of the vevwels he• longing to the nation whose interests are committed to their charge, without the interference of the lo cal authorities, unless the conduct of the crews er the captain should disturb the order or tranquility of the country ; or the Raid consuls should require] their assistance to cause then decisions to he car require] their into effect or supported." The Prussian consul at New Bedford, in June,l 1844, applied to Mr. Justice Story to carry into oG feet a decision made by him between the captain and crew of the Pruasian ship Borussie ; but the request was refused on the ground that, without previoua legislation by Congress, the judiciary did not possess the power to give effect to this article of the treaty. The Prussian government, through their miuistsr here, have complained of this violation of the treaty, and have asked the government of the U. States to adopt the necessary measures to pre.., vent similar violations hereafter. Good faith to Prussia, as well as to other nations with whom we have similar treaty stipulation, requires that these should be faithfully observed. 1 have deemed it proper, therefote, to lay the subject beforel!ongress, and to recommend such legislation no may be nec essary to give effect to these treaty obligations. By virtue of an arrangement made between the Spanish government and that of the United States. in December, 1831, American veseels. since the twenty-ninth of April. 1832, have been tolminett to entry in the ports of Spain, including those of the Balearic and Canary island., on payment of the so ta" tonnage dote of five came per ton. as though they had been Spanish vessels ; end this. whether our vessels arrive in Spain directly from the States. or indirectly trent any other country. When Congress, by the act of the thirteenth of July. 1832 once effect to this arrangement between the two wsrnments, they confined this reduction of ton eetze int, merely to spanish vessels, "coming from now in Snain." leaning the former ilincriminating •ry in rennin axitinst such vessels coating from a hoof] so any other country. • It is manifestly unjust that, whilst American iree nein, arriving in the pests of Spain from other cowl tries. pay no more duty than Spannish velvets, Spanish vesiiels arriving in the ports of the United States from other countrnea should be subjected to heavy discriminating tonnage duties. This is nei their equality nor reciprocity, and is a violation of the emu:gement concluded in December, tB3l, be tween the twocountriee. The Spenieh government have mode repeated and earnest remonstrances against this inequality, and the favorable attention of Congress hen been several times invoked to the subject by my predecessors. I recommend, as en act of justice to Spain, that thin inequality he re moved by Convent, and that the discriminating duties which have been levied under the act of the thirteenth of July, 1832, on Spanish vessels corn ing to the United States from any other foreign country, be refunded. This recommendation does not embrace Spanish 'erode coming to the United States from Cuba and Port Rico, Which witl sal! re ! main subject to the provisions of the act of June 30th, 1834, concerning lounge duty on such Yea ! acts. By the act of the fourteenth of July, 1832, cof fee Wfla exempted from duty altogether. This ex emption a•as universal, without referehee to the country where it was produced, or the ha•ionsl character of the vessel in which it was Imported. By the tariff act, of the thirteenth of August, 1 842, this exemption from duty woe restricted to coffee imported in American vessels from the place of its production ; whilst coffee imported under all other circumstance. was subjected to a duty of twenty per cent. ad valorem. Under this act. and our ex isting treaty with the King of the Netherlands, Java coffee imported from the European ports of that kingdom into the United States, whether in Dutch or American vessels now pays this rote of duty. 'the government of the Netherlands complains that such a discriminating duty should have been imposed on coffee, the production of one of its col onies, and which is chiefly brought from Juva to the ports of that kingdom, and exported from thence to foreign countries. Our trade with the Netherlands is highly beneficial to both countries, and our relations with them have ever been of the most friendly character. Under all the circum stances of the ease, I recommend that this discrim ination should be abolished, and that the coffee of Java impeded from the Netherlandebe placed upon the same footing with that imported directly from Brazil and other countries were it is produced. . . . . . _ . Under the eighth section of the tariff act of the thirteenth of August, 1842. a duty of fifteen cents per gallon was imposed on Port wine in conks; while. on the red wines of several other countries, when imported in casks, a duty of only six cents per gallon was imposed. Thin discrimination, so far ne regards the Port wine of Portugal, wan deem ed a violation of our treaty with that Power, which provides that "No higher or other duties shall be imposed on the importation into the United Staten of America of any article, the growth, produce, or manufacture of the kingdom and possessions of Portugal. than eurh as are or shall tie payable on the like article, being the growth, produce, or man ufacture of any other foreign country.' Accordingly, to give effect to the treaty, as well ae to the intention of Congresa, express, d in a pro vino to the tariff act knelt, that nothing therein con tained &hookd he so construed as to intefere with nubnisting emetic.a with foreign nations; a treasury circular wee hinted on the 16th of July, 1844, which, among other things, declared the duty on the Port wine of Portugal, in canker under the ex- Wine laws and treaty, to be nix cents per gallon. and directed that the exersi of duties which had teen collected on such wine should be refunded. 13y virtue of another clause in the name sr ction o( the art, it is provided that all imitations of Port, or any other wimp, "shall tie subject to the duty , provided for the genuine article." limitations of Port wine, the production of France, are imported to some extent into the United Estates,. and the government of that country now claims that , and. , a correct .d,.tt of the act, these imitations ought not to pay a higher duty than that imposed upon the original Port wine of Portugal. It ap pears to me to he unequal and lining, that French imitations of Port wine ehould be subjected to a duty of fifteen cents, while the more valuable arti- He from Portugal ehould pay a duty of six only per gallon. I therefore recommend to Congress such legi , lation no may be necessary to correct the me , q b ! li ! l Y*. - The late President, in his annual message of December last, recommended an appropiation tolsat i.tfy a' e claims of the Texan government against the United States, which had heen previously ad juate.l, so far as the powers of the Executive ex tend. These Halms arose out of the act of disarm ing a holy of 'Pe• an troops under the command of Maine Snively. by an officer in the service of the ITnited States, acting under the orders of our gov ernment; and the forcible entry into the custom hence at Dryarly Blanding, on Red river, by certain citizens of the United States, and taking away therefrom the goads seized by the collector of the customs as forfeited under the laws of Texas. This watt a liquidated debt. ascertained to be due to Tex as when an independent State. Ifer acceptance of the terms of annexation proposed by the U. States does not discharge or invalidate•. the claim. I rec ommend that provision he made for its payment. The commissioner appointed to China during the arterial session of the Senate. in March last, shortly afterwards set out on his mission in the United • tates ship Columbus. On arriving at Rio de Janeiro on his passage, the state of his health haul become an et it ieu I, that, by the advice of his medical attendants, he returned to the United States early in the month or October last. Commodore Biddle, com manding the East India squadron, pro ceeded on his nonage in the Columbus, was charged by the commissioner witii the duty of rgt•h;tnying ',ilk the primer within it;es , lie rltificationc of the •••••31v lately conch:4Pd tviih E.eirwtior ofi.China. Since the return or t he coo, uiss: imee to the Stater' hi.. health hits ' een much and he enter flint: the confident belief that lie will soon :1111e hr prlOCeed u!t 6 is mission nolortotott..ly. difference.. continue to ex;s , among some of the relations of S. America which. following our example base established their independence, while in others internal dissensions prevail. ft in nainral that our sympathies should be warmly enlisted in th , ir welfare; that we should desire that all controversies be- I Welql them should he amicably adjusted, and their governments administered in a manner to protect the tights and promote the ort.tiprity of their people. It i... con trarv, however. to our settled policy, to intet fere in their controversies, whether -sternal or internal. haveklitis adverted to all the subjects ono,ted with our foreign relations, to •k hid) I deem it necessary to call your at. tntion. Our policy is not only peace iiith all. but goodwill towards all the onsvers or th.- earth. %%idle we sae ju•t 0 all. %ve require that all should be just to us. Excepting the differet4ee with Mexico and Great Britain, our relations with all civilized nations are of the most satisfactory character. It is hoped that in this enlightened age these differences may be sink ably adjusted. 'I he Secretary of the Treasury, in his 'sport to Congress, will communicate a lull statement of the condition at our finances. The imports for the fiscal year ending on the thirtieth of June last, were of the value dune hundred and seven teen millions two hundred and fifty-four thousand five hundred and sixty four dol lars, of which the amount exported was fifteen millions three hundred and forty six thousand eight hundred and thirty dollars—leaving a balance of one hutis tired and one millions nine hundred and seven thousand seven hundred and thirty four dollars for domestic consumption. The exports for the same year were of the value .ol one hundred and fourteen millions six I undred and forty-six thou• sand six hundred and six dollars. of which the amount of domestic articles was ninety-nine millions two hundred and ninety-nine thousand seven hundred and seventy-six dollars. The receipts into the Treasury during the same year, were tttenty•nine millions seven hundred and sixty nine thousand, one hundred and triitysthree dollars and fifty-six cents; of which, there were derived train cus toms, twenty-seven millions five hundred and twenty - eight thousand one hundred and twelve dollars and seventy cents; f r om sal es o r public lands, two millions seventy seven thousand and twenty-two dollars and thirty centst and from loci. dental and miscellaneous sources, one hundred and sixty-three thousand nine r hundred and ninety-eight dollars and fifty six cents. the expenditures far the same period were twenty-nine millions nine hundred and sixty-eight thousand two hundred and six dollars and ninety-eight cents ; of which eight millions five hundred and eighty-eight thousand one hundred and sixty-two cents were applied to the pay• meat of the public debt. The balance in the Treasury on the first of July last, was seven millions six hundred and fifty eight thousand three hundred and six dollars and twenty-two cents. The amount of the public debt remain• ing unpaid on the first of October last, was seventeen millions seventv-five thou sand four hundred and forty * five dollars an d fty-two cents. Further payments of the public debt would have been made, in anticipation of the period of its reim• horsemen: under the authority conferred upon the Secretary of the Treasury, by the acts of Jot's' twenty•first, 1841, and and of April fif•reoth, 1842, and March third, 1843, had not the tinsettled state of our relations with Nemo, menaced hostile collision with that power. In view of such a contingency, it was O.:emed prudent to retain in the Treasury An amount unusually large for ordinary pur poses: A few years ago, our whole national .rem st•owinit out of the Revolution and the war of 1812 with Great Britian, was extinguished, and we presented to the world the rare and noble spectacle of a great and growing people who had fully ilisc:iaraed every oldigation. Since that time, the existing debt has been contract ed ; and small as it is, in comparison milli the similar burdens of most other nations, it should be extinguished at the earliest practicable period. Should the state of the country peimit, and, especial. Iv, if our foreign relations interpose no obstacle, it is contemplated to apply all the monies in the Treasury a• they accrue heyonil what is required for the ippropri ations by Congress, to its liquidation. I cherish the hope of soon being able to congratulate the country on its tecovering once more the lofty position which it so recently occu pied. Our country, which exhibits to the world the benefits of self government, iu developing all the sources of national pi °verity, owes to mankind the pet manent example of a nation, free trout the blighting influence of public debt. The attention of Congress is invited to the importance of making suitable modi fications and reductions of the rates of duties imposed by nor present taritilawg, The object of imposing duties on imports, should be to raise revenue to pay the ne • cessary expenses of government. Con ;tress may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate io a r• nging the rates of duty on different ar ticle•s; but the discriminations should be within the revenue standard, and be made with the view to raise money for the support of government. It becomes important to understand distinctly what is meant by a revenue wandard, the maximom of which should riot be exceeded in the rates al the duty imposed. It is conceded, tind experience proves. that duties may be laid so high as to diminish, or prohibit altogether, the importatation of any given article, and thereby lessen or destroy the revenue which, at lower rates, would he derived front its importation. Such duties exceed the revenue rates, and are not imposed to raise money fur the support of govern ment. It Congress levy a duty for revenue, of one per cent, on a given article, it will produce a given amount of money to the Treasury, end oill incidentally and ne cessarily afford protection, or advantage, to the amount of one per cent, to the home manufacturer of a similar or like article, over the importer. If the duty be raised to ten per cent. it will produce a greater amount of money, and afford greater protection. It it still he raised to twenty, twenty-five, or thirty per cent, and if, as it is raised, the revenue deaived from it is found to be increased, the pro tection or advantage will also be increased; but if it be raised to thirty one per cent, and it is found that the revenue produced at that rate. is less than at thirty per cent. it ceases to be a revenue duty. l'he precise point in the wending scale of duties, at which it is ascertained from experience that the revenue is greatest, is the maximum rase of duty which can be laid for the bone fide purpose of col lecting money for the support of govern• ment. To raise the duties higher than that point, and thereby diminish the amount collected, is to levy them for pro. tection merely, and not for revenue.— As long, then, as Congress may gradually increase the rate of duty on a given arti cle, and the revenue is increased by such increase of duty, they are within the rev enue standard. When they go lielontl that point, and, as they increase the du ties, the revenue is dintinished Or des• troved, the act ceases to hive for its ob. ject the raising of money to support gov• eminent, but is for protection merely. It dues nut follow th it Congress should levy the highest duty oil all articles ol import, which they will bear, Within the revenue standard; for such rates would propably produce a touch larger amount than the economical administration of the government would require. Nor does it follow that the duties on all articles should be at the same, or a horizontal rate. Some articles will bear a much higher revenue duty than others, Below the maximum of the revenue standard, Cungress may and ought to discriminate itt the rates im posed, taking care so to adjust them on different articles, as to produce in the ag gregate the amount which, when added to the proceeds of sales of public lands, may be needed to pay the economical ex penses of the government. In levying a 'ariff of duties, Congress exercises the taxing power, and or pur poses of revenue may select the objects t.f taxation, They may exempt ceraiii articles altogether, and permit their im portation free of duty. On others they nay impose low duties. In these classes should be embraced such articles of nec essity as ate in general use, and especially such as are consumed by the laborer• and the poor, as well as by the wealthy citi zen. Care should be taken th it all the great interests 41 the country, including manalact urea, agriculture, commerce— navigation, and the inechabic arts, should, as far as may be practicable, derive equal advantages trout the incidental protection which a just system of revenue duties may anat.!. Taxation, direct or indirect, is a burden, and it should be so imposed as to operee as equally as may be, on all classes, in the proportion of their ability to bear it. To make the taxing power an actual benefit to one class, necessarily increases ' 'lie burden of the others beyond their to i a irtion, and would be manifestly terms "protection to domestic o re of popular import t but 'hey should h;ip:: under es just sysitem to all braces of industry in our or planter who ;Ls engaged in v country.ariou.srhe ,Inich en toils yearly in his fields, t " i i t l i t e n t t l ie t s o t ha i v n e d h l i t i ti s t l r it y h ,: e a ., n ptr l utt s e a e s t the manufacturer, the man of commerce ; I:7e navigator, or the mechanic, who are eng• gad also in "domestic industry" in their cliff rent pursuits. The joint labors of all classes constitute the aggregate HI the “iloniestic industry" of the nation, and they are equally entitled to the nation's "protection." No one of them can justly claim to be the exclusive recipients of "protection,' which can only he afforded by incrersing burdens on the "domestic Industry" of the others. If these views be correct, it rennin's to enquire how far the tariffact of 184'2 is consistent with them. that many of the pitivisions of that act are in violation of the cardinal principles bete laid duo n, all must concede. The rates of duty imposed by it on some articles are pro hibitory, and on others so high as greatly to diminish importations, and to produce a less amount of revenue than would be derived from lower rates. They operate as "protection merely," to one branch of •domestic industry," by taxing other branches. By the introduction of minimums, or assumed and false values, and by the iw position of specific duties, the injustice and inequality of the act of 1842, in its practical operations on different classes ;mil pursuits, are seen and telt. Many of the oppressive duties imposed by it under the operation of these principles, range from one per cent. to more than two lion , tired per cent. They are prohibitory on some articles, partially so on others, and bear most heavily on articles of common necessity, and but lightly on articles of luxury. It is so framed that much the greatest burden which it imposes is thrown on labor and the poorer classes who are least able to bear it, while it pro ' tects capital and exempts the rich from paying their just proportion of the taxa• ' (ion required for the support of govern ment. While it protects the capital of the wealthy manufacturer, and increases his profits, it does not benefit the opera lives or laborers in his employment, whose wages have nut been increased by it. Articles of prime necessity or of coarse quality and low price, used by the masses of the people, are, in many instances, sub- jecteet, by it to heavy taxes, while articles of finer quality arid higher price, or of luxury, which can be used only by the I opulent, are lightly taxed. It imposes heavy and unjust burdens on the farmer, the planter, the commercial man, and those of all other pursuits except the cap italist who has made his investments an . • ms manufactures. All the great interests of the country are nut, as nearly as may be practicable, equally protected by it. The government in theory knows no distinction of per Sons, or classes, and should not bestow upon some favors and privileges which all others may not enjoy. It was the purpose of its illustrious foun• ders to base the institutions which they reared upon the great and unchanging principles ofjustice and equity, conscious that if administered in the spirit in which they were conceived then would be felt only by the benefits which they diffused, anti would secure for themselves a defence in the hearts of the people, more power ful than standing armies, and all the means and appliances invented to sustain governments founded in injustice and op. pression. The well known fact that the tariff act of 1142 was passed by a majority of one Vote in the Senate, and tits in the !louse of Representatives, and that some of those who felt themselves constrained under I dle peculiar circumstances existing at the time, to vote in its favor, proclaimed its defects, and eipresSed their determination to aid in its modification on tke first op. pottunity, affords strong and conclutive evidence that ii was not ;Mended to be permanent, and of the expediency and necessity of its thorough revision. In recommending to Congress a reduc tion or the preten't rates of duty, and a revision and ',notification of the act of 184 e, I aM far froth entertaining opinions unfriendly to the manufacturers. Ott the contrary,- I desire to see therm prospernus as far as they can be so, with Out itnpu.ing unequal burdens on other interests.— The advantage under any system of in• direct taxation, even within the revenue standard, must be in favor of the manu facturing interest ; and of this no other interest will enmplain. . . I recommend to Congress the abolition of the minimum pein'cipTe, or assnmed, arbitrary, and false values, and of specific duties, and the substitution in their place of ad valorem duties, as the fairest and moat equitable indirect tax which can be imposed. By the ad volotem principle, all articles are taxed according to their cost or value, and those which ate of in• fermi quality, or of small cost, teat &illy the just proportion of the tax with those which are of superior quality or greater cost. The articles consumed by all are taxed at the same rate. A system of ad valorem revenue duties, with proper discriminations and proper guards against frauds in collecting them, tt is not doubted, will afford ample incis dental advantages to the manufacturers, and enable theta to derive as great profit. as can be derived from any other regular business. It is believed that such a sys tem, strictly within the revenue standard, will place the manufacturing interests on a stable footing, and inure to their per manent advantage ; while it will, as near ly as may be practicable i extend to all tn.. Went inirrest it,., eoUolry the in cidental protection which call be afforded by our revenue laws. Such a system, when once firmly established ( would he permanent, and not be subject to the con stant conylaints, agitations, and!changes which must ever occur, when duties are nut laid for revenue, but for the 't pro trction merely" of a lavored interest. ;.rt the deliberations of Congress on t i„*., object, it is hoped that a spirit rat inutua: cincession and compromise be tween cooflic ling interests way prevail, and thatel t of their labors may be w happiest Conscquences. crowned the ; t i ' . ' J (In consequence of the - extreme and unusual length of the Message, we deCre is better to defer a portion of it until next week, so that we may be enabled to give our readers some nevit;. That por tion, then, which speaks of the Sub-tram:7, Pub• lic Lands, Postage Law, &c., will be published our next. The following is a synopsis of the re: , minder of the message.] Sun TREABURT.—The project of an independ ent treasury, disconnected from all banks, is re. newed and pressed in the message; and in support of the proposition the message uses the usual ar gument about the expansion, contraction, &c. of the circulating medium by banks. PUBLIC Lexus.—lt is recommended in the mes sage, that the price be reduced to one dollar per acre, for a limited time—after which time to be further reduced—and that the policy of granting pre-emptions be continued, in its most liberal ex tent. The present system of managing the mineral lands of the U. S., is said to be radically defective. Posreoe LAw.—The income from the postages will fell short of the expenditures of the l'ost Office Department between one and two millions of dol lars; and the attention of Congress is called to the propriety of so modifying the existing low as to en able the department to sustain itself, without aid from the Treasury. It is recommended that, in consequence of in. increased duties, the Attorney General be placed on the same footing with the heads of the other execu tive departments, with such subordinate officers as mayberequired. The interests of the District of Columbia are commended to the especial care of Congress—a tribute is paid to the memory of General Andrew Jackson; and the message closes with a quotation from one of the General's messages, commending members to the guidance of Almighty God, arc. The Washington Monument Society has decided upon commencing the pro posed Monument to 'Washington so soon as a suitable site can be obtained in Wash ington. A fine design by Robert Mills, Architect, of that city, has been adopted, anti ordered to be lithographed and sold in aid of the funds of the Society.—Th e cost will not exceed $200,000; towards which the Society has in hands upwards $50,000. Reasonable expectations are entertained that the residue ut the necess nary sum will be realized by another up. peal to the patriotism of the people. lion. Isaac S. Pennypacker, has been elected a Senator in Congress from Vir ginia, In place of Wm. C. Rives, Whig. Pennsylvania Intelligeneer. The INTELLtognono* will be pub lobed during the ensuing session of tho lo.giolature, owe a seek, on the folloiir% terms A single ropy, 'Three copies, Five copies. ___ Pay ri a ' b e l n e c i o tta ie, all casesin advance/ The price of subscription for the year is TWO DOLLARS, but $1 ./10 will be taken if paid in advance or Iva copies for lift 6, in advance. The paper will contain full and correct reports of Legislative proceedings I the proceedings of Congress on all subjects ot general interest; and the general news of the day, foreign and domestic. A pin, lion of our columns will be also devoted to literary and miscellaneous items: and the Farmer will be weekly supplied with a review ot the city markets, and other agrictilturat matter. In short, our paper shall be made interesting and useful to all classes of readers, and we hope to receivo such an accession to our subscription list, as will, remunerate us fur our trouble. Address, C. MoCvitar, Harrisburg, Pii. PENNSYLVANIA TELEGRAPH. The session of the Lt.gisiature whic h is just at hand, We havie reason to believe will be one that Will excite Much interest amongst the people of the Commonwealth, and induce a desire to obtain accurate re verts of its proceedings through a paper published at the seat of Government. We hwie engaged intelligent and compe tent Reporters for the Senate ,and House of Representatives, and shall publish in the Telegraph full and impartial reports of the same up to the latest hours of publicatioa, and send to subscribers at the rates specified below. We shall also be enabled to give the la • test Congressional Intelligenc?, with tho Political news at Washington,havii , 4 en gaged intelligent and experience res pondents at Washington City, fur that pur pose. SEMI- WEEKLY TELEGRAPH. The Telegraph will be ."- Publjsht7l . eml. weekly, at e 2 tor the session,' or $3 for the whole. year: SIX copies of the paper will be sent to one office for $lO (luring the session, or for $l5 the year, to he paid in advance. _WEEKLY TELEGRAPH. The Telegraph Will be sent to subscribeta' once a week at $2 par annul* and will con , lain Literary, as well as General. Legislw tive and Congressional news. CHEAP SESSION TELEGRAPH. For the puriose4l)laci; — tl7;Woce; logs of the L•:gislature within the reach of every one, we have made arrangements to issue the Telegraph •mce, a week at the low price of ONE DOLLAR for the see+ ston, in all cases to be paid in advance.— lhe weekly session Telt graph will be made up of the Legislative, Congressional and General News that appear in the seini. weekly paper, and will be issued from the press every Monday morning. (c).• Persons procuring FIVE subscribers and forwarding $5, shall receive a copy for their trouble. THEO: FENN. Congressional Into lligencer. The Proprietors of the National Intelll gencer, in order to meet the wishes of those whose circumstances or inclination de not allow them to subscribe even to our wvekky paper during the whole year, have determi ned to issue, during the session of Congr,ss, a wet kly sheet styled "The Congrareional 14. lelligencer," to be devoted exclusively to the publication, as far as its limits will permit, of the pi Oceedirgs Of both Houses of Con gress, and Official Reports nod Documents connected therewith, including a complete official copy of all the Acti passed during the session. T o bring the price within the means of every Mao who can read, the charge for this paper will be for the FIRST session of each Congress, One Dollar, and the lECOND ses sion of each Congress half a Dam, The price of the "Congressional Intel ligencer," to be issued on each Wednesday during the approaching Session Of Congress, will therefore be One Dollar paid in ad vance. Tn enlarge upon the value, to those take no newspaper from Washington. of publication, containing an impartial but I:et""arilY abbreviated account of the Proceeoin;fs in Congress; including an au thentic o ff;:lial copy of the laws passed da ring the ses;ion, would be needless. The man w h o t a k es pu guch paper ought to take one, if he does no: prefer remaining igno rant of what most n e arlyconcerns his own destiny, and that of his hmsterilY forever. aZYWhen six copies are crcli,rd and paid for by any one person, a deo,?ct:on of one sixth will be made from the pr;ce that is to say, a remittance of Five Doibirs will command six copies of the Congressior,v , I ntelligencer for the next Session. A rentii ,, tance of Ten Dollars will secure thirteen copies; and for Fifteen Dollars remitted from any one person or place twenty copittv will he forwarded. pj• Payment in advance in all cases is in , . dispensable. IVEEKLY NATIONAL INTELLI- GENCER. This paper, being made up of such por tion of the contents of the National Intelli gencer proper as can be compressed within the compass of a single newspaper, contin ues to be issued and mailed to subsc: ibere every Saturday at Two Dollars a year, pay able in advance in all cases—no account be ing opened with subscribers to the weekly paper- Fo bring this paper yet more nearly with in the reach of such as desire to take by the year a cheap paper from the seat of the Gen eral Government, a reduction will he made in the price of it where a number of copies are ordered and paid for by any one person or association at the following rates. For Ten Dollars six copies will be sent. For Twenty Dollars thirteen copies: and For each sum of Ten Dollars, above Twenty, eight copies will be forwarded. so that a remittance of Fitteen Dollars will command thirty-seven copies. CO' Publishers of papers throughout the several States and Territories who will give a single insertion to this advertisement (with this note annexed) and send one of their pa• pers to this office with the advertisement marked therein, shall receive the Weekly National letrlligencer for one year free of charge', ••• I . 81.04 2.00 3.00 3.00
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers