Huntingdon journal. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1843-1859, March 12, 1845, Image 3

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    chaqaties, cUcoma.raelan...
March 12, 1845
FELLOW CITIZENS: -Without solicitation on
my part, I have been chosen by the free and volun
tary suffrages of my countrymen to tho most hon
orable and most responsible office on earth. lam
deeply impressed with gratitude for the confidence
reposed in me. Honored with this distinguished
consideration at an earlier per Tod of life than any
of my predecessors, I cannot disguise the diffidence
with which I am about to enter on the discharge of
ray official duties.
If the more aged and experienced men who have
filled the office of President of the United Staten,
even in the infancy of the republic, distrusted their
ability to discharge the duties of that exalted sta
tion, what ought not to be the apprehensions of
one so much younger and less endowed, now that
sour dominion extends from ocean to ocean, that our
people have so greatly increased in numbers, and
at a time when so great a diversity of opinion pre
vails in regard to the principles of policy which
should characterize the administration of our gov
ernment? Well may the boldest fear, and the
wisest tremble, when incurring responsibilities on
which may depend our country's peace and pros
perity, and, in some degree, the hopes and happi
ness of the whole human tinnily.
In assuming responsibilities so vast, I fervently
invoke the aid of that Almighty Ruler of the uni
verse, in whose hands are the destinies of nations;
:and of men, to guard this heaven-favored land
against the mischiefs which, without His guidance,
might urine from an unwise public policy. With a
firm reliance upon the wisdom of Omnipotence to
sustain and direct me in the path of duty which I
am appointed to pursue, I stand in the presence of
this assembled multitude of my countrymen, to take
upon myself the solemn obligation, " to the best of
any ability, to preserve, protect. and defend the con
stitution of the United States."
A concise enumeration of the principles which
will guide me in the administrative policy of the
government, is not only in accordance with the ex
amples set me by all my predecessors, but is emi
nently befitting the occasion.
The constitution itself, plainly written as it is,
the safeguard of our federative compact, the offspring
of concession and compromise, binding together in
Odonds of peace and union this great and increasing
:family of free and independent States, will ho the
chart by which I shall be directed.
It will be my first care to administer the govern
ment an the true spirit of that instrument, and to
assume no power not expressly granted or clearly
'implied in its terms. The government of the U.
States is one of delegated and limited powers; and
it is by a strict adherence to the clearly granted
powers, and by abstaining from the exercise of
doubtful or unauthorized implied powers, that we
have the only sure guaranty against the recurrence
-of those unfortunate collisions between the Federal
and State authorities, which have occasionally so
:much disturbed the harmony of our system, and
, even threatened the perpetuity of our glorious
"To the States respectively, or to the people,"
Mae been reserved "the powers not delegated to the
United States by the constitution, nor prohibited
by it to the States." Each State is a complete
isiivereignity within the sphere of its reserved pow
ers. The government of the Union acting within
the sphere of its delegated authority, is also a com
plete sovereignity. While the general government
should abstain from the exercise of authority not
clearly delegated to it, the States should be equally
careful that in the maintenance of their rights, they
do not overstep the limits of power reserved to them.
One of the most distinguished of my predecessors
attached deserved importance to "the support of the
State governments in all these rights, as the most
toMpetent administration of our domestic concerns,
and the entreat hulweptbagainst anti-republican ten
dencies;" and to the "preservation of the general
government in its whole constitutional vigor, as the
sheet-anchor of our peace at home, and safety
To the government of the United States has Seen
intrusted the exclusive management of our foreign
affairs. Beyond that, it wields a few general enu
merated powers. It does not force reform on the
States. It leaves individuals, over whom it casts
its protecting influence, entirely free to improve
their own condition by the legitimate exercise of all
their mental and physical powers. It is a common
protector ofeach and all the States; of every man
tvho lives upon our soil, whether of n,,tive or for
eign birth; of every religious rect. in the worship of
the Almighty according to the dictates of their own
conscience; of every shade of opinion, and the most
free inquiry; of every art, trade, and occupation,
consistent with the laws of the States. And we re
joice in the general happiness. prosperity, and ml
vancemcnt of our country, which have been the
offsprings of freedom and not of power.
Thin most admirable and wisest system of well.
regulated self-government among men, ever divined
by human minds, has been tested by its successful
operation for more than half a century ; and, if pre
served from usurpations of the federal government
on the one hand, and the exercise by the States by
power not reserved to them on the other, will, I for
4/wady hope and believe, endure for ages to come,
and dispense the blessings of civil and religious lib
erty to distant generations. To effect the objects so
dear to every patriot, 1 shall devote myself with
anxious solicitude. It will be my desire to guard
against the most fruitful source of danger to the liar
, monious action of our system, which consists in
*substituting the mere descretion of the executive, or
of majorities in the legislative departments of the
government, for powers which have been withheld
from the federal government by the constitution.—
by the theory Of our government, majorities rule;
but this right is not an arbitrary or unlimited one.
it is a right to be exercised in subordination to the
constitution, and in conformity to it. One great
object of this constitution was to restrain majorities
from oppressing minorities, or encroaching upon
their just rights. Minorities have a right to epeel to
the constitution, as a shield againd such oppression.
That the blessings of liberty which our constitu
tion secures may be enjoyed alike by minorities and
majorities, the executive has been wisely invested
wit...) a qualified veto upon the acts of the legislature.
It is a negative power, and is conservative in its
character. It arrests for the time hasty, inconsider
ate, or unconstitution legislation ; invites reconsid
eration. and transfers questions at issue between the
legislative and executive departments of the tribu
nal of the people. Like all other powers, it is sub-
. . . •
jest to be abused: When judiciously and properly
exercised, the constitution itself may be saved
from infraction, and the rights of all preserved and
The inestimable value of our federal Union is felt
and acknowledged by all. By this system of uni
ted and confederate States, our people are permitted,
collectively and individually, to seek their own hap
piness in their own way ; and the consequences
have been the most auspicious. Since the Union
was formed, the number of States has increased
from thirteen to twenty-eight; two of these hove
taken their position as members of the confederacy
within the last week. Our population has increased
from three to twenty millions. New communities
end States are seeking protection under its aegis,
and multitudes from the Ola World are flocking to
our shores to participate in its blessings. Beneath
its benign sway, peace and prosperity prevail. Freed
from the burdens and miseries of war, our trade and
intercourse have extended throughout the world.— I
Mind, no longer tasked in devising means toaccom
plisit or resist schemes of ambition, usurpation, or
ernquest, is devoting itself to man's true interest,
in developing his faculties and powers, and the
pacity of nature to minister to his enjoyment. Geni
i us is free to announce its inventions and discove
ries; and the hand is free to accomplish whatever
the head conceiver, not ihcompatible with the rights
of a fellow-being. All distinctions of birth or rank
have been abolished. All citizens whether native
or adopted, are placed upon terms of precise equal
ity. All are entitled to equal rights and equal pro
tection. No union exists between church and state,
and perfect freedom of opinion is guarantied to all
sects and creeds.
These are some of the blessings secured to our
happy land by our federal Union. To peipetuatb
them, it is our sacred duty to preserve it. Who
shall assign limits to the achievements of free minds
and free hands. under the protection of this glorious
Union ! No treason to mankind, since the organi
zation of society. would be equal in atrocity to that
of hint who would lift his hand to destroy it. He
would overthrow the noblest structure of human
wisdom, which protects himself and his fellow-man. '
He would stop the progress of free government,
and involve hi, country either in anarchy or despo
tism. He would extinguish the fire of liberty which
warms and animates the hearts of happy millions,
and invites all nations of the earth to imitate our
example. If he any that error and wrong are com
mitted in the ntlministration of the government, let
hint remember that nothing human can be perfect;
and under no other system of government revealed
by Heaven, or devised by man, has reason been al
lowed so free and broad a scope to combat error.—
Has the sword of despots proved to he a safer or
surer instrument of reform in government than en
lightened season? Does he expect to find among
the ruins of this Union a happier abode for our
swarming millions than they now have under it?—
Every lover of his country must shudder at the
thought of the possibility of its dissolution, and will
be ready to adopt the patriotic sentiment: "Our
federal Union--it must be preserved." To preserve
it. the compromise which alone enabled our fathers
to Eam a common constitution for the government
and protection of so many States, and distinct com
munities, of such diversified habits, interests, and
domestic institutions, must be sacredly and reli
giously observed. Any attemps to disturb or des
troy these compromises, being terms of the compact
of the Union, can lend to none other than the most
ruinous and disastrous consequences.
11 is a source of deep regret that, in some sections
of our country, misguided persons have occasionally
indulged in schemes and agitations, whose object
is the destruction of domestic institutions existing
in other sections--institutions which existed at the
adoption of the constitution. and were recognised
and protected by it. All must see that if it were
possible for them to be successful in attnining their
object, the dissolution of the Union, and the conse
quent destruction of our happy form of government,
must speedily follow.
I am happy to believe dint at every period of our
existence as a nation, there has existed, and contin
ues to exist, among the great mass of our people, a
devotion to the Union of the States, which will
shield and protect it against the moral treason of
any who would seriously contemplate its destruc
tion. To secure a continuance of that devotion, the
compromise of the eonstitution must not only tie
preserved, but sectional jealousies and heart burn
ing m ast be discountenanced; and all should remem
ber that they are members of the same political
family, Laving n common destiny. To increase the
attachment of our people to the Union, our laws
should be just. Any policy which shall tend to
favor monopolies. or the particular interests of sec
tions or classes, must operate to the prejudice of the
interests of their fellow-citizens, and should lie avoi
ded. If the compromise of the constitution be
preserved,—if sectional jealousies and heart burn-
nags be discountenanced,—if our laws be just, and
the government partially administered strictly with
in the limits of power prescribed to it,—we may
d ism rd all apprehensions for the safety of the Union.
With these views of the nature, character, and
objects of the government, and the value of the
Union, I shall steadily oppose the creation of those
institutions and systems which, in their nature,
tend to prevert it from its legitimate purposes, and
make it the instrument of sections, clmses, and in
dividuals. We need no national banks, or other
extraneous institutions, planted around the govern
ment to control or strengthen it in opposition to the
Will of its authors. Experience has taught us how
unnecessary they are as auxiliaries of the public
authorities, how impotent for good, and how pow
erful for mischief.
Ours was intended to be a plain and frugal gov
eminent; and I shall regard it as my duty to re
commend to Congress, and. as fnr as the executive
is concerned, to enforce by all the means within my
power, the strictest economy in the expenditures of
the public money, which may be compatible with
the public interests.
A national debt has become almost an
institution of European monarchies. It is
view e d in some of them, as an essential
prop to existing governments. Melon
choly is the condition of that people whose
government can be sustained only by a
sys'em which periodically transfers large
amounts from the labor of the many to the
coffers of the few. Such a systent is incom- 1
patible with the ends fin• which bur republi
can goVern went was instituted. Under a
wise policy, the debts contracted in our re•
volution and during the war o f 1812, have
been ha ppily extinguished. By a judicious
application ol the revenues, mot required
for otherinecessary purposes,it is not doub
ted that the debt which has grown out of
the circumstances of the last few years
may be speedily paid off.
congratulatel my fellow-citizens on the
entire restoration of the credit of the gen
eral government of the Union, and that of
many of the States. Happy would it be
for the indebted States if they were freed
from their liabilities, many of which were
incautiously contracted. Although the
government Of the Union is neither in a
legal nor a moral sense bound for the
debts at the States, and it would be a viola
non sit' our compact of Union to asinine
them, yet we cannot but feel a sleep in
terest in seeing all the States meet their
public liabilities, and pay off their Jost
debts ; at the oiliest practical period:—
They will do so, as soon as it call be done
without itopoiog too heavy burdens on
their citizens, there is no reason to doubt.
The sournl, moral, and honorabie feeling;
of the people of the indebted States eau.
not be questioned ; and we are happy to
perceive a settled disposition of their part,
as their ability retai's, after a season of
unexampled pecuniary embarrasstnents,
to pay oil all just demands, and to acqui
esce in any reasonable measures to accum
plish that objeci.
. .
One of the difficulties which we have
had to encounter in the practical admin•
titillation of the government, consists in
the at'Josi merit of our revenue laws, and
the le,y of the taxes necessary for the
support of goeeinment. In the general
proposition, that no more money shall be
collected than the necessities DI an eco
nomical administration shall require, all
parties seem to acquiesce. Nor does
there seem to be any material ddlerenee
of opinion as to the absence of right in
the government to tax one section of
country, or one class citizens, or one or
! cupatinn, 'Or the mere profit of another.—
Justice and sound policy forbid the led
oral government to luster one brunch of
' industry to the detriment of another, or
to cherish the interests of one portion to
the injury of another portion of our com
mon country." I have heretofore decla.
red to my fellow citizens that, in my
judgment, it is the duty of the govern
ment to extend, as far as it may be prac
ticable to du 9o , by its revenue laws, arid
all other means within its power, fair and
just proteiono all the gre interest
of the who ct le U t nion, embracin at g
ture, manufactures, the mechanic arts,
commerce, and navigation." I have also
declared my opinion to he " in favor of a
tariff for revenue," and that, in adjust
ing the details of such a tariff, I have
, sanctioned such moderate discriminating
duties as would produce the amount of
revenue needed, and, at the same time, al
ford reasonable incidental protection to our
home industry t" and that I was
sed to a tariff' for protection Merely, and
not or revenue."
The power 1‘ to lay and collect taxes,
duties, imposts, and excises," was an in
dispensable one to be conferred On the
federal government, which, without it,
would possess 110 means of providing for
Ifs Own support. In executing this pow•
er by levying a tariff or duties for the
support of government, the raising of rev
enue should be the object and protection
the incident. To reverse this principle,
and make protection the object, and rev
enue the incident, would he to infflict
manifest injustice upon all other than the
protected interests. In levying duties
for revenue, it is doubtless proper to make
' such discriminations within the s'esenne
principle, as will atford incidental protem
lion to our home interests. Within the
revenue limit, there is a discretion to rlis
criminate: beyond that limit, the rightful
exercise of the power is not conceded.—
The incidental pi otectioe afforded to our
home interests by discriminations within
the revenue range, it is believed will be
ample. In making discriminations, all
our home interests should, as tar as prac
ticable, ne equally protected. The lar
gest portion of our people are agricultur
alists. Others are employed in manufac
tures, commerce, navigation, and the me.
chanic arts, engaged in their respective
pursuits, and their joint labors constitute
the national or !mine industry. To tax
one branch of this home industry for the
benefit of another, would be unjust. No
one of these interests can rightfully claim
an advantage over the others, or to be en
riched by impoverishing the others. All
are equally entitled to the fostering care
' and protection of the government. I n
exercising a sound discretion in levying
discriminating duties within the limit pre.
scribed, care should be taken that it be
done in a manner not to benefit the
wealthy few, at the expense of the toil.
ing millions, by taxing lowest the luxuries
of life, or articles of superior quality and
high price, which can only be consumed
by the wealthy ; and highest the neces
saries of life, or articles of course quali
ty and low price, which tl.e poor and great
mass of our people must consume. The
b irdens of government should, as far as
pr. Cticable, be distributed justly and
equally among all classes of our popular
Lion. These general views, long enter
tained on this subject, I have deemed it
proper tt, reiterate. It is a subject upon
which co. tlicting interests of sections
and occupations are supposed to exist, and
a spirit of inu 'oat concession and coin pi 0.
rise in adjusting its details should be
cherished by every part of our wide spread
country, as the ouly means of preserving
harmony and a die..rful acquiescence of
all in the operation of our revenue laws.
Our patriotic citizens every part of the
Union will readily submit to the payment
of such taxes as shall be needed for the
support of their government, whether in
peace or in war, if they are so levied as to
distribute the burdens us equally as pos
sible among them.
The republic ot Texas has made known
her desire to come into our Union, to form
a part of our confederacy, and enjoy with
us the blessings of liberty secured and
guarantied by our constitution. Texas
was mice a part of our country—was un
wisely ceded away to a foreign power—
is now independent, and posses an un
doubted right to dispose of a part or the
whole of her territoly, and to merge her
sovreigtity, us a separate and independent
State, in ours. !congratulate my coun
try that, by an act of the late Congress
of the United States, the assent of this
government has been given to the reunion;
and it only remains for the two countries
to agree upon the terms, to consummate
an object so important to both.
I regard the question of annexatton as be
longing exclusively to the United Soles
and 1 eras. They are independent pow
ers, competent to Contract ; and foreign
nations have no right to interfere with
them, or to take exceptions to their re,
union. Foreign powers do not seem to
appreciate the true character 111 our goy
ern nient. Our Union is a conf•deration
of indile•tol.•ii, hose
peace with each 'thee and all the world.
To enlarge its limits, is to extend the do
minion of peace over additional trait ories
and increasing millions. The world has
nothing to tear Irmo military ambition in
our government. While the chief mag
istrate and the popular branch of Coo:, ess
are elect d for short terms by the sollra.
ges of those millions who most, in their
own persons, bear all the burdens and
miseries of war, our government cannot
be otherwise than pacific. Foreign pow
ers should, therefore, look on the
of Texas to the United States, nut
as the conquest of a nation seeking to ex
tend her dominions by arms and violence
but as the peaceful acquisition lit a terri
tory once her own, by adding another
member to our confederation, with the
consent ol that ineinbcr— thereby dionin
ishing the chances of war, and opening to
them new and ever increasing markets
for their products.
To Texas the reunion is important, be
cause the stro-g protecting arm of our
government would be extended over her,
and the vast resources of her lentils soil
and genial clitorte would be speedily de
veloged ; while the safety of New Or
leans and of our whole south-western
frotier against hostile aggression, as well
RA the interests of the whole Union,
would be promoted by it.
In the earlier stages or our natiohal ex
istence, the opinion prevail3d with some
that our system of confederated States
could nut operate successtully over an
extended territory, and serious objections
have, at d ifferent lines, been made to the
enlargement of our boundaries. These ob
jections were earnestly urged when we ac
quired Louisiana. Experience has sho•sn
that they were not well -founded. The title
of numerous Indian trio=•s ti) vast tracts of
country has been extinguished. New
states have been admitted into the Union ;
new Territories have been created, and
our jurisdiction and laws have extended
over them. As our population has expan
ded, the Union has been cemented and
strengthened ; as our boundaries have
been enlarged, and our agricultural popu
lation has been spread over a large surface
our federative system has acquired addi
tional strength and security. It may well
be doubted whether it would not be in
greater danger of overthrow if our pres•
ent population were confined to the earn
paritively narrow limits of the original
thirteen Slates, than it is, now that they
are sparsely settled over a more expanded
territory. It is confidently believed that
our system may be safely ext ended •to the
utmnst bounds of our territorial limits ;
and that, as it shall be extended, the bonds
of Our Union, so far from being weaken
ed, will become stronger.
None can fail to see the danger to our
safety and tutulT peace, if Texas remains
an independent State, or becomes an al
ly or dependency of some foreign nation
more powerful than herself. Is there one
among our citizens who would not prefer
perpetual peace with Texas, to occasion
al wars, which so often occur between
bordering independent nations 1 Is there
one who would not prefer perpetuat peace
with Texas, to occasional wars, which
so often occur hetweeu bordering indepen
dent nations I Is there one who would
not prefer free intercourse with her, to
high duties on all our products, and man
ufactures which enter her ports or cross
her frontiers ? Is there one who would
not prefer an unrestricted communication
with her citizens, to the frontier obstruc
tions which tuti , t occur if she remains
out of the Union ? Whatever is good or
evil in the local institutions of Texas, will
remain her own, whether annexed to the
United States or not. Nine of the pres
ent States will be responsible for them,
any more than they are for the local in- •
stitutions of each other. They have con
federated together for certain objects.—
Upon the same principle that they would
refuse to form a perpetual union with
'Texas, because of her local institutions,
our foreNthers would have been preven•
ted from forming our present Union. Per
ceiving no valid objection to the measure,
and many reasons for its adoption, vitally
affecting the peat' , tl• safety, and the
prosperity of both countries, 1 shall, on
the broad principle is hich formed the ba
sis and produced the adoption of our
constitution, and not id any narrow
spirit of sectional policy, endeavor, by all
constitutional, lionorab.e. and appropri
ate means, to consummate the expressed
will of the people and governtnent of the
United States, by the re-annexation of
Texas to our Union, at the earliest prac
ticable period.
Nor will it become in a less degree my
duty to assert and maintain by all consti
tutional means, the right ol the Uni`ed
States to that portion of our territory
which lies beyond the Rocky mountains.
Our title to the country of the Oregon
clear and unquestionable ;" anti al
ready are our people preparing to perfect
that title by occupying it with their wives
and children. But eighty years age, our
population was confined on the west by
the ridge of the Alleghenies. Within
that period—within the lifetime, I might
say, of some of my hearers—our people,
increasing to money millions, have filled
the eastern valley nt the Mississippi;
adventurously ascended the Missouri to
its head springs ; and are already engaged
in establishing the blessings of self gov
ernment in valleys, of which the rivers
How to the Pacific. The world beholds
the peaceful triumphs of the industry of
our emigrants. To us belongs the duty
of protecting
them adequately whereev
er they maybe upon our soil. he juris•
diction of our laws, and the benefits of
Our republican institutions, should be ex-
t.u i J (I% VI 111 It
which they have selected lur their homes.
The increasing facilities of intercourse
will ea-ily bring the :•. , tides, of which the
formation in that part of our territory
cannot he delayed, within the sphere of
our federative Union. In the mean time,
every obligation imposed by treaty or
conventional stipulations should be sacred
ly respected.
In the management of our foreign're.
lations, it will be my aim to observe a
careful re#pect for the rights of other na
tions, while our own will be the subject of
constant watchfulness. Equal and exact
justice should Characterize all our inter
course with foreign countries. All alliances
having a tendency to leopard the welfare
and honor of our country, or sacrifice any
one of the national interests will be avid.
ded ; and yet [inopportunity will be lost
to cultivate a favorable understanding
with foreign governments by which our
navigation and commerce may be exten
ded, and the ample products of our fer
tile soil, as well as the manufactures of
our skilful artisans, find a ready market
and remunerating prices in fnrkign coun ,
In taking " care that the laws be faith
fully executed," a strict performance of
duty will be exacted from all public offi.
cers. From those officers, especially,
who are charged with the collection and
disbursement of the revenue, will prompt
and rigid accountability be required. Any
culpable failure or delay on their part to
accimiit for the moneys intrusted to them,
at the time and in the manner required by
law, will, in every instance, terminate the
official connexion of such defaulting officer
with the government.
Although, in our country, the chief ma
gistrate must almost of necessity be cho•
sen by a party, and stand pledged to its
principles and measures, yet; in his official
action, lie should not be President of a
part only, but of the whole people of the
United States. While he executes the
laws with an impartial hand, shrinks from
no proper responsibility, and faithfully
carries out in the executive department of
the government the principles and policy
of those who have chosen him, he should
not be unmindful that our fellow•citizens
who have diffeJed with him in opinion are
entitled to the full and free exercise of
their opinions and judgements, and that
the rights of all are entitled to respect and
Confidently relying upon the aid and
assistance of the co-ordinate departments
of the government in conducting our pub
lic affairs, 1 enter upon the discharge of
the high duties which have been assigned
me by the people, again humbly supplica
ting the Divine Being who has watched
over and protected our beloved country
from its infancy to the present hour, to
continue His gracious benedictions upon
us, that we may continue to pe a prosper
ous and happy people.
The subscribers, Wholesale Merchants,
Manufacturers and Dealers in Philadel'a.,
respectfully invite those Country Merchants
who are about purchasing their Spring and
Summer Supplies, to an examination of their
respective Stocks of Goods.
We believe that our several assortments
are as complete as ever have been offered in
thiscity, and shall be pleased to have them
give us a call.
Importers and Dealers :n Silk and Fancy
Dry Goods.
Caleb Cope & co. 165 Market at. above 4th
W. &R. I'. Remington, 92 do
Asilliurst &Re ihington, 80 do
See, Brother & co. 70 do
Yard & Gil'more. 109 do
Domestic and Foreign Dry Goods.
Reynolds, M'Farland &co.. 105 Market at.
Morgan, Buck & co., 57 do
W. B. & G. B. Cooper, 53 do
Samuel Hood & co., North East corner of
Market and Fifth streets.
King, Boyd & King, 26 North Second st.,
o')posite the Madison House.
William H. Brown & co., 20 N. Fourth st.
Julian, Mason & co., 156 Market street.
Eckel, Stingier & Raiguel, 128 N. 1 h►rd st.
above Race.
Smith, Howell & Barr, 33 N. Second st.
Barclay Lippincott, 166} Market street, one
door below Fitth, south side.
LudWig. Kneedler & co. 112 North Third
street, West corner of Race street.
Haas & Hollingsworth, 18 North Second
street, and 2 Church Alley.
James J. Boswell & co., 50 Market at.
Frederick, Dewalcl & co. 62 N. Third st.
Importers and Dealers in Hosiery, Gloves,
Trimmings and Fancy Goods.
E. S. Burnett, 3 South Fourth street, east
side below Market.
J. &J. P. Steiner, 48 North Second st reet,
4 doors below Arch street.
Cloths, Cassimers, Vestjogs, Tailors'
Trimmings. s% c.
. _
De Coursey, Lalourcade & co. 77 Market st.
William H. Love, 147 do
J. Godley Spry & co. 84 do
Hardware and Cutlery.
Edward S. Handy & co, 98 Maaket Street,
above third.
Yardley, Sowers & co. 141 do
above third.
John S. Fitchett & co. 47 do
. .. ....
below Second.
Allen R. Reeves &co. 177} do
Wm. T. Howell & co. 181 do
Deacon & Paterson, 187 do
Martin Buehler & Bro. 195 do
below Fifth.
Michael V. Baker, 215 do
Maslin & Pepper, 4 N. Third st.
Faust & Winebrener, 70 do
Saddlery hardware, mid Carriage Trim-
John M. Ford, 32 North Third street.
H. &G. Fricke, 14 do
Golf & Paterson, 12 North Fourth street.
William Ford, 7 do
.Saddlery, Saddlery Hardware, Harness, Trunks.
Edward P. Mo s er, 38. also 252 Market st .
Publiahers, 'Booksellers. and Stationers.
Grigg & Elliot, 9 North Fourth st.
llogun & Thim.pson, $0 do
OU and Lca;hcr Dealers.
'26n Ntaket street
H. M. Cr.. wto,l, 21,4 N. Third sr,
Boots, Shoes, Bonnets. Caps, Leghorn and l'a 1
W. E. &J. G. Wltelna, 158 Market st.
Levick, Jenkia. & c.. 150 do
Chtna, Partheniaare and Glass.
Alexander Read, 205 Market at.
f . e . ter . Wtight . Bt Sons, 239 do•
Wright at Wharton,' 29 N. Third st.
Benedict Dorsey & Son, 123 do
William P. Hacker, G 2 North Second st.,
above Arch.
Manufacldrers and Dealers in Drugs, Medicines,
. .
Paints, Oils, &c.
Thomas P. James, 212 Market street.
Thomeson,Puncoast & co. 40_ do below 2d.
6 Northl'hird et.
Caleb Cressnn
Manufactaters of Sieves, Riddles. Screens, and
Wirework in general.
Joseph A. Needles & co. 54 N. Front street
Combs, Brushes, Buttons. Spool Cotton,
Trimmings, Fancy Cooda, &c.
Oliver Martin, 24 North Fourth street.
S. M. Day, 10 do do
Manufacturers & harriers of Military
Goods, Fringes, Cords, Tassels, Carriage Laces.
Win H. Hartsmann & Sons, 51 N. Thircl St.
lbantfacturers of Umbrellas, Parasols
and Sun-shades.
Sleeper, Brothers, 126 Matket st rect.
Wright & Brothers, 125 do
William A. Drown, 86 do
Manufacturers of Hats, Caps Wool Hats, &e.
Fi en denial & Levick, 144 Market street.
S. & U.C. Nichols, 114 dd
Manufacturers of Pato?' Ploor & Furni
ture Oil Cloths, and Elastic Carriage Curtains.
Potter & Carmichael, 568 North'l'hud st.
Isaac Macauley, Jr., 6 Nol t b Fifth st.
Manufacturers of Ladies' & Gentlemen's
Cheap !'ravelling Trunks.
A. L. Hickey & co. 150 U hesnot street:
George B. Bains, 8 and 25 N. 4th st.
Importer o/ Toys, Fancy A. Staple Goods,
Brushes and Perfumery.
A. F. Ott Monrose, 16 S. 4! II below Market.
Louis C. Bauersaclis, 170 Mark etistreet.
Manufacturer of Combs, Brushes, soaps
and Perfumery.
. .
Thomas Burch, Jr. (litte ofPittsburg) 183
Market street.
William V: Am!erson & cm 21 N. Water st.
John Trticks, 17 N. sth st. cur of commerce
Waterman & Osbourn, North West corner
. _
of Second and Arch streets.
R. Paterson & co. 182 Market street
Dealer in candies, Oranges, Lemons,
. _
John I. Richardson, 42 Market st. below 2d
importer of all lands of Shipping, Furs._
William Geisse &Sons, 60 South Front, be
low Chesnut street:
Sgriculturel & Horticultural Implementl,
Garden, Grass and Flower Seeds.
D. 0. Prouty, 1946 Market street, tido*:
Sixth, South side.
Looking , Glasses Ploted 4- Fancy Hard-
ware, Combs, Brushes, &c.
Writ. & Walter Cresson, 14 North 4th st.
Importer aad Dealer in Bolting Cloths.
Jacob Fry, 58 North Third s met, (succes-
sor to }titters: ,
Manufacturers di Deairre in Straw Goode,
Hair Edgings, &c.
William M. & Jankts E; Maud, 30 North 2d
Manufacturers of Cain and Stocks, and
Dealers in Boots, Shoes and Bonnets.
James 'l'. Lvet & 124 Niwth Third st.
Manufacturer of Peden, Leather, Glezed
Purriage Oil Cloths and Caps.
John 'l'. Holloway, 9 North Fifth street.
Brass Eight nay, SO Hour and General
Clock Establishments.
James S. Smith, 82 N. 3 , lst. near Cherry.
James Barber, 238 Market st., south side,
above Seventh street.
A. F.. Lovell, corner 01 Third and Wood
s'reets, and corner of 4th and Market its.
Print lnrehousr, Deolirs in Prints, only.
Morrell & co.. 201 Market street, second
door above Fifth.
Philadelphia, Feb. 19, 1845.
FRRAI FOR SALE.—An old and well
Improved farm containing
with 'allowance, a large quantity of which iS
cleared and under good fence. "I he improve
ments are a large and convenient dwelling
house, tNo story spring house, barn and
other out buildings, with a never failing
spring of water convenient, and an orchard
of choice fruit. There Is also a good lime
kiln with abundance of lime atone and fuel.
This property is handsomely located on the
hank of .iugliwick creek, Shirley township,
Huntingdon county, andpossesses many ad
vantages in point of locality. Being distant
trom the borough of ShirleVsburg only two
miles from the canal three miles and a half,
and immediately on the road from Shirleys
burg, to Drake's ferry. There is also a
first-rate merchant mill on the property
adjoining it.
ALSO, 53 acres of %A/midland handsomely
located on Chesnut ridge, Shirley township,
Huntingdon county.
Apply soon to the subscriber on the pre
January 15, 1845.
Old stand, opposite Gee. J ekson's Hotel,
pirAS now On hand and still continues to
d. manufacture the most ,plendtd assort , .
molt of elegant Furniture and Chairs, &c.
ever offered for sale in the borough of Hun
tingdon, embracing almost every article in
the above line ;
which in point 01 durability,
workmanship, fashionable style of pattern,
and fine finish, will compare with similar
articles manufactured in any portion of the
county; all of which he is determined to
sell at very reduced prices for cash or ap-
Ptoved country produce, or on:time to punt
t ual dealers.
Hotels, private dwellings. &c. furnished
to order at the shortest possible notice.
House, sign, and farcy painting done on
the most reasonable terms,
N. B.—Coffins made for the citizens of
the borough, at the shortest notice.
Huntingdon, Oct. 16, 1 844.—tf.
Rill ail AVIP LA W%
Office it: Main street, three doors west
of Mr. Buoy's Jewelry establishment.
February 14, 1843.--tl.
.. lilt.
•ITTORXEI T 1"i 1.1