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ZPzID.Q O El) 9 fib<ze).
PARM FOR SALE.—An old and ♦rcll
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aMe) ,(32.11 04 (1ii,G13 9
with allowance, a I ,rg , ' go which is
cleared and utncer good fence. The improve
ments are a I and conv,mient dwelling
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This property is handsomely located on the
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Huntingdon county, and possesses many
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Irom the borough of Shirlersburg rely twn
miles from the canal three miles and a half,
and immediately an the road from Shirleys
hurg, to Drake's ferry. There is also
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ALSO,
A 53 acres of woodland handsomely
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tuttingdon county.
Apply soon to the subseriher en the pre
rni•tes. LEWIS BERKSIR ESSER.
January 15,1845.
Watches, Silver Ware 4. Jewelry
James MICE'S &
No. 105 N..2:1 corner of Elfreth's
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Baker John Murrels Andrew
Brownian Isaac Mayville Henry
Dickey Susan Moyer Henry
Davis John C. Pine Isaac
Davis Simnel Plymptnii Elijah
Fisher Mrs. Porter John 2
rocklei H. & J. Parmenter S. S.
Gun Benjamin Spyker Samuel
Green James Esq. Sauter Mr.—German.
Houtz Daniel Stewart Alexander
Houston M. L. Shively James
Herren John B. Stout Mr.
Hall Weston Shively Mary
Johnston William Thema s David P.
Ireland Judith Young George B.
Ichinger Jnhn Yi'eum Samuel
Kennedy J. 11, Wilson James
Kaufman George Walker H. C.
Martin Isaac Walker George
M'Clure Andrew
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LIST OF LETTERS, which remain in
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1845. If not called for previous to the Ist
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Bottontot John 2 M'Vey Michael
Bottontot James Mirgrath Miss Emil'n
Coder 'l'. B. WWillams Thomas
Crull Augustus Murchorn John
_
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Dysar Joseph Nuinmer John
Grubb Abraham, jr. Patterson John
Gray Miss Harriet Peppard Oliver
Grubb E. & C. B. Ro,enhiem Abraham
Heisler D. S. 'roman James
Hight Char:es NA'ond Samuel R.
Ln' George NVeight Henry
M'Gwire Catharine Withertiwlm
hl'Connell James
DAVID SNARE, I'. M.
January 8, 1845.
Estate of Lau; retire i,"Zvoope,
Late of town,ltip, &erasell
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Jan. 22, 1845.-6 t. Cuss tp.
ESTATE OF JAMES TU LLEY,
Late of Barree township, Huntingdon
county, deceased.
vrOTICE is hereby given, that letters
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ANN TULLEY,/
JOHN OAKS, Exr's.
November 20, 1844. Barree tp
STRAY COW.—Strayed from the sub
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more than a month ago, a red and white
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January 15, 1845.
LANK BONDS to Constables for Stay
Ego of Execution, under the new law, jest
printed, and for sale, at this tigke.
SPEECH o 1 CLINGMAN,
OP NORTH CAROLINA,
On the :e ate Prezidential Election.
In the House of Representatives, Jan. 6.
[CONCLUDED.]
Without going further with this matter, Mr.
Speaker, I have read enough to afford an accurate
idea of this system of organization. That it would
be most effective in practice is obvious, when it is
remembered that there are in every country some
who, from indecision of character, may be persua
ded—some who, from honest credulity and want of
politieal knowledge, can 4e imposed upon by art
fully-framed documents or verbal misrepresenta
tion; while others may be overcome by the influen
ces of what are called "refreslunents" or other
means. This or some similar plan of organization
was adopted in many parts of the country. In the
State of Tennessee, ns I have been informed by
what I might regard as first rate democratic author
ity, the following was the mode relied on : There
are about fifteen hundred civil districts in the State,
in each of which there is a precinct for voting. In
each one of these districts the Democrotic party
selected five individuals, who were, by their combi
ned exertions prior to and on the election day, to
endeavor to change two voters in each district,
which in the whole State would amount to three
thousand, and talten from the Whig to the Demo
cratic side, would make a difference of six thousand
in the result. By this means they hoped to over
come the majority of four thousand which had been
cast against Mr. Polk the year previous. That
this scheme failed is solely owing to the fact that in
that State the Whigs were more zealous; more ac
tive, and better organized than they were in the
other States. Nothing gives such confidence and
spirit to an individual as the knowledge that his
efforts will lie seconded and sustained by all of the
members of his party. It is a similar feeling which
gives courage to a soldier going into battle in the
ranks of veterans, whom he knows and confides in,
that he would not feel in the midst of a body of a
raw militia.
The leading members of the Democratic party,
being in the late canvass, well aware that the sys
tem of Whig policy was approved by a majority of
the people of the Union, and that their nominee had
also a vast personal superiority in the estimation of
every body over Mr. Polk, felt that the issue, if de
termined with respect either to measures or men,
would be decided against them. They therefore
called into exercise to the fullest extent their sys
tem of party organization, to obtain as many votes
as possible for their candidate, and showed them
selves devoid of all scruples as to the mode in which
these votes were to be procured.
But, Mr. Speaker, our opponents did not content
themselves with merely obtaining the votes of indi
viduals. They also courted and won over all the
various smaller factions of the country. It is the
natural tendency of these in every country to array
themselves against the strongest party. The Whig
party was, as all will concede, the strongest, and it
stood firmly on well•known and fixed principles.—
With these principles none of the factions of the
country harmonized. But the Democratic party
avowedly stood on no general system of principles
with respect to the administration of the Govern
ment. It contained in its body men who professed
opposite opinions on every 'political question. Its
broad and catholic spirit could receive in its bosom
the members of every faction without obliging them
to sacrifice or modify any of their professed opin
ions. In short it was a fir receptacle for the frag
ments of all factions, and it would act in the man
ner calculated to win.
The abolition party had nominated as its candi
date for the Presidency James C. Dirney ; but the
Democratic party likewise afterwards nominated
him for the Legislature of Michigan. He accepted
this nomination, and by that means, or perhaps by
more solid appliances, he was induced to use his
influence with his party in behalf of Mr. Polk. In
his published letter before the election—l allude not
to his spurious letter, but his genuine one—he de
clared that, though opposed both to Mr. Clay and
Mr. Polk, yet he touch more depreciated the elec
tion of Mr. Clay, because, being a man of greatly
superior abilities, he was always able to lead his
party, and would do much more to retard and over
throw abolition principles than Mr. Polk, whom tie
spoke of es a man of no Went, incapable of con
trolling his party, and powerless as against abolition.
Mr. Speaker, when I first read these letters, I saw
that they were so ingeniously framed that they
would have the desired effect with the abolition
party. Nay, sir; they take the precise view of the
matter, which a sagacious sincere abolitionist would.
Nothing surely could be more fatal to the progress,
and even existence of that faction, than the admin
istration of a man of the lofty patriotism, and splen
did abilities, vast personal popularity, moderation
and firmness of Henry Clay. To give us such an
administration, would inspire that confidence, re
pose, and prosperity which the country so much
needs. On the contrary, all the little factions vege
tate and thrive under the weak, vicilliating admin
istration of a feeble man. Rightfully, or wrongfully,
however, as it may be deemed, it is certain that
these views of Birney, and like efforts on the part
of the Democratic party, had the desired edict on
the mass of the abolition party. The States of
New York, Pennsylvania, and perhaps others, were
carried for Mr. Polk, and, as our candid political
adversaries admit, the abolitionists have made the
President.
So strong, however, sir, was the Whig party in
the country that even this manteuvre would not
have defeated us had it not been for other similar
artifices. Nearly one hundred thousand foreigners
are estimated to arrive annually in the United States;
of this number a very large proportion are Roman
Catholics. By means, which time does not permit
'me to recount, but the most insidious and unjusti
fiable, the Democratic party succeeded in inducing
them to band themselves together and rally to the
support of Mr. Polk. Some of them avowed their
preference for him because Make trade policy was
more favorable to the interests of the mother coun
tries from which they came than was Mr. Clay's.
Others openly proclaimed on their banners that
they would not be ruled by Americans. As evi
dence of the sort of feeling which has been incul
cated into the minds of the most ignorant of them, I
may be pardoned for mentioning a little incident
that occurred in the room of a friend to whom I
chanced to he making a visit. While making his
fire, the Irish porter inquired when Mr. Polk would
come on to the city. "I am told," he added, "that
he is a great friend to ue poor foreigners; weelec
led him, and we can do most any thing when we
try." Sir, had the foreign Catholics been divided
in the late election, as other sects and classes gen
erally were, Mr. Clay would have carried by a large
majority of the State of New York, as also the
States of Pennsylvania, Louisiana, and probably
some others in the Northwest. Not only did we
have to contend against the influence of foreigners
here, but British gold was openly and profusely
used to promote Mr. Polk's election, professedly
with a view of breaking down the tariff and promo
ting the sale of their manufactures in this country.
All the world may interfere in our domestic matters.
With one hand Great Britain stimulates the aboli
tionism of the North. with a view of desolating the
South or forcing a dissolution of the Union, and
with the other, under the influence of motives
equally selfish, she seeks to array the planting and
farming interests of the country against the tariff,
and thereby Freak down the manufacturing estab
lishments of the North. And we, as a nation, sit
stupidly quiet while she foments for her own ad
vantageous domestic dissensions.
Our political opponents, likewise, derived acci
dentally great advantage from the official patronage
of the present Administration. Usually the oppo
nents of the acting President have, as a counter
poise to his direct influence, the advantage of
holding his Administration responsible before the
country for its errors or crimes. But in the pres
ent instance the acts of the Executive, though heart
and soul completely identified with the Demo
cratic party, because ho had not been elected by
them, were, whenever it suited their purpose, disa
vowed. He thus occupied a position of seeming
neutrality between the two parties, and was able to
turn to account the power in his hands. He ac
cordingly, exerted to the utmost the power which
he possessed over them, going even to the odious
extent practiced in Mr. Van Buren's time, of com
pelling thein, on pain of dismissal from office, to
contribute part of their salaries to create a fund to
be used in favor of Mr. Polk's election. At their
assessments of 1 per cent. each of a salary in the
custom house, $15,000 is said to have been raised.
One of the officers there, John Orsa, is said to have
presented to the Empire Club several hundred
hickory clubs, to enable them to beat away from the
polls the Whig votes, for which Nebel& act he
seems to have received a vote of thanks from said
Empire Club.
To ascertain the extent of this influence on the
whole country is not easy, but the number of office
holders in the State of New York alone is such as
to account for a greater number of votes than Mr.
Polk's actual majority there.
Prom Mr. Clay's character; political experience,
and associations, It was known that his selections
for office would be made from the best men in the
country. All of the old defaulters, therefore—all
mere needy adventurers, without character to sip
port their claims for office, having nothing to hope
from him, naturally arrayed themselves on the
other side.
Without doubt, too, they are right, to some extent,
who suppose this to have been the case, another
influence, not probably political. The gambling
portion of the community, finding, at the beginning
of the canvass, that they could not get persons to
bet against Mr. Clay, did so themselves, with large
odds in their favor, and afterwards devoted a por
tion of the many millions staked to effect the result
desired by them.
Yet, with all the acquisitions and advantage; I
which I have been recounting, our adversaries were
too prudent to rest secure. They knew that the
Constitution had provided no mode by which the
fairness of a Presidential election could be contes
ted, and no means of purging the polls of illegal
votes. If a vote were received by the inspector of
the election at each precinct, and by them returned,
it mattered not whether the person professing to
give it w ere qualified to vote or not at that place.
They therefore, by means of the system of organi
zation already described, deliberately formed a wide
ly extended plan for the purpose of securing a
sufficient number of illegal votes to carry States
enough to secure the election of Mr. Polk. The
first demonstration seems to have been made in the
i city of Baltimore in the October election. There
lit was that they gave a vote so much larger than
' was ever polled at any preceding election, as to sat
isfy all persons that fraud had been practiced.—
laveatigations singe then hiss mode it manifest that
the increased vote was owing not only to the fact
that many persona voted not authorized at all to
vote there, but that likewise those qualified had in
some instance voted two, three, or more times at
different precincts in the city. About fifty persons
have already been convicted and sentenced to pun
ishment for this offence by the Court, not one of
whom is a Whig, though they have been pardoned
from time to thus by the Democratic Governor
there. The fraud here was but the precursor of
what followed.
The great State of New York claims the first no
tice. During the past year there were naturalized
there not less than seven thousand foreigners. This
was effected entirely by the Democratic party, the
Whigs having no office provided for that purpose,
because, as I learn, there is not one of these for
eigners out of fifty who will vote the Whig ticket.
Of this large number a great proportion, not
having been five years in the country, could
not be legally naturalized, and their votes, therefore,
when given, were illegal.
Men who had not been one month in the coun
try, from the penitentiaries of Europe, unacquain
ted even with the language in which they were
sworn, voted for what they knew not.
But the principal frauds were practiced by what
is called double voting. The city of New York
was the great theatre where this was consummated.
As the Empire Club bore such a prominent part in
these transactions, I must devote a remari: or too
to it. It was organized in July last, and it consisted
of gamblers, pickpockets, droppers, burners, thim
ble-riggers, and the like, and its association seems
to have been then mainly for the purpose of carry
ing on successfully these and similar trades. Most
of its members had been repeatedly indicted for
crimes. Its general character, however, may be
sufficiently inferred from that of some of its officers.
Its President was Isaiah Rynders, often arrested for
thimble-rigging and similar offences. He and Jo
seph Jewell, being indicted for murder, fled from
New York to New Orleans. By the by, I may
here mention that this Jewell, who has indictments
for murder in two different cases hanging up against
him, was the standard bearer of the Club, anil figu
red as the bearer of the Texas banner in the pro
ces. ions. These worthies hod nct been long in fiew
Orleahe before they found it convenient to leave,
being charged with stealing treasury notes. They
came to this city end were arrested, and sent back
in irons, by order of Captain Ty ler. I mention
this circumstance in order to show the mutations of
the times, for since the election, this man Rynders,
having become a great man among the Democracy,
has not only dined with Benjamin F. Buser,when
the electorial vote was given to Mr. Polk at Alba
ny; not only has he received a complimentary ball
from the Chairman of the Democratic General
Committee of the city of New York, but having
come on with his friend Jewell to this place for
office, I am told, if the papers are to be relied on, he
has been cordially received at the White !fosse.—
Whether President Tyler or President Rynders
then remembered the ironing, is not, however,
chronicled. But lam digressing, John J. Austin,
vice president of the Club, has likewise pending
against him an indictment for murder, and was
likewise implicated in the charge ofstealing Treasury
notes. Woolrige, its secretary, but recently came
out of the penitentiary. William Ford, one of its
directors, in the short interval of time which elap
sed between the publication of a notice of one of its
processions and the arrival of the day of parade,
was indicted by the grand jury in seven cases, rape
and burglary being among the offences. Being put
in the Tombs, he unfortunately lost the opportu
nity of figuring on that occasion. Soon after tried
and convicted of the first named crime, he was sent
to the penitentiary, but. Isis services being valuable
to the party, he was immediately pardoned and
turned out by his Democratic Excellency, Govern
or Bouck. I may remark, too, that this official
dignitary, a short time before the election, restored
to their political rights all the criminals in the State,
and pardoned a great number who were in the
penitentiary.
Thiel Empire Clu,, constituted as I have related,
for some time devoted its energies to the prosecution
of the laudable object. for which it had been or
iginally organized. Several weeks, however, before
the election, the Democratic lenders thought it
could be efrectively employed in the political con
t.., and they thereupon took its members into
pay. These gentry being furnished with money
thus by other means, abandoned for the time their
peculiar avocations. and some of the neutral papers
of the city mode the subject of remark the disap
pearance of these particular classes of crime.—
Their numbers rapidly increased from one or two
hundred to not less than eight hundred : in fact
they boasted that they had three thousand men en
rolled. This Club, with other members of the
Democratic party, perfected the most extensive
system of fraudulent voting ever known. Sir, in
what I have been stating, and what I am now
about to state, I speak from information derived in
part from public sources, but mainly from private
ones; sources, however, on which I fully rely.—
I have taken pains to get accurate information.—
If there be error in any of my statements, which I
ant not prepared to admit, I desire to be contradict
ed. Otto of my objects is to provoke investigation
into this matter. If any thing which I can say or
do here should induce this House to order an in
vestigation into this whole transaction, I shall
think I have done the country much service.—
Let gentlemen meet me on this ground. In the
etty of New lork there ere more then senenty
1 .-^...faaCDaCIE) fl tlf) 0 au V.IEt ,:.
places at which votes are given in. I understand
sir, that one prominent feature of this plan wee,
that in each of the seventeen wards into which the
city is' divided, there were one hundred and twenty
picked men, each of whom was to leave his own
ward and go to one where he wae least known on
the evening before the election. Staying one night
, there enabled him to make oath that he resided in
that Ward, and he was permitted to vote there.—
He then returned to his own ward and voted there
without being questioned. But these two thousand
and forty persons, however, formed but a part of
those who voted more than once, From the in
formation which I have received, I think that an in
vestigation will show that there were companies of
men who voted in some instances as much as six
teen times each. It was the calculation of the
managers to give fourteen thousand illegal votes in
the city, and they admit that they got in eleven
thousand. A portion of these votes were excluded
at some of the boxes, by the Whigs requiring them
to state on oath if they had not already voted.—
This being an unusual question, offended many of
them, and they retired with dignified disdain. The
Workingman's Advocate, a Democratic paper of
the city, has admitted that the party agreed to give
five dollars for every vote after the first ono which
any individual could get in. Many of the gamblers
predicted what occurred afterwards with wonderful
accuracy. One of them who happened to be a
Whig informed a prominent individual in the city,
fiont whom I received the statement, long before
the election, of the plan, and likewise notified him
that on a future day, before the election, however,
this matter would be published in a Democratic pa
per, (the Plebian I think) and charged on the
Whigs es their plan, so as to divert suspicion, and,
in the event of discovery by the Whig press. to en•
ticipate such charges and thus break its force.—
When the day came on, as predieted, the publica
tion appeared in the Plebian.
There is said to have been an incident of no great
Consequence in itself, which for a partictilar reason
is worth a notice. I understand that the North
Carolina line of battle ship was moored at the Brook
lyn wharf, and it had been arranged that? the melt
on board of her were to go ashore and vote for the
gentleman who represents on this floor the Brook
lyn district; and their votes, if received by him,
would have been sufficient to elect him. But on
the morning of the election, by some singular freak
of that ,legerdemain which Was practised on so
extensive a scale that day, these men were in a
body spirited across the river into the city, and vo
ted mostly in the 7th ward, but partly in the 6th
and I lth, for the Democratic member there, (I mean
the only one of the present city delegation returned.
Mr. Maclay.) These votes were just enough to
save him. Now, I have no doubt but that the
gentleman from Brooklyn, (Mr. Murphy,) though
he was overthrown by having the staff on which he
was about to lean thus soddenly jerked from under
him, by a brother Democrat, has public spirit and
party devrtion enough to be quite as well satisfied
by la result which gives the party a member, as if
Ire had been himself the successful individual.—
But the object I had in view, sir, in alluding to
this incident, is to ascertain what is the standard of
party morals as it respects the menthe's themselves.
What is their mode of dealing with Whigs I un
derstand very well; but I had supposed according
to the old proverb, that among its members there
was honor in every profession. Will not some one
enlighten tho country as to this pert of their code
Sir, you remember that when the Whigs were
in power, they passed a registry law that would
have prevented most of these enormous frauds, but
it was repealed by the Democratic party, and we
see the fruits of that repeal. From the best infor
mation I can obtain, I am fully satisfied that under
the existing laws provided by the Democratic par
ty of that State, hands enough can be perpetrated
in the city alone to determine the vote of that great
State—in feet, I may say the result of the Presi
dential election; for it will perhaps generally be
close enough for its thirtysix electoral votes to de•
cide the matter.
But it was not in this city alone that these things
were done. Similar frauds were practised at Al
bany, by voters, some of whom were even carried
from Philadelphia, it is said. Even in the interior,
there are facts which furnish strong evidence of il
legal voting. I should like for the gentleman (Mr,
Preston King) who represents the district in which
is St. Lawrence, (Mr. Wright's county, I think)
to inform us how it happened that that county gave
sixteen hundred and twenty-seven votes more than
it did at any preceding election I The Whig vote
is stronger than it was when we carried the coun
try, and yet we are beaten by about fifteen hurt.
deed. How cornea it that that county has given
nearly two thousand more votes than some with
about the same population I
It is charged and believed by the Whigs' that a
number of persons who had already voted else
where, were run across the line into that county,
and voted a second time, and that similar fraud.
was practised in Jefferson, an adjoining county.—
Our friends believe that in those two counties there
wore pun some thirteen hundred illegal votes in
that way. That the State of Now York gave
Henry Clay a majority of heir legal votes, cannot
be doubted. Similar frauds were practised in the
State of Pennsylvania, with the like result, as 1
could show if I bad time to go into the detente,-
We lost Louisiana in the same way. At the pre
precinct in the Parish of Plaquemine. there were
Riven eleven hundred woks, being seven hundred