PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
To the Senate and Rouse of Representa•
tiers of the United States.
We have continued causes for expressing
our gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the
Universe for . the benefits and blessings
which our country, under His kind Prov
idence, has enjoyed during the past
year. Notwithstanding the exciting scenes
through which we have passed, nothing
has occurred to disturb general peace, or
to derange the harmony of our political
system. The great moral spectacle has
been exhibited of a nation, approximating
in number to 20,000,000 of People, having
performed the high and important function
of electing their Chief Magistrate for the
term of four years, without the commis
sion of any acts of violence, or the titan•
ifestation of a spirit of insubordination
to the laws. The great and inestimable
right of suffrage has been exercised by all
who were invested with it, under the laws
of the different States, in a spirit dictated
alone by a desire in the selection of the
agent, to advance the interests of the
country, and to place beyond jeopardy
the institutions under which it is our hap
piness to live. That the deepest interest
has been manifested by all our country
men in the result of the election, is not
less true, than highly creditable to them.
Vast multitudes have assembled, from
time to time, at various places, for the
purpose of canvassing the merits and pre
tensions of those who were presented for
their suffrages, but no armed soldiery has
been necessary to restrain, within proper
limits, the popular zeal, or to prevent vio
lent outbreaks.
A principle much snore controling was
found in the love of order and obedience
to the laws, which, with mere individual
exceptions, every where possesses the
American mind, and controls with an in
fluence far more powerful than hosts of
armed men. We cannot dwell upon this
picture without recognizing in it that deep
and devoted attachment on the part of the
People, to the institutions under which
we live, which proclaims their perpetuity.
The great objection which has alway
prevailed against the election, by the Peo
ple, of their Chief Executive Officer has
been the apprehension of tumults and dis
orders, which might involve in ruin the
entire Government. A security against
this, is found nut only in the fact before
alluded to, but in the additional fact that
we live under a confederacy embracing
already twenty-six States; no one or
which has power to control the election.
The popular vote in each State is taken
at the time appointed by the laws, and
such vote is announced by the Electoral
College, without reference to the decision
of the other States. The right of suf
frage, and the mode of conducting the
election is regulated by the laws of each
State; and the election is distinctly fed
erative in all its prominent features.—
Thus it is that, unlike what might be the
results under a consolidated system, riot
ous proceedings, should they prevail,
could only effect the elections in single
States, without disturbing to any danger
ous extent, the tranquility of others.
The great experiment of a political con
federacy —each member of which is su
preme—as to all matters appertaining to
its local interest, and its internal peace
and happiness—while by a voluntary
compact with others it confides to the
united power of all, the protection of its
citizens, in matters nut domestic— has
been so far crowned with complete suc
cess.
The world has witnessed its rapid
growth in wealth t and population: and
under the guide and direction of a super.
intending Providence, the developements
of the past may be regarded but as the
shadowing forth of the mighty future. In
the bright prospects of that future, we
shall find, as patriots and philanthropists,
the highest inducements to cultivate and
cherish a love of union, and to frown
down every measure or effort which may
be made to alienate the States, or the Peo
ple of the States, in sentiment and feel
ing, from each other. A rigid and close
adhereance to the terms of our political
compact, and above all, a sacred obser
vance of the guaranties of the Constitu
tion, will preserve union on a foundation
which cannot be shaken; while personal
liberty is placed beyond hazard or jeopar
dy. The guarantee of religious freedom,
of the freedom of the press, of the liber
ty of speech, of trial by jury, of the
habeas corpus and of the domestic insti
tutions of each of the States—leaving the
private citizen, in the full exercise rif the
high and ennobling attributes of his na
ture, and to each State the privilege which
can only be judiciously exerted by itself,
of consulting the means best calculated
to advance its own happiness; these are
the great and important guarantees of the
Constitution, which the lovers of liberty
must cherish, and the advocates of union
must ever cultivate.
Preserving these, and avoiding all in
terpolations by forced construction, under
the guize of an imagined expediency, up
on the Constitution, the influence of our
political system is destined to be as active
ly and as beneficially felt on the distant
shores of the Pacific, as it is now on
those of the Atlantic Ocean. The only
formidable impediments in the way of its
successful expansion (time and space) are
so tar in the progress of modification, by
the improvements of the age, as to render
no longer speculative the ability of Rep
resentatives from that reroute region to
coin up to the Capitol, so that their con
stituents shill participate in all the hen
. n , , .1 Fed e r a l kgi.dution. Thus it is,
that in the pr.gress ut time, the inestima•
ble principles of civil liberty will be en- ;
joyed by millions yet unborn, and the
great benefits of our system of Govern
ment be extended to now distant and un- I
inhabited regions. In view of the vast
wilderness to be reclaimed, we may well 4
invite the lover of freedom of every land,
to take up his abode among us, aed assist
us in the great work of advancinr , the
standard of civilization, and giving a
wider spread to the arts and refinements
of cultivated life. Our prayers should
evermore be offered up to the Father of
the Universe for his wisdom to direct us
in the path of our duty, so as to enable us
to consummate these high purposes.
One of the strongest objections which
has been urged against confederacies, by
writers on Government, is, the liability of
the members to be tampered with by For
eign Governments, or the People of For
eign States. either in their local affairs, or
in such as affected the peace of others, or
endangered the safety of the whole confed
eracy. We cannot hope to be entirely
exempt from such attempts on our peace
and safety. '1 he United States are be
coming too important in population and
resources not to attract the observation of
other nations. lt, therefore, may, in the
progress of time, occur that opinions en
tirely abstractin the states in which they
may prevail, and in no degree affecting
their domestic institutions may be artful
' ly, but secretly, encouraged with a view
to undermine the Union. Such opinions
may become the foundation of political
Parties, until at least, the conflict of opin
ion, producing an alienation of friendly
feeling among the People of the different
States, may involve in one general des
truction the happy institutions under
which we live! It should ever be borne in
mind, that what is true in regard to indi
viduals, is equally so in regard to States.
An interference of one in the affairs of
another, is the fruitful source of family
dissensions and neighborhood disputes;
and the same cause affects the peace, hap
piness and prosperity of States. It may
be most devoutly hoped that the good
sense of the American people will ever be
ready to repel all such attempts, should
they ever be made.
There has been no material change in
our foreign relations since my last Annual
Message to Congress. With all the pow
ers of Europe we continue on the most
friendly terms, Indeed, it affords me
much satisfaction to state, that at no for
mer period has the peace of that enlight•
ened and important quarter of the globe
ever been, apparently, inure firmly estab
lished. The conviction that peace is the
true policy of nations, would seem to be
growing and becoming deeper amongst
the enlightened every where, and there is
no people who have a stronger interest in
cherishing the sentiments, and adopting
the means of preserving and giving it per-
tnenance, than those of the United States.
Amongst these, the first and most effects
ive are, no doubt, the strict observance of
justice, and the honest and punctual ful
filment of all engagements. But it is not
to be forgotten that, in the present state of
the world, it is no less necessary to be
ready to enforce their observance and ful
filment, in reference to ourselves, than to
observe and fulfil them, on our part, in re
gard to others.
Since the close of your last session, a
negotiation has been formally entered up
on between the Secretary of State, and
Her Britannic Majesty's Minister Pleni
potentiary and Envoy Extramdinary, re
siding at Washington, relative to the
rights of their respective nations in and
over the Oregon territory. That negotia•
tion is still pending, Should, it, Burin;
your session, be brought to a definite con
clusion, the result will duly be communi•
cated to Congress. I would, however,
again call your attention to the recom
mendations contained in previous tnessa
ges, designed to promote and facilitate
emigration to that territory. The estab
lishments of military posts at suitable
points upon the extended line of land
travel, would enable our citizens to emi
grate in comparative safety to the fertile
regions below the falls of the Columbia,
and make the provision of the existing
convention fur the joint occupation of the
territory by subjects of Great Britain, and
the citizens of the United States, more
available than heretofore to the latter.—
These posts would continue places of rest
for the weary emigrant, where he would
be sheltered securely against the danger
of attack from the Indians, and be enabled
to recover from the exhaustion of a long
line of travel.
Legislative enactments should also be
made which should spread over him the
mgis of our laws, so as to afford protec
tion to his person and property, when he
shall have rrached his distant home. In
this latter respect, the British Govern
ment has been much more careful of the
interests of such of her people as are to
be found in that country, than the United
States. She has made necessary provis•
ion for their • security and protection
against the acts of the viciously disposed
and the lawless ; and her emigrant re
poses in safety under the panoply of her
laws. Whatever may he the result of the
pending negotiation, such measures are
necessary, It will afford me the greatest
pleasure to witness a happy and favora
ble termination to the existing negotiation,
upon terms compatible with the public
honor; and the best effinis of the Gov
ernment will continue to be directed to
this end.
It would have given me the highest
gratification, in this, my last annual com
munication to Congress, to have been able
to announce to you the complete and en
tire settlement and adjustment of other i
matters in difference between the United
States and the Government of Her Brit
etde Majesty, which were adverted to in
a previous message. It is so obviously
the interest of both countries, in respect
to the large nd valuable commerce which
exists between thein,that all causes of coin•
plaiot, however inconsiderable, should be,
with the greatest promptitude, removed—
that it must be regarded as cause of re
gret that any unnecessary delays should
be permitted to intervene. It is true that,
in a pecuniary point of view, the matters
alluded to are, altogether, insignificant in
amount, when compared with the ample
resources of that great nation ; but they,
nevertheless, more particularly that limi
ted class which arise under seizures and
detentions of American ships on the coast
of Africa, upon the mistaken supposition
indulged in at the time the wrong was
committed, of their being engaged in the
slave-trade,—deeply affect the ser.sibili
ties of this Government and the People.
Great Britain having recognized the re
sponsibility to repair all such wrongs, by
her action in other cases, leaves nothing
to be regretted upon this subject, as to all
cases prior to the Treaty of Washington,
than the delay of making suitable repara
tion in such of them as fall plainly with
in the principle of others, which she has
long since adjusted. The injury inflicted
by delays in the settlement of these claims,
fall with severity upon the individual
claimants, and makes a strong appeal to
her magnanimity and sense of justice for
a speedy settlement. Other matters,
arising out of the construction of existing
treaties, also remain unadjusted, and will
continue to be urged upon her attention.
The labors of the Joint Committee ap
pointed by the two Governments to run
the dividing line, established by the trea
ty of Washington, were, unfortunately,
much delayed in the commencement of
the season, by the failure of Congress, at
the last session, to make a timely appropri
ation of funds to meet the expenses of the
American party, and by other causes.—
The United States Commissioner, how
ever, expresses his expectation that, by
increased diligence and energy, the party
will be able to make up for lost time.
We continue to receive assurance of
the must friendly feelings on the part of
all the other European Powers; with each
and all of whom, it is obviously our int
terest to cultivate the most amicable rela
tions.
Nor can I anticipate the occurence of
any event which would be likely, in any
degree to disturb these relations, Russia,
the great northern power, under the judi
cious sway of her Emperor, is constantly
advancing in the road of science and im
provement, while France, guided by the
councils of her wise sovereign, pursues a
course calculated to consolidate the gener
al peace. Spain has obtained a breathing
spell of sonic duration from the internal
, convulsions which have, through many ,
years marred her prosperity ; while Aus
tria, the Netherlands, Prussia, Belgium,
and the other powers of Europe, reap a
rich harvest of blessings from the prevail
ing peace. . . _
inliirmed the two Houses of Congress
in my Message of December last, that
instructions had been given to Mr. Whea
ton, our Minister at Berlin, to negotiate a
treaty with the Germanic States compo
sing the 'Loll Verein, if it could be done
--stipulating, as far a it was practicable
to accomplish it for a reduction of the
heavy and onerous duties levied on our
tobacco, and other leading articles of ag
ricultural production;
and yielding in re
turn, on our part, a reduction of duties on
such articles, the productions of their in
dustry, as should not come into competi
tion, or but a limited one, with articles
the product of our mmufacturing indus
try. The Executive, in giving such in•
structions, considered itself as acting in
strict conformity with the wishes of Con
gress, as made known through several
measures which it had adopted ; all direc
ted to the accomplishment of this import
ant result. The treaty was, therefore,
negotiated ; by which essential reductions
were secured in the duties levied by the
Zoll Verein, on tobacco, rice and lard,
accompanied by a stipulation for the ad
mission of raw cotton, free of duty. In
exchange fur which highly important con
cessions, a reduction of duties, imposed
by the laws of the United States on a va
riety of articles, most of which were ad
mitted free of all duty under the act of
Congress commonly known as the Com
promise law, and but few of which were
produced in the United States, was stipu•
lated for on our part.
'lbis treaty was communicated to the
Senate at an early day of its last session,
but not acted upon until near its close;
when for the want, as I am bound to pre
sume, of full time to consider it, it was
laid upon the table. This procedure had
the effect of virtually rejecting it, in con
sequence of the stipulation contained in
the treaty, that its ratifications should be
exchanged on or before a day which has
already passed. The Executive, acting
upon the lair inference that the Senate
did not intend its absolute rejection, gave
instructions to our Minister at Berlin to
re-open the negotiation, so far as to obtain
an extension of time for the exchange of
ratifications. I regret however, to say
that his efforts in this respect have been
unsuccessful. I am nevertheless not
without hope that the great advantages
which were intended to be secured by the
treaty, may yet be realized.
I am happy to inform you that Belgium
has, by an "arrete rayale," issued iu July
last, assimilated the ° flag of the United
States to her own, so far as the direct
trade between the two countries] is con
cerned. his measure will prove of great
emit* to our' shipping interests; the
trade having heretofore Veen carried on
in foreign bottoms. 1 flatter myself that
she will speedily resort to a modification
of her system relating to the tobacco
trade, which would decidedly benefit the
agriculture 'of the United States, and op=
erate to the mutual advantage of both
countries.
No definitive intelligence has yet been
received from our. Minister, of the conclu
sion of a ti enty with the Chinese Empire;
but enough is known to induce the strong
est hopes that the mission will be crowned
with success.
With Brazil our relations continue on
the most friendly footing. The commer
cial intercourse between that growing
Empire and the United States, is becom
ing daily of moi.,impurtance to both ; and
it is the interest of bo.h that the firmest
relations of amity and good will should
continue to be cultivated between them.
The Republic of New Grenada still
withholds, notwithstanding most per
severing efforts have been eoployed by
our Charge Affairs, Mr. Blac.kford, to
produce a different result, indemnity in
the case of the brig Morris.' Atnd the
Congress of Venezula, although ,:in ar
rangement had been effected betweein .our
Minister and the Minister of Foreign A f
fairs of that Government for the payment
of $lB,OOO, in discharge of its liabilities
in the same case, has altogether neglected
to make provision for its payment. It is
to be hoped that a sense of justice will
soon induce a settlement of these claims.
Our late Minister to Chili, Mr. Pendle
toh, has returned to the United States,
without having effected an adjustment in
the second claim of the Macedonian,
which is delayed on grounds altogether
frivolous and untenable. Mr. Pendles
ton's successor has been directed to urge
the claims in the strongest terms; and in
the event of a failure to obtain a perma
nent adjustment, to report the fact to the
Executive at as early a day as possible, so
that the whole matter may be communica
ted to Congress.
At your last session, I submitted to the
attention of Congress, the Convention of
the Republic of Peru, on the 17th of
March, 1841, providing for the adjust
ment of the claims of citizens of the Uni
ted States against that Republic : but no
definite action was taken upon the sub
ject. I again invite to it your attention
and prompt action.
In my last annual Message, I felt it my
duty to make known to Congress, in terms
both plain and emphatic, toy opinion in
regard to the war which has so long exis
ted between Mexico and Texas; which,
since the battleof San Jacinto, has cons
sisted altogether of predatory incursions,
attended by circumstances revolting to
humanity. I repeat now, what I then
said, that after eight years of feeble and
ineffectual efforts to recover Texas it was
time that the war should have ceased.-
1 The United States had a direct interest in
the question. The contiguity of the two
nations to our territory, was but too well
calculated to involve our peace. Unjust
suspicions were engendered in the mind
of one or the other of the belligerents,
against us; and, as a necessary conse
quence, American interests were made to
suffer, and our peace became daily endan
gered. In addition to which, it must have
been obvious to all that the exhaustion pro
duced by the war, subjected both Mexico
and Texas to the interference of other
powers ; which, without the interposition
of this Government, might eventuate in
the most serious injury to the United
States. This Government, from time to
time, exerted its friendly offices to bring
about a termination of hostilities upon
terms honorable alike to both the billiger
rots. Its efforts in this behalf proved
unavailing. Mexico seemed, almost
without an object, to persevere in the war,
and no other alternative was left the Ex
ecutive but to take advantage of the well.
known disposition of Texas, and to invite
her to enter into a treaty for annexing her
territory to that of the United States.
Since your last session, Mexico has
threatened to renew the war, and has eith
er made, or proposes to make, formidable
preparations forinvading Texas. She has
issued decrees and proclamations, prepar
atory to the commencement of hostilities,
full of threats, revolting to humanity;
and which, if carried into effect, would
arouse the attention of all Christendom.
This new demonstration of feeling, there
is too much reason to believe, has been
produced in consequence of the negotia
tion of the late treaty of annexation with
Texas. The Executive, therefore, could
not be indifferent to such proceedings;
and it felt it to be due, as well to itself as
to the honor of the country, that a strong
representation should be made to the Mex
ican Government upon the subject. This
was accordingly done—as will be seen by
the copy of the accompanying despatch
from the Secretary of State to the United
States Envoy at Mexico. Mexico has no
right to jeopard the peace of the world by
urging any longer, a useless and fruitless
contest. Such a condition of things
would not be tolerated on the European
continent. Why should it be on this?
A war of desolation, such as is now threat
ened by Mexico, cannot be waged with
out involving our peace and tranquility.
It is idle to believe that such a war
could be looked upon with indifference by
our own citizens, inhabiting adjoining
States; and our neutrality would be vio
lated, in dispite of all efforts on the part
of the Government to prevent it. The
country is settled by emigrants from the
United States, under invitations held out
to them by Spain and Mexico. Those
emigrants have left behind them friends
and relatives who would not fail to sym
pathise with them in their difficulties, and
Who would be led by those syinpathies to
participate in their struggle, however en
ergetic the action of Government to pre
vent it. Nor would the numerous and
formidable bands of Indians, the most
warlike to be found in any land, which
occupy the extensive regions contiguous'
to the States of Arkansas and Missouri,
and who are in posession of large tractsof
country v , 'thin the limits of Texas, be
likely to remain passive. The inclination
of those numerous tribes lead them inva
riably to war whenever pretext exists. '
Mexico had no just ground of displasure
against this Government or People for ne
gotiating the treaty. What interest of
hers was affected by the treaty I—She
was dispoiled of notning, since Texas was
forever lost to her. 'the independence of
Texas was recognized by several of the
leading Powers of the earth. She was free
to treat—free to adopt her own line of
policy--free to take the course which she
believed was best calculated to secure her
happiness. Her Government and People
decided on annexation to the United
States; and the Executive saw, in the ac
quisition of such a territory, the means of
advancing their permanent happines and
glory. What principle of good faith then
was violated ? What rule of political
morals trampled under foot? Su far as
Mexico herself was concerned, the mea
-1 sure should have been regarded by her as
highly beneficial. Her inability to con
quer Texas had been exhibited, I repeat,
by eight—now nine—years of fruitless
and ruinous contest.
I n the meantime, Texas has been grow
ing in i,•opulation and resources. Emigra
tion has flowed into her territory, from all
parts of the world, in a current which
continues tea increase in strength. Mexi
co requires a pormanent boundary be
tween that young republic and herself.—
Texas, at no distant day, if she continues
seperate and detache d from the United
States will inevitably seek consolidate
her strength by adding to her domain the
contiguous provinces of Mexico. The
spirit of revolt from the control of the
Central Government has, heretofore, man
ifested itself in some of those provinces;
and it is fair to infer tha t they would be
inclined to take the first favorable oppor
tunity to proclaim their independence,
and to form close alliances with Texas.—
The war would thus be endless ; or, if
cessations of hostilities should ( incur, they
would only endure for a season. The in
terests of Mexico, therefore, .could to
nothing be better consulted than in a
peace with her neighbors, which wo uhf re
sult in the establishment of a perm nent
boundary. Upon the ratification of the
treaty, the Executive was prepared to
treat with her on the most liberal basis,—
Hence, the boundaries of Texas were left
undefined by the treaty.
The Executive proposed to settle these
upon terms that all the world should have
pronounced just and reasonable. No ne
gotiation upon that point could have been
undertaken between the United States and
Mexico, in advance of the ratification of
the treaty. We should have no right—
no power—no authority, to have conduc
ted such a negotistion!; land to have under
taken it, would have been an assumption
equally revolting to the pride of Mexico
and Texas, and subjecting us to the charge
of arrogance; while to have proposed in
advance of annexation, to satisfy Mexico
for any contingent interest she might have
in Texas, would have been to have trea
ted Texas, not as an independent power,
but as a mere dependency of Mexico.
This assumption could not have been
acted on by the Executive, without setting
at defiance your own solemn declaration
that that Republic was an Independent
State. Mexico had, it is true, threatened
war against the United States, in the event
the Treaty of Annexation was ratified.—
The Executive could not permit itself to
be influenced by this threat, It represen•
ted in this the spirit of our People, who
are ready to sacrifice much for peace, but
nothing to intimidation. A war, under
any circumstances, is greatly to be deplor
ed, and the United States is the last na
tion to desire it ; but if, as the condition
of peace, it be required of us to forego the
unquestionable right of treating with an
independent power, of our own Continent,
upon matters highly interesting to both,
and that upon a naked and unsustained
pretension of claim by a third power, to
control the will of the power with whom
we treat—devoted as we may be to peace,
and anxious to cultivate friendly relations
with the whole world, the Executive does
not hesitate to say that, the People of the
United States would be ready to brave all
consequences, sooner than to submit to
such condition,
But no apprehension of a war was enter
tained by the Executive ; and [ must ex
press frankly the opinion that had the
treaty been ratified by the Senate, it would
have been followed by a prompt settle
ment to the entire satisfaction of Mexico,
of every matter in difference between the
two countries. Seeing then that new
preparations for hostile invasion of Texas
were about to be adopted by MexicoA that
these were brought about because Texas
had adopted the suggestions of the Exe
cutive upon the subject of Annexation, it
could not passively have folded its arms 4
permitted a war, threatened to be accom
panied by every act that could mark a bar
barous age, to be waged against her, be
cause site had done so.
Other considerations of a controlling
character influenced the course of the
Executive. The treaty which had thus
been negotiated, had failed to receive the
ratification of the Senate. One or the
chief objections which was urged against
it, was louad to consist in the ct that the
question of annexation had not been sub.
mitted to the ordeal of public opinion in
the United States. However untenable
such an objection was esteemed to be, in
view of the unquestionable pbwer of the
Executive to negotiate the treaty, and the
great and lasting interests involved in the
question, I felt it to be n.y duty to submit
the whole subject to Congress as the best
expounders of popular sentiment. No
definitive action having been taken on the
subject by Congress, the question miler{
red itself directly to the decision of the
States and the people. The great pop
lar election which has just terminated
afforded the best opportunity of ascer
taining the will of the States and the people
upon it. Pending that issue, it hecarne
the imprative duty of the Executive to
infoini Mexico that the question of annex-
ation was still before the American peo
ple, and that, until their decision was
pronounced, any serious invasion of Texas
would be regarded as an attempt to forestalt
their judgment, and could nut be looked
upon with indifference.
I am most happy to inform you that no'
such invasion has token place, and I trust
that, whatever your action May be upon it;
Mexico will see tole importance of deci-•
ding the matter by a resort to peaeitul
expedrents, in preference to those of arms;
The decision of the People and the State
on this great and interesting
subject, has
been decisively manifested. The ques
tion of Annexation has been presented
nakedly to their consideration. By the
treaty itself, all collateral and incidental
issues, which were calculated to divide
and distract the public councils, were
carefully avoided.
These were left to the wisdom of the fu
ture to determine. It presented, I repeat,
the isolated question of annexation; and ha
that form it has been submitted to the or
deal of public sentiment. A controlling
majority of the people and a large majority
of the States have declared sir favor of
immediate annexation. Instructions have
thus come up to both branches of Congress
from their respective constititents, in
terms the most emphatic. It is the will
of both the people and the States, that
Texas shall be annexed to the Union
promptly and immediately. It may be
hoped that, in carrying into eiedution the'
public will, thus declared, all collateral
issues may be avoided. Future Legisla
tures can best decide as to the number of
States which should be formed out of the
territory, when the time haaarrived for
decidin ,, that question. SO with all oth
ers. Icy the treaty the United States
assumed the payment of the debts of Tex
as, to an amount not exceeding *lO,-000,-
000, to be paid, with the exception of a
sum falling short of $400,000 exclusively
out of the proceeds of the sales of the pub
lic lands. We could not with honor,
take the lands, without assuming the lull
payment of all ineumbrances upon them.
Nothing has occurred since your last
session to induce a doubt that the disposy
lion of Texas remains•unaltered. No in
tinivi ion of au altered determination, on
the p srt of her Government and Peo
ple, has been furnished to the Executive.
She stiff desires to throw herself under
the protection of our laws, and to partake
of the bletisings of our federative system;
while eve ry American interest would seem ,
to require it. The extension of our coast--
wise and hit ei r p trade,• toan amount al
most
incalcu Ltble—the enlargement of the
market for our manufactures—a constant
ly growing market for our sgracultural
productions—safety to our frontiers, and
additional strength and stability to the
Union —these are the results which would
rapidly develope th.mselves upon the con
summation of the ;measure of annexation.
In such event, I will not doubt but that
Mexico would find her true interest toton
sist in meeting the advances of this . Gov-.
eminent in a spirit of amity.
Nor do I apprehend any serious com
plaint from any other quarter; no suffi
cient ground existsi for such complaint.
We should interfere in no respect with
the rights ()flty other nation. There can
not be gathered from the act, any design'
on our part to do so with their possessions.
on this Continent. We have interposed.
no impediments in the way of such acqui
t sitions of territory, large and extensive as•
I many of them are, as the leading powers
of Europe have made, from time to time,
in every part of the world. We seek 1144
conquest niedo by war. No intrigue will
have been resorta to, or acts of diplomacy
essayed, to accomplish the annexation of
Texas. E Free and independent herself,
she asks to be received into our Union.—
It is a question for our own decision,
whether she shall be received or not.
The two Governments having already
agreed through their respective organs, on
the terms of annexation, I would recom
mend their adoption by Congress in the
form a joint resolution, or act, to be per
fected and made binding on the two coun
tries, when adopted in like manner by the
Government of Texas.
In order that the subject may be fully
presented in all it bearings, the correspon
dence which has taken place, in reference
to it, since the adjournment of Congress.
between the United States, Texas, and
Mexico, is herewith transmitted.
The amendments proposed by the Senate
to the Convention concluded between the
United States and Mexico, on the 20th of
November, 1843, have been transmitted
through our Minister, for the concurrence
of the Mexican Government; but, although
urged thereto, no action has yet been had
on the subject; nor has any answer been
given which would authorize a favorable
conclusion in the futlire.
The Decree of September, 1843, in re
lation to the retail trade, the order
fur the expulsion of meisners, e
that of a IlitUre recant auto to regacti lV