PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. To the Senate and Rouse of Representa• tiers of the United States. We have continued causes for expressing our gratitude to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe for . the benefits and blessings which our country, under His kind Prov idence, has enjoyed during the past year. Notwithstanding the exciting scenes through which we have passed, nothing has occurred to disturb general peace, or to derange the harmony of our political system. The great moral spectacle has been exhibited of a nation, approximating in number to 20,000,000 of People, having performed the high and important function of electing their Chief Magistrate for the term of four years, without the commis sion of any acts of violence, or the titan• ifestation of a spirit of insubordination to the laws. The great and inestimable right of suffrage has been exercised by all who were invested with it, under the laws of the different States, in a spirit dictated alone by a desire in the selection of the agent, to advance the interests of the country, and to place beyond jeopardy the institutions under which it is our hap piness to live. That the deepest interest has been manifested by all our country men in the result of the election, is not less true, than highly creditable to them. Vast multitudes have assembled, from time to time, at various places, for the purpose of canvassing the merits and pre tensions of those who were presented for their suffrages, but no armed soldiery has been necessary to restrain, within proper limits, the popular zeal, or to prevent vio lent outbreaks. A principle much snore controling was found in the love of order and obedience to the laws, which, with mere individual exceptions, every where possesses the American mind, and controls with an in fluence far more powerful than hosts of armed men. We cannot dwell upon this picture without recognizing in it that deep and devoted attachment on the part of the People, to the institutions under which we live, which proclaims their perpetuity. The great objection which has alway prevailed against the election, by the Peo ple, of their Chief Executive Officer has been the apprehension of tumults and dis orders, which might involve in ruin the entire Government. A security against this, is found nut only in the fact before alluded to, but in the additional fact that we live under a confederacy embracing already twenty-six States; no one or which has power to control the election. The popular vote in each State is taken at the time appointed by the laws, and such vote is announced by the Electoral College, without reference to the decision of the other States. The right of suf frage, and the mode of conducting the election is regulated by the laws of each State; and the election is distinctly fed erative in all its prominent features.— Thus it is that, unlike what might be the results under a consolidated system, riot ous proceedings, should they prevail, could only effect the elections in single States, without disturbing to any danger ous extent, the tranquility of others. The great experiment of a political con federacy —each member of which is su preme—as to all matters appertaining to its local interest, and its internal peace and happiness—while by a voluntary compact with others it confides to the united power of all, the protection of its citizens, in matters nut domestic— has been so far crowned with complete suc cess. The world has witnessed its rapid growth in wealth t and population: and under the guide and direction of a super. intending Providence, the developements of the past may be regarded but as the shadowing forth of the mighty future. In the bright prospects of that future, we shall find, as patriots and philanthropists, the highest inducements to cultivate and cherish a love of union, and to frown down every measure or effort which may be made to alienate the States, or the Peo ple of the States, in sentiment and feel ing, from each other. A rigid and close adhereance to the terms of our political compact, and above all, a sacred obser vance of the guaranties of the Constitu tion, will preserve union on a foundation which cannot be shaken; while personal liberty is placed beyond hazard or jeopar dy. The guarantee of religious freedom, of the freedom of the press, of the liber ty of speech, of trial by jury, of the habeas corpus and of the domestic insti tutions of each of the States—leaving the private citizen, in the full exercise rif the high and ennobling attributes of his na ture, and to each State the privilege which can only be judiciously exerted by itself, of consulting the means best calculated to advance its own happiness; these are the great and important guarantees of the Constitution, which the lovers of liberty must cherish, and the advocates of union must ever cultivate. Preserving these, and avoiding all in terpolations by forced construction, under the guize of an imagined expediency, up on the Constitution, the influence of our political system is destined to be as active ly and as beneficially felt on the distant shores of the Pacific, as it is now on those of the Atlantic Ocean. The only formidable impediments in the way of its successful expansion (time and space) are so tar in the progress of modification, by the improvements of the age, as to render no longer speculative the ability of Rep resentatives from that reroute region to coin up to the Capitol, so that their con stituents shill participate in all the hen . n , , .1 Fed e r a l kgi.dution. Thus it is, that in the pr.gress ut time, the inestima• ble principles of civil liberty will be en- ; joyed by millions yet unborn, and the great benefits of our system of Govern ment be extended to now distant and un- I inhabited regions. In view of the vast wilderness to be reclaimed, we may well 4 invite the lover of freedom of every land, to take up his abode among us, aed assist us in the great work of advancinr , the standard of civilization, and giving a wider spread to the arts and refinements of cultivated life. Our prayers should evermore be offered up to the Father of the Universe for his wisdom to direct us in the path of our duty, so as to enable us to consummate these high purposes. One of the strongest objections which has been urged against confederacies, by writers on Government, is, the liability of the members to be tampered with by For eign Governments, or the People of For eign States. either in their local affairs, or in such as affected the peace of others, or endangered the safety of the whole confed eracy. We cannot hope to be entirely exempt from such attempts on our peace and safety. '1 he United States are be coming too important in population and resources not to attract the observation of other nations. lt, therefore, may, in the progress of time, occur that opinions en tirely abstractin the states in which they may prevail, and in no degree affecting their domestic institutions may be artful ' ly, but secretly, encouraged with a view to undermine the Union. Such opinions may become the foundation of political Parties, until at least, the conflict of opin ion, producing an alienation of friendly feeling among the People of the different States, may involve in one general des truction the happy institutions under which we live! It should ever be borne in mind, that what is true in regard to indi viduals, is equally so in regard to States. An interference of one in the affairs of another, is the fruitful source of family dissensions and neighborhood disputes; and the same cause affects the peace, hap piness and prosperity of States. It may be most devoutly hoped that the good sense of the American people will ever be ready to repel all such attempts, should they ever be made. There has been no material change in our foreign relations since my last Annual Message to Congress. With all the pow ers of Europe we continue on the most friendly terms, Indeed, it affords me much satisfaction to state, that at no for mer period has the peace of that enlight• ened and important quarter of the globe ever been, apparently, inure firmly estab lished. The conviction that peace is the true policy of nations, would seem to be growing and becoming deeper amongst the enlightened every where, and there is no people who have a stronger interest in cherishing the sentiments, and adopting the means of preserving and giving it per- tnenance, than those of the United States. Amongst these, the first and most effects ive are, no doubt, the strict observance of justice, and the honest and punctual ful filment of all engagements. But it is not to be forgotten that, in the present state of the world, it is no less necessary to be ready to enforce their observance and ful filment, in reference to ourselves, than to observe and fulfil them, on our part, in re gard to others. Since the close of your last session, a negotiation has been formally entered up on between the Secretary of State, and Her Britannic Majesty's Minister Pleni potentiary and Envoy Extramdinary, re siding at Washington, relative to the rights of their respective nations in and over the Oregon territory. That negotia• tion is still pending, Should, it, Burin; your session, be brought to a definite con clusion, the result will duly be communi• cated to Congress. I would, however, again call your attention to the recom mendations contained in previous tnessa ges, designed to promote and facilitate emigration to that territory. The estab lishments of military posts at suitable points upon the extended line of land travel, would enable our citizens to emi grate in comparative safety to the fertile regions below the falls of the Columbia, and make the provision of the existing convention fur the joint occupation of the territory by subjects of Great Britain, and the citizens of the United States, more available than heretofore to the latter.— These posts would continue places of rest for the weary emigrant, where he would be sheltered securely against the danger of attack from the Indians, and be enabled to recover from the exhaustion of a long line of travel. Legislative enactments should also be made which should spread over him the mgis of our laws, so as to afford protec tion to his person and property, when he shall have rrached his distant home. In this latter respect, the British Govern ment has been much more careful of the interests of such of her people as are to be found in that country, than the United States. She has made necessary provis• ion for their • security and protection against the acts of the viciously disposed and the lawless ; and her emigrant re poses in safety under the panoply of her laws. Whatever may he the result of the pending negotiation, such measures are necessary, It will afford me the greatest pleasure to witness a happy and favora ble termination to the existing negotiation, upon terms compatible with the public honor; and the best effinis of the Gov ernment will continue to be directed to this end. It would have given me the highest gratification, in this, my last annual com munication to Congress, to have been able to announce to you the complete and en tire settlement and adjustment of other i matters in difference between the United States and the Government of Her Brit etde Majesty, which were adverted to in a previous message. It is so obviously the interest of both countries, in respect to the large nd valuable commerce which exists between thein,that all causes of coin• plaiot, however inconsiderable, should be, with the greatest promptitude, removed— that it must be regarded as cause of re gret that any unnecessary delays should be permitted to intervene. It is true that, in a pecuniary point of view, the matters alluded to are, altogether, insignificant in amount, when compared with the ample resources of that great nation ; but they, nevertheless, more particularly that limi ted class which arise under seizures and detentions of American ships on the coast of Africa, upon the mistaken supposition indulged in at the time the wrong was committed, of their being engaged in the slave-trade,—deeply affect the ser.sibili ties of this Government and the People. Great Britain having recognized the re sponsibility to repair all such wrongs, by her action in other cases, leaves nothing to be regretted upon this subject, as to all cases prior to the Treaty of Washington, than the delay of making suitable repara tion in such of them as fall plainly with in the principle of others, which she has long since adjusted. The injury inflicted by delays in the settlement of these claims, fall with severity upon the individual claimants, and makes a strong appeal to her magnanimity and sense of justice for a speedy settlement. Other matters, arising out of the construction of existing treaties, also remain unadjusted, and will continue to be urged upon her attention. The labors of the Joint Committee ap pointed by the two Governments to run the dividing line, established by the trea ty of Washington, were, unfortunately, much delayed in the commencement of the season, by the failure of Congress, at the last session, to make a timely appropri ation of funds to meet the expenses of the American party, and by other causes.— The United States Commissioner, how ever, expresses his expectation that, by increased diligence and energy, the party will be able to make up for lost time. We continue to receive assurance of the must friendly feelings on the part of all the other European Powers; with each and all of whom, it is obviously our int terest to cultivate the most amicable rela tions. Nor can I anticipate the occurence of any event which would be likely, in any degree to disturb these relations, Russia, the great northern power, under the judi cious sway of her Emperor, is constantly advancing in the road of science and im provement, while France, guided by the councils of her wise sovereign, pursues a course calculated to consolidate the gener al peace. Spain has obtained a breathing spell of sonic duration from the internal , convulsions which have, through many , years marred her prosperity ; while Aus tria, the Netherlands, Prussia, Belgium, and the other powers of Europe, reap a rich harvest of blessings from the prevail ing peace. . . _ inliirmed the two Houses of Congress in my Message of December last, that instructions had been given to Mr. Whea ton, our Minister at Berlin, to negotiate a treaty with the Germanic States compo sing the 'Loll Verein, if it could be done --stipulating, as far a it was practicable to accomplish it for a reduction of the heavy and onerous duties levied on our tobacco, and other leading articles of ag ricultural production; and yielding in re turn, on our part, a reduction of duties on such articles, the productions of their in dustry, as should not come into competi tion, or but a limited one, with articles the product of our mmufacturing indus try. The Executive, in giving such in• structions, considered itself as acting in strict conformity with the wishes of Con gress, as made known through several measures which it had adopted ; all direc ted to the accomplishment of this import ant result. The treaty was, therefore, negotiated ; by which essential reductions were secured in the duties levied by the Zoll Verein, on tobacco, rice and lard, accompanied by a stipulation for the ad mission of raw cotton, free of duty. In exchange fur which highly important con cessions, a reduction of duties, imposed by the laws of the United States on a va riety of articles, most of which were ad mitted free of all duty under the act of Congress commonly known as the Com promise law, and but few of which were produced in the United States, was stipu• lated for on our part. 'lbis treaty was communicated to the Senate at an early day of its last session, but not acted upon until near its close; when for the want, as I am bound to pre sume, of full time to consider it, it was laid upon the table. This procedure had the effect of virtually rejecting it, in con sequence of the stipulation contained in the treaty, that its ratifications should be exchanged on or before a day which has already passed. The Executive, acting upon the lair inference that the Senate did not intend its absolute rejection, gave instructions to our Minister at Berlin to re-open the negotiation, so far as to obtain an extension of time for the exchange of ratifications. I regret however, to say that his efforts in this respect have been unsuccessful. I am nevertheless not without hope that the great advantages which were intended to be secured by the treaty, may yet be realized. I am happy to inform you that Belgium has, by an "arrete rayale," issued iu July last, assimilated the ° flag of the United States to her own, so far as the direct trade between the two countries] is con cerned. his measure will prove of great emit* to our' shipping interests; the trade having heretofore Veen carried on in foreign bottoms. 1 flatter myself that she will speedily resort to a modification of her system relating to the tobacco trade, which would decidedly benefit the agriculture 'of the United States, and op= erate to the mutual advantage of both countries. No definitive intelligence has yet been received from our. Minister, of the conclu sion of a ti enty with the Chinese Empire; but enough is known to induce the strong est hopes that the mission will be crowned with success. With Brazil our relations continue on the most friendly footing. The commer cial intercourse between that growing Empire and the United States, is becom ing daily of moi.,impurtance to both ; and it is the interest of bo.h that the firmest relations of amity and good will should continue to be cultivated between them. The Republic of New Grenada still withholds, notwithstanding most per severing efforts have been eoployed by our Charge Affairs, Mr. Blac.kford, to produce a different result, indemnity in the case of the brig Morris.' Atnd the Congress of Venezula, although ,:in ar rangement had been effected betweein .our Minister and the Minister of Foreign A f fairs of that Government for the payment of $lB,OOO, in discharge of its liabilities in the same case, has altogether neglected to make provision for its payment. It is to be hoped that a sense of justice will soon induce a settlement of these claims. Our late Minister to Chili, Mr. Pendle toh, has returned to the United States, without having effected an adjustment in the second claim of the Macedonian, which is delayed on grounds altogether frivolous and untenable. Mr. Pendles ton's successor has been directed to urge the claims in the strongest terms; and in the event of a failure to obtain a perma nent adjustment, to report the fact to the Executive at as early a day as possible, so that the whole matter may be communica ted to Congress. At your last session, I submitted to the attention of Congress, the Convention of the Republic of Peru, on the 17th of March, 1841, providing for the adjust ment of the claims of citizens of the Uni ted States against that Republic : but no definite action was taken upon the sub ject. I again invite to it your attention and prompt action. In my last annual Message, I felt it my duty to make known to Congress, in terms both plain and emphatic, toy opinion in regard to the war which has so long exis ted between Mexico and Texas; which, since the battleof San Jacinto, has cons sisted altogether of predatory incursions, attended by circumstances revolting to humanity. I repeat now, what I then said, that after eight years of feeble and ineffectual efforts to recover Texas it was time that the war should have ceased.- 1 The United States had a direct interest in the question. The contiguity of the two nations to our territory, was but too well calculated to involve our peace. Unjust suspicions were engendered in the mind of one or the other of the belligerents, against us; and, as a necessary conse quence, American interests were made to suffer, and our peace became daily endan gered. In addition to which, it must have been obvious to all that the exhaustion pro duced by the war, subjected both Mexico and Texas to the interference of other powers ; which, without the interposition of this Government, might eventuate in the most serious injury to the United States. This Government, from time to time, exerted its friendly offices to bring about a termination of hostilities upon terms honorable alike to both the billiger rots. Its efforts in this behalf proved unavailing. Mexico seemed, almost without an object, to persevere in the war, and no other alternative was left the Ex ecutive but to take advantage of the well. known disposition of Texas, and to invite her to enter into a treaty for annexing her territory to that of the United States. Since your last session, Mexico has threatened to renew the war, and has eith er made, or proposes to make, formidable preparations forinvading Texas. She has issued decrees and proclamations, prepar atory to the commencement of hostilities, full of threats, revolting to humanity; and which, if carried into effect, would arouse the attention of all Christendom. This new demonstration of feeling, there is too much reason to believe, has been produced in consequence of the negotia tion of the late treaty of annexation with Texas. The Executive, therefore, could not be indifferent to such proceedings; and it felt it to be due, as well to itself as to the honor of the country, that a strong representation should be made to the Mex ican Government upon the subject. This was accordingly done—as will be seen by the copy of the accompanying despatch from the Secretary of State to the United States Envoy at Mexico. Mexico has no right to jeopard the peace of the world by urging any longer, a useless and fruitless contest. Such a condition of things would not be tolerated on the European continent. Why should it be on this? A war of desolation, such as is now threat ened by Mexico, cannot be waged with out involving our peace and tranquility. It is idle to believe that such a war could be looked upon with indifference by our own citizens, inhabiting adjoining States; and our neutrality would be vio lated, in dispite of all efforts on the part of the Government to prevent it. The country is settled by emigrants from the United States, under invitations held out to them by Spain and Mexico. Those emigrants have left behind them friends and relatives who would not fail to sym pathise with them in their difficulties, and Who would be led by those syinpathies to participate in their struggle, however en ergetic the action of Government to pre vent it. Nor would the numerous and formidable bands of Indians, the most warlike to be found in any land, which occupy the extensive regions contiguous' to the States of Arkansas and Missouri, and who are in posession of large tractsof country v , 'thin the limits of Texas, be likely to remain passive. The inclination of those numerous tribes lead them inva riably to war whenever pretext exists. ' Mexico had no just ground of displasure against this Government or People for ne gotiating the treaty. What interest of hers was affected by the treaty I—She was dispoiled of notning, since Texas was forever lost to her. 'the independence of Texas was recognized by several of the leading Powers of the earth. She was free to treat—free to adopt her own line of policy--free to take the course which she believed was best calculated to secure her happiness. Her Government and People decided on annexation to the United States; and the Executive saw, in the ac quisition of such a territory, the means of advancing their permanent happines and glory. What principle of good faith then was violated ? What rule of political morals trampled under foot? Su far as Mexico herself was concerned, the mea -1 sure should have been regarded by her as highly beneficial. Her inability to con quer Texas had been exhibited, I repeat, by eight—now nine—years of fruitless and ruinous contest. I n the meantime, Texas has been grow ing in i,•opulation and resources. Emigra tion has flowed into her territory, from all parts of the world, in a current which continues tea increase in strength. Mexi co requires a pormanent boundary be tween that young republic and herself.— Texas, at no distant day, if she continues seperate and detache d from the United States will inevitably seek consolidate her strength by adding to her domain the contiguous provinces of Mexico. The spirit of revolt from the control of the Central Government has, heretofore, man ifested itself in some of those provinces; and it is fair to infer tha t they would be inclined to take the first favorable oppor tunity to proclaim their independence, and to form close alliances with Texas.— The war would thus be endless ; or, if cessations of hostilities should ( incur, they would only endure for a season. The in terests of Mexico, therefore, .could to nothing be better consulted than in a peace with her neighbors, which wo uhf re sult in the establishment of a perm nent boundary. Upon the ratification of the treaty, the Executive was prepared to treat with her on the most liberal basis,— Hence, the boundaries of Texas were left undefined by the treaty. The Executive proposed to settle these upon terms that all the world should have pronounced just and reasonable. No ne gotiation upon that point could have been undertaken between the United States and Mexico, in advance of the ratification of the treaty. We should have no right— no power—no authority, to have conduc ted such a negotistion!; land to have under taken it, would have been an assumption equally revolting to the pride of Mexico and Texas, and subjecting us to the charge of arrogance; while to have proposed in advance of annexation, to satisfy Mexico for any contingent interest she might have in Texas, would have been to have trea ted Texas, not as an independent power, but as a mere dependency of Mexico. This assumption could not have been acted on by the Executive, without setting at defiance your own solemn declaration that that Republic was an Independent State. Mexico had, it is true, threatened war against the United States, in the event the Treaty of Annexation was ratified.— The Executive could not permit itself to be influenced by this threat, It represen• ted in this the spirit of our People, who are ready to sacrifice much for peace, but nothing to intimidation. A war, under any circumstances, is greatly to be deplor ed, and the United States is the last na tion to desire it ; but if, as the condition of peace, it be required of us to forego the unquestionable right of treating with an independent power, of our own Continent, upon matters highly interesting to both, and that upon a naked and unsustained pretension of claim by a third power, to control the will of the power with whom we treat—devoted as we may be to peace, and anxious to cultivate friendly relations with the whole world, the Executive does not hesitate to say that, the People of the United States would be ready to brave all consequences, sooner than to submit to such condition, But no apprehension of a war was enter tained by the Executive ; and [ must ex press frankly the opinion that had the treaty been ratified by the Senate, it would have been followed by a prompt settle ment to the entire satisfaction of Mexico, of every matter in difference between the two countries. Seeing then that new preparations for hostile invasion of Texas were about to be adopted by MexicoA that these were brought about because Texas had adopted the suggestions of the Exe cutive upon the subject of Annexation, it could not passively have folded its arms 4 permitted a war, threatened to be accom panied by every act that could mark a bar barous age, to be waged against her, be cause site had done so. Other considerations of a controlling character influenced the course of the Executive. The treaty which had thus been negotiated, had failed to receive the ratification of the Senate. One or the chief objections which was urged against it, was louad to consist in the ct that the question of annexation had not been sub. mitted to the ordeal of public opinion in the United States. However untenable such an objection was esteemed to be, in view of the unquestionable pbwer of the Executive to negotiate the treaty, and the great and lasting interests involved in the question, I felt it to be n.y duty to submit the whole subject to Congress as the best expounders of popular sentiment. No definitive action having been taken on the subject by Congress, the question miler{ red itself directly to the decision of the States and the people. The great pop lar election which has just terminated afforded the best opportunity of ascer taining the will of the States and the people upon it. Pending that issue, it hecarne the imprative duty of the Executive to infoini Mexico that the question of annex- ation was still before the American peo ple, and that, until their decision was pronounced, any serious invasion of Texas would be regarded as an attempt to forestalt their judgment, and could nut be looked upon with indifference. I am most happy to inform you that no' such invasion has token place, and I trust that, whatever your action May be upon it; Mexico will see tole importance of deci-• ding the matter by a resort to peaeitul expedrents, in preference to those of arms; The decision of the People and the State on this great and interesting subject, has been decisively manifested. The ques tion of Annexation has been presented nakedly to their consideration. By the treaty itself, all collateral and incidental issues, which were calculated to divide and distract the public councils, were carefully avoided. These were left to the wisdom of the fu ture to determine. It presented, I repeat, the isolated question of annexation; and ha that form it has been submitted to the or deal of public sentiment. A controlling majority of the people and a large majority of the States have declared sir favor of immediate annexation. Instructions have thus come up to both branches of Congress from their respective constititents, in terms the most emphatic. It is the will of both the people and the States, that Texas shall be annexed to the Union promptly and immediately. It may be hoped that, in carrying into eiedution the' public will, thus declared, all collateral issues may be avoided. Future Legisla tures can best decide as to the number of States which should be formed out of the territory, when the time haaarrived for decidin ,, that question. SO with all oth ers. Icy the treaty the United States assumed the payment of the debts of Tex as, to an amount not exceeding *lO,-000,- 000, to be paid, with the exception of a sum falling short of $400,000 exclusively out of the proceeds of the sales of the pub lic lands. We could not with honor, take the lands, without assuming the lull payment of all ineumbrances upon them. Nothing has occurred since your last session to induce a doubt that the disposy lion of Texas remains•unaltered. No in tinivi ion of au altered determination, on the p srt of her Government and Peo ple, has been furnished to the Executive. She stiff desires to throw herself under the protection of our laws, and to partake of the bletisings of our federative system; while eve ry American interest would seem , to require it. The extension of our coast-- wise and hit ei r p trade,• toan amount al most incalcu Ltble—the enlargement of the market for our manufactures—a constant ly growing market for our sgracultural productions—safety to our frontiers, and additional strength and stability to the Union —these are the results which would rapidly develope th.mselves upon the con summation of the ;measure of annexation. In such event, I will not doubt but that Mexico would find her true interest toton sist in meeting the advances of this . Gov-. eminent in a spirit of amity. Nor do I apprehend any serious com plaint from any other quarter; no suffi cient ground existsi for such complaint. We should interfere in no respect with the rights ()flty other nation. There can not be gathered from the act, any design' on our part to do so with their possessions. on this Continent. We have interposed. no impediments in the way of such acqui t sitions of territory, large and extensive as• I many of them are, as the leading powers of Europe have made, from time to time, in every part of the world. We seek 1144 conquest niedo by war. No intrigue will have been resorta to, or acts of diplomacy essayed, to accomplish the annexation of Texas. E Free and independent herself, she asks to be received into our Union.— It is a question for our own decision, whether she shall be received or not. The two Governments having already agreed through their respective organs, on the terms of annexation, I would recom mend their adoption by Congress in the form a joint resolution, or act, to be per fected and made binding on the two coun tries, when adopted in like manner by the Government of Texas. In order that the subject may be fully presented in all it bearings, the correspon dence which has taken place, in reference to it, since the adjournment of Congress. between the United States, Texas, and Mexico, is herewith transmitted. The amendments proposed by the Senate to the Convention concluded between the United States and Mexico, on the 20th of November, 1843, have been transmitted through our Minister, for the concurrence of the Mexican Government; but, although urged thereto, no action has yet been had on the subject; nor has any answer been given which would authorize a favorable conclusion in the futlire. The Decree of September, 1843, in re lation to the retail trade, the order fur the expulsion of meisners, e that of a IlitUre recant auto to regacti lV
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