Huntingdon journal. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1843-1859, August 14, 1844, Image 1
IFEATINGDIN JOUI.NAL, netlottli to General iintetttgentc, onybertt ohm, 13 °lt litterature, Vitoratitz arto, Manuel:4 Agriculture, amuotottnt, srt., kr. 22 7 :0t9 Cll.)ca Cl3a. PUBLISHED DT THEODORE H, CREMER. c3 C2fiAEJPOEID.c. The "Joan,/AL" will be published every Wed nesday morning, at $2 00 a year, if paid in advance, and if not paid within six months, $2 60. No subscription received for a shorter period than six months, nar any paper discontinued till all ar rearages are paid. • Advertisements not exceeding one square, will be inserted three times for $1 00, and for every subse quent insertion 25 cents. If no definite orders are given as to the time an advertisement is to be continu ed, ft will be kept in till ordered out, and charged ac cordingly. WZ-ZZO 13011313. Clay and Trelinghuysen, TUNE—. Old Dan Tucker." The skies are bright, our hearts are bright Throughout our land the Whigs unite, We'll - set our songs to good old tunes, For there is music in these " Coons !" lurralt ! hurrah ! the Nation's risin For Markle, Clay, and Frelinghuysen, The Locos' hearts are v ery sore, Tho' very scarce in forty-four; For they begin to see with reason, That this will be a great coon season. Hurrah ! hurrah ! &c. 0! Frelinglmysen's a Jersey Blue, A noble Whig and honest too, And he will make Now Jersey feel, Whigs pay respect to her "Broad Seal." Hurrah! hurrah! &c. Now let the Locos speak in candor, His fame e'en Kendall dare not slander, And when we all get in the fight, Lord how the Jersey Coons will bite. Hurrah! hurrah! &c. Oh! Polk and Dallas are men of doubt, They can't poke in and must stay out, And in November they will find, '1 heir party poking far behind. Hurrah! hurrah! &c. The coon now looks around with pride, For who is hero dare touch his hide, And tho' the Locos think to cross him, They'll find he's only playing possum. Hurrah! hurrah! &c. United heart and hand are we, From Northern Lake to Southern sea, From East to West the country's slain' For Markle, Clay and Frelingbuysen. Hurrah! hurrah! &c. Clay and Prelinghuyson. TUNE—. Lucy Neal." What has caused this great commotion! At Baltimore, they say, The Whigs took up a Jersey Blue, To run with Henry Clay. Gallant Henry Clay ! Gallant Henry Clay ! Frelinghuysen too, we sing, With gallant Henry Clay ! From North and South and East and West, 'rho Whigs met to repay, Tho noble services performed fly gallant Henry Clay. Gallant Henry Clay, &c. Then sixty thousand Whip replied, With shouts at Baltimore, The country now is satisfied With Clay and Theodore. Gallant Henry Clay, &c. Ye friends of Harrison again, Your colors now display, The old tried " guard" of 0 forty" wheels In lino for Henry Clay. Gallant Henry Clay, &c. And though our foes the music hate, Yet still this tune we 11 play. While all the ladies in the land, The chorus join for Clay. Gallant Henry Clay, &c. With Frelinahuysen on our shield, We see a brighter day, With shouts of glorious victory, We'll hail our Henry Clay. Gallant Henry Clay, &c. The - First Polk Song. TTNE—" Old Dan Tacker." Ah, Matty Van's a used up man, And Lewis Cam he cannot pass, And as far our old friend Tecumseh, He's lost amidst the "Ramsey Dumsey." Hurrah, hurrah, the Nation's risin' For Markle, Clay and Frclinghuyscn. There's Stewart he can't run at all, And Buck' kept quiet in his stall, The Loco's are uncertain folk, The've knock'd all down, and act up Polk. Hurrah, hurrah, &c. You'd better keep your Polk away, Or we will cover hint o'er with Clay, . The coons will never stop or baulk, But eat up berries, Polk ,tnd stalk. Hurrah, hurrah, &c. AnN 'Vriglit was right at any rate, 'ro sPurha hook with such a bait, For Vice watt such a man as Polk, E'en Silas thot q ht too great a joke. Hurrah, hurrah, &c. Tim deed is done—din vo u not hear, The discord ringing in you. ear, They could not give you mw more callous, Then James K. Polk, and Deno M. Dallas. Hurrah, `mural', &c. n I PTION., not refl,r.l at fl u : ofLe, ..a`U7M.°27RLZ' a Important Correspondence. The following correspondence between Judge Reed, Chairman of the Whig State Central Com mittee, and Gen. T. C. Miller, formerly a locofoco member of the State Senate from the Cumberland district, and long an influential lender of the party, deserves and will command attention. Gen. Miller was first elected to the Senate at a special Election held in the Spring of 1839, and so great was the excitement at the time, that he was escorted to liarrisburgh by a large number of his political friends. He has, however, repudiated the princi ples of the locofoco party, and expresses his de termination to go for Clay, Frelinghuysen and Markle. CARLISLE, Juno 28,1844. Hon. T. C. MILLER, Dear Sir ;—There are certain great leading prin ciples involved in the approaching elections in which the vital interests of Pennsylvania are invol. ved. We refer to the Tariff of 1842,—t0 the Dis tribution of the Proceeds of the Public Land among the States—and the immediate annexation of Tex to the Union, on the terms of the recently propo sed treaty. These questions heretofore were considered only theoretically. They were presented for discussion before the people. But they arc now made practi cal questions to be decided by the votes of the peo ple at the polls The one great political party has taken up James K. Polk and H. A. Muldenberg for the purpose of preventing a distribution among the States of the proceeds of the soles of the Pub_ lie Lands, for the purpose of effecting the imme diate annexation of Texas on the terms proposed by the recent treaty. Henry Clay and Joseph Markle have been nomi nated for the purpose of continuing in force the Tariff of 1842, of securing a distribution among the States of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, and for preventing the immediate annexation of Texas on the toms of the recently proposed treaty. Your general political views have been formed upon the broad principles of Democratic equality. You have had ample opportunities fer observing the calamities originating in the want of a protec tive Tariff before 1842, and the beneficial effects produced, and now bei, produced, by the act of 1842. You have also deeply investigated the prin ciples of the law of 1842, and its connection with :he qua• :on. The tinximy of the Whig Central Committee of the State to obtain all the light upon the subjects referred to in their power, has induced them to take the liberty through their Chairman, of soliciting an expression of your opinion upon these three several propositions ; and if you are opposed to the doctrines as contended for by the friends of James K. Polk and H. A. Muhlenberg--whether you would apprehend very great danger to these vital interests in the event of the success of Messrs. Polk and Muldenberg at the coming election With much respect, Your obedient servant, JOHN HEED, Chairman, &c. CUMBERLAND FUHNACH, June 29, 1844, Iron. JOHN REED: Dear Sir :—Yours of the 28th inst, as Chairman of the Whig Central Committee of the State, was duly received. I concur in the remark, that the topics referred to are of " vital interest" to the peo ple of Pennsylvania, and that it is exceedingly im portant they be rightly decided. I ant a democrat, and have formed my political views in accordance with the standard principles of that party, and I am in no way inclined unnecessarily to depart from theta. lat. In regard to the Tariff, I am a decided and warm adherent of the act of 1842, and would ex ceedingly regret to see the law repealed. I tun distinctly in favor of a Protective Torii; in con tradistinction to a Tariff merely for revenue--and this us I understand it, has always been a principle maintained by the true Democracy of the country, through the administrations of Washington, Jef ferson, Madison, Monroe, and which I hope the party is not about to desert. The Democratic mein bora of the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States at the last session of Congress, voted against the repeal act of 1842, and the Le gislature of Pennsylvania at their last session, pas sed a resolution unanimously instructing their rep resentatives in Congress to go for protection "with out regard to revenue." I never can agree to aban don these principles. I fondly hoped that the can didates of the Democratic party could be sustained in accordance with these v iews. I would then be the last to desert them. I regret the course recent ly taken by prominent men of the Democratic par ty. Mr. Van Buren in his Indiana letter, de clares that the period had passed away when a Pro tective Tariff can be kept up in this Country." I James K. Polk, the Democratic candidate for Presi dent has also very explicitly declared against it. Referring to the doctrines of a Protective tariff, he describes them as " measures which he considers ruinous to the interests of the country ;" and Ito further declares, that he has " steadidly and at all times opposed them." He again says, "I am in favor of reducing the duties to the rates of the Comspomise act, where the Whig Congress found them on the 30th of Juno, 1842." The Nashville Union, the organ of Mr. Polk in the present can vass, holds the following language—" we wish it to be borne in mind, that the oppressive Tariff of 1842 , has bees condemned by every true Democrat, and by npne more decidedly then Mr. l'ait Duran. That its provisions are viewed with abhorrence by Gov. Polk and all his friends, we need not repeat;" and the Baltimore Convention which nominated Mr Polk, sent forth the declaration on this subject, "that justice and policy forbids the Federal Gov ernment to foster one branch of industry to the de triment of another, &c." apparently having a view to the doctrine of a horizontal Tariff, and having a regard only to revenue and not for protection. But yet by destroying our 'fern this would foster the South, by the ruin of the North. It seems to me thnt it would be an act of mad ness for Pennsylvania to lend her aid to repeal the Tariff of 1942. We all know the calamities brought upon us by the operation of the 20 per cent. duty. They did not fall upon the manufacturers, but upon the farmer, the mechanic and on cv ry sort of in dustry. The professed object of reducing the dit ties on imposts by its advocates, was to increase the revenue by increasing the amount of importations. It was calculated they would be increased from 100 to 150 millions of dollars. No one is so blind as not to Bee that the addition of 50 millions of im ports would take the place of our own domestic fa brics, and deprive us of the consumption of the products of the soil, and our own labor which would be required in their construction. I think it can be clearly demonstrated that the interests of the manufacturers and agriculturalists are so nearly re lated that nn injury to one affects all tho others. If the manufacturer or mechanic is net protected, for eign iraportations disable him to proceed—the labo rer dependant on him is thrown idle and deprived of his means of living--the farmer stopped from sup. plying the manufactures, loses his best market, and the blacksmith, the machinist and others their for mer support, because their neighbors cease to have the same means of patronizing them. South may have particular local interest. which would be favoured by a repeal of the Turilf, but Pennsylva nia clearly has none ; to her it would be followed by unmitigated injury. Your second proposition refers to the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among ill° States. This is a kindred subject to the Tariff, and a measure that lam distinctly in favor of. In deed, so long as the proceeds of the public lands are looked to by the National Treasury, as a source of revenue, I fear the Tariff will constantly fluctnate, according as are the expenses of the Government.-- Then the manufacturer would have no certain pro te,tien. 13,t: ill, yr ~,,,, gcn,,! gay. ernment be derived from the Tariff without the public lands, and the Tariff will be certain and permanent. This, too, originated as n ihnocratic measure.— Tuns. JCFFF.TISON first sugzested the idea, that after the payment of the debts of the revolutionary war, for which these lands were transferred by the States to the General Government, the surplus should be held as a fund belonging to the States, and he re- I commended the application of it to the purposes of general education. Distribution was a favorite doc trine of General Jackson. He more than once ur ged it upon Congress with the force of argument for which he is so remarkable, It is now supposed tope resisted, chiefly because the receipt of this fund may afford an apology for repealing the present Tar- The fund undoubtedly belongs to the State— one tenth of it to Pennsylvania—she needs it and should have it. It cannot be obtained without an , act of Congress upon the subject, and I am sorry to hear it said, that i f James K. Polk was President, he would veto any such bill. We have a deep in terest in the measure, with a debt of 40 millions of . dollars staring us in the face, for which our property is pledged, and must remain pledged for its pay ment, until some relief it obtained. This enormous debt is fearfully increasing by the accumulation of an interest of more than two millions of &Altman nuallv. The proceeds of the public lands would lie , her best fund for the payment of this debt. Are we then so well oft' that we can throw this fund aside? Can we so easily pay the amount of into est annually, or had we better take this fund, to which we are justly entitled, and rid ourselves of this enormous burden ; or shall we rather draw by direct taxation from the sweat and labour of our citizens this two millions of dollars annually, and that forever. Pennsylvania would be unjust to herself if she would relinquish n dollar of this fund. Your next topic is the anexation of Texas. This subject has beets hastily sprung upon us. It has not been submitted to the people, nor under gone the investigation demanded by so graven prop- , tuition. Whatever may be the determination of the people upon full discussion, such determination should be carried into effect—not by treaty, but by Congress, not in violation of National faith, but in accordance with those just principles, by which the American Government professes always to act.— It strikes my mind as being an improper topic to be mixed up suddenly with the excitement of a gener al election. There ore great principles involved, which should have a distinct and full consideration. I am not prepared to pass upon the subject at present, but will await further developments and discussion, and act as the occasion shall require, But I must confess, that so far as I have considered the subject, my mind is unfavourably inclined to the measure, as giving an undue preponderance to Southern interests over the Northern, and increa sing our territory without strengthening our Gov eminent. Now with regard to your last inquiry. It is of but little consequence, as it is not for the personal aggran dizement of hint who is elected, what paticulur indi viduals we support or who we oppose, for the Mikes before the people, compared with the principles and measures. which we hope to be secured. I had al- mushroom politician--no mere creature of eircum most retired from public life and have of late given stances. He had been a public man and before the but little attention to passing events. I desire no i country for 30 years or more; was an old, long tried office, but I feel a common interest with my fellow and faithful servant of the people. Strong in the citizens, in the success of our Republican form of spirit of the generous principles which glowed in Government and the well being of the people. I his heart, we saw in him talents equal to any emer havebee, taught a code of polities in the democratic gency; we saw in his speeches colonies that spoke school, ri.td would fain see that school flourish and to his honor; and he never saw the man who could be perpetuated sa long as in its measures it is con- I put his finger on the spot where he had done any sistent v h itself. But I have passed that period i thing to forfeit the confidence of his country. He in life, when I could be led by party bias, when it had ever sought the greatest blessings for the great comes in—onflict with principles and measures. I est number; his voice has always, and every where, am determined, according to a maxim early adopted been raised in favor of equal rights. He is the that I will support measures at all times in prefer- father of all these systems which the Whigs now ence to men. On this, .on all other occasions, I t propose and under which the land prospers. Al feel n strong desire to support the men nomin a t e d most every page of our country'shistory for the last by the party to which I belong, and a mere differ- quarter of a century contains some record of the ence of opinion on minor mutters shell never divide patriotism, the services, and the never faltering de me from it; and if I can support the nominees pla- votion of Henry Clay. ced before the public by the Domocratic Convert- While the rich tones of the speaker thrilled lion of Iraltimorc without opposing or Milling the through the hearts of the admiring multitude, as principles and measures, so indispensible to the he vindicated the fame of this calumniated old pa well being of the people of Pennsylvania, I will do triot, I could not but regret that they might not be so. But I cannot, and will not by any act of mine echoed and re-echoed through the whole length and put to hazard o r d anger , th e great leading p rinci- bredth of the land. Most effectually would they pies and measure 6 to which I have referred, for the put to shame the reckless libellers who have filled sake of -ny men or any party. Neither the desire it with their viperous abuse. of favor nor the fear or denunciation, from party or The only allusion Mr. P. meant to make to the individuals, shall tempt me to do it. But I will in candidates on the other side was to say, that their the end, after suitable inquiry, and after obtaining party had become so convinced of the power of our the most accurate information in my power, vote principles, and that the people were determined to with the party and for the men who will sustain and sustain them, that they were now striving to make promot e the measure ' , o f poli c y whi c h I ha v e out Mr. Polk to be the friend of a Protective Tariff slightly noticed, and which I firmly believe are in- —which lie its truth never was. But though they dispensible to the prosperity (Amy native State. I had borrowed our principles, we must cling the Very sincerely yours, &c. T. C. MILLER. The lEon. Theodore Prelinghusroen. The Whigs of Somerville, N. J., had a glorious meeting on Tucday evening, the 30th ult. Several excellent speeches were delivered, and finally a mo tion was made and carried by acclamation, that the meeting should proceed in a body to the lodgings of Mr. Fielinghuysen, who was spending a portion of the Steamer at the residcuct of his sister Mrs. Prederkk Frelinghuysen, in the vicinity. All pre sent immediately formed into a procession, and ar riving at the dwelling, a cotmnittee was sent in to announce the desire of the assembled people to see The k Daily ALl:ertiser tells the teat in the fo!lowing language: • In obedience to the call, Mr. FRELIMMUTSEN came to the door amidst tttc heartiest applause, and expressed his deep sense of this mark of regard from such a body of the people of his native coun ty. He thanked them most heartily—be felt hon ored Ll:at his humble name should be associated with the great interest of the Whig party, and this tes timony that it was approved and sanctioned in a spot where his forefathers and kindred had dwelt for an hundred and twenty years, was mast grateful to his feelings. It would he his ambition to justify this expression of confidence, by the most devoted efforts to sustain and prostate the great living doc trines of the party. He seed not say that we had such principles: you have heard them ably discus sed this evening, and to recapitulate and argue them at this late hour would be a needless waste of time. They are doctrines well founded : arc the fruits of the glorious American Revolution, and under their influence our beloved country must continue to grow and prosper. Among them are, briefly, a sound currency, protection to domestic industry, which every freeman of the country has a right to enjoy, a limitation of the Executive prerogative, and an equal participation in the proceeds of the public domain—the great patrimonial inheritance of the sons of patriot sires. A sound national cuirenc:, ! Can any man dis pute the importance of this What avails protec tection of the fruits of our own industry, if we are to be put oft with such miserable representatives of value as we have hoes accustomed to use as a cur- We have all seen and felt the evils of an unsound currency, and sad experience of theshame- rcney, ful abuses on this subject have taught us some wholesome lessons—lessons by which the country must profit. On the subject of a PROTECTITE TAMMY Mr. F. came out nobly, and at length. It was based, he said, on the principle that charity begins at home. The Scriptures denounce the man who does not look to his own household. He drew a striking , contrast between the labor of this country and of the rest of the world: and skewed that it was the duty of our Government to protect our free and in telligent workingmen against a ruinous competition with the half-starved laborers of Europe. Every country on the face of the earth had its tariff. Eng land, France, and Russia had imposed heavy duties to protect themselves against the influx of foreign produce, well knowing that to admit it free would ruin their own industry. England hae carried her rate of duties to such an extent, and enforces the principle of protection so rigidly, that our produce, except during a few days in the year, can scarcely get admission there. Here was a tariff that utterly excludes all foreign competition; and her prime Minister has recently announced to the world that the protective principle is an essential part, an irre vocable provision of her whole commercial policy. Having showed that a Tariff for Protection was and had ever been the true policy of the country, he naturally recurred to the unrivalled efforts of Mr. Clay, upon whose services and character he pro nounced a noble eulogy. hie was, he said, no closer to them, and establish them at the polls, the place of final arbitration. No poles, Ash or Hicko ry, were comparable to those of election day—ono vote there was worth all the poles we could erect, though the streets should he lined with them. The great questions in issue were fairly before the people. and he firmly trusted that their verdict would prove the establishment of the principles for which we contend, and that the rich blessings of that Providence which had smiled upon our country from the beginning, would continue to smile upon our efforts to sustain and perpetuate her interests to the end. It was about 11 o'clock as he concluded, having spoken some 20 minutes with characteristic energy and eloquence. Cheer followed cheer as he retired, sirri lei:g r the !ne..ting di.ipci.scil we could hear shouts echoing among the hills in every direction, and the melodious notes of the homeward bound yeomanry as they chanted the praise of the men and principles whirls lay nearest their hearts, gave evidence that the patriotic old county of Somerset will stand by her favorite son in a manner alike hon. orable to hint, to herself and the State. It is proper to say that as Mr. Frelingliuysen spoke in the open air and in the dark, I cannot at tempt to give any thing like a report of his im promptu remarks, and havesketehed the above hasty outline chiefly from memory. TM. Poik's Charity, On the 17th January, 1531, Mr. Davis, of S. Carolina, introduced a resolution into the House of Representatives, the object of which was to give out of the surplus wood rolt;ng in Washington, a certain number of cords for the immediate relief of the suffering Foor of the city." Soon after the reading of the resolution, a letter received by the r , peaker was read by the Clerk, which stated sever al cases of suffering, and the necessity of Congress taking into consideration the expediency of appro priating some of the surplus (rotting) wood for the relief of the suffering poor. After the preliminary questions had been dispo sed of. the main qiiestiob was pot sod decided in the affirmative, yeas inr, nays 81. Mr. Polk opposed the adoption of this resolution in every stage, and was one of the fifty one nays who voted against it on its final passage. We care not about commenting upon the consti tutional objections which the opponents of such a resolution might have had ;we leave that to the judgement of Our readers. We will say, however, that if we hail any doubt about the constitutional correctness of such a measure, it would 'oe entirely removed by the vote which we have given above, 135 men deemed it right, charitable and constitu tional to give the wood, 51 deemed the reverse. Another remark: the winter was intensely cold, the poor people "might hare been seen from the windows of the Capitol, burning their garden fences to sustain them against an unparalelled snow storm;" there was a tenpins amount of wood belonging to the Government, it was rolling, and would soon have become entirely worthless,—in this situation of !titbit's a resolution was offered to give forty cords of the wood to the poor, who, without it would have frozen to death, it was given by a vote of over two-thirds of the peoples' representatives, and amongthe small minority of those who opposed the giving, was James K. Polk, the Democratic candi date for the presidency.—Verily, Mr. Polk's vote in this instance accords with his votes against giv ing pensions to 'he old soldiers of the Revolution. Those who wish to examine the correctness of the above statement may consult the proceedings of Congress as reported in the Natioal Intelligeneer of the 17th January, 1831. EIGHT THOUSAND Will. rx COVNCTI..-At the grand whig barbacuc near Spring Bill, Tennes see, on the 10th ultimo, front sin to ten thousand glorious whip, were upon the ground, including vponnls of two thousand ladies. v\- , › 1 - .7 , 21). 41404 V. Mooting of the Foot and shoe Ma kers of Hollidaysburg. At a meeting of the Boot and Shoe Makers of Hollidaysburg, held some weeks ago, a committee was appointed to draft an address, setting forth their grievances. The committee reported the fol• lowing, which we are requested to publish and re. commend to the citizens of our place as worthy a perusal. ADDRESS The present situation of our town must cont• mond the attention of all who feel an interest in its prosperity—even in its existence. When we were but participants in the depression of the times which pervaded the whole country, we might Ito contented to deplore the existence of a common ca lamity, and hoping for relief, abide the passing away of the cloud that obscured alike the prospects of all, and hope for better times, But this is not now the case; front every part of the country we hear of better times dawning upon the people; while in many portions of our own State, in the east and the west, the tide of bu siness cows on with a current, if not so rapid as in former days, more safe, steady enduring. That current has not yet reached us; the busi ness prospects of Hollidaysburg have been cheered by no ray of its brightness; the current still re mains stagnant, and un air of desolation hovers overs what was so late the scene of business and activity. 'hat is the cause of this, and what the remedy? is our object to inquire. We are all aware that the division of the county is the panacea with many ; but while we admit the beneficial results that would flow from this measure, we are strongly in duced to think that in looking for that, we have overlooked the real cause of the ills we labor un der. The true source of wealth is productive industry, and that place will be most flourishing that con tains within its limits the greatest amount of pro ductive i n dustry.--To improve the condition of our town, then, we want an accession—not of ex changes of labor, not of professional men, but of producers--of men who take the raw material and give it by their labor enhanced value and real utility. How is this to be done? We answer by encou raging their own manufacturers. We hear much now-a-days about protection of American Industry from competition of pauper labor of other counties, and the necessity, the justice, the patriotism even of taxing the people and submitting to taxation to secure this end, while, strange to say, those who are loudest in their professions on this sulject, intik° a business of bringing the productions of other States into direct competition with those of the mechanics of our town, ruining their business, crip pling their resources, driving their journeymen away for want of employment, leaving empty !rous es, deserted streets, and unpaid taxcs,as the evi dence of their practice in protecting the American producer. We appeal to facts in our own business to prove this. To manufacture the boots and shoes required for the population of Hollidaysburg and vicinity would require from 50 to 100 hands, and an expen diture or 14 or $15,000 for labor alone, which would in time be expended among our property holders, merchants, mechanics, farmers, &c., for rent and subsistence for these bands. Instead of this, we have 26 shoemakers (all told) employed; the work that should be done in their shops, is done in Lynn, in the State of Mas sachusetts; the businerai they should transact at their shop hoard, is transferred to the counters of merchants ;—tho money amounting to 20 or $30,- 000 per annum, instead of being expended at homo is nest to the east, and the few shoemakers who re main, are compelled to live on trade. Wo appeal to all to nay if thin is right.—We ap peal to the professed friends of American Industry to say if it is consistent. The same remarks will apply to other trades, and we call upon all who wish to see our town flourish, an it must and will flourish if we are true to ourselves and our inter ests, to look at the matter coolly and calmly. If it ho true, as none can deny, that there is no other source of wealth but productive industry, we ask how can that place flourish in which the pro ductive industry of its inhabitants is not cncoura ged. If you desire to seo Hollidaysburg flourish, as from its location and advantages it should flourish, arc you not hound to encourage the location among us of producers 7 and how can you do that if you expend your money for articles manufactured abroad which can bo as well manufactured at home, and would be, as cheaply, if all would here pro cure their supplies. The New York Republic, an able daily paper, heretofore devoted to free trade principles, has changed editors, and hoisted the flag of" Clay and the Tariff." Keep the banner waving. The Whigs of Greene county in this State are making ready for a grand rally at Waynesburg, on the 25th of August. The frontiers aro on fire! The Whigs of Warren county have nominated the lion. C. M. Haan of Erie for re-election to Congress Mr. Benton, it is said, in his recent speech et Boonville, caine out in favour of electing members 1 by the District System.