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'COY cz)11. U;M io ZTal). 9L3E23.
PUBLIBII. BY
THEODORE H, CREMER,
W.Pcs•Lnazacs.
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1301 Ta.
A New Song to a Good Old Tune.
The Wing Gathering.
What has caused this great commotion, motion,
motion,
Our country through ?
It is the ball a rolling on
For old Kentuck and Jersey Blue,
For Clay and Frelinghuysen too;
And with them we'll beat your Polk, Polk,
And all such sort of folk—
And with them we'll beat your Polk.
New England's glorious star is shining, shining,
shining,
Steady and true,
It sheds its rays throughout the land
For old Kerituck &c.
The EMPIRE ' S sons in might are rousing, rousing,
rousing, . .
- A hardy crew,
"Ezcsr.siou" they proudly shout,
For old Kentuck
From Jersey's blood-stained land of glory, glory,
glory,
.... .
..
s.
• The loud hallo
Rings forth as erbt it rung of yore,
For old Kcntuck &c.
The blue hen's chickens are bravely fighting, fight.
ing, fighting,
And stand forth anew,
And Maryland wheels into hue,
For old Kentuck &c.
The OLD "Domtaton" she Is coming, coming,
coming,
The North State too,
And Tennessee sends forth her cry
For old Kentuck
The Prairie tires nre brightly blazing, blazing, bla
zing,
The wide west through ;
Where strike the hardy yeomanry
For old Kentuck &c.
The " dark and bloody ground" of battle, battle,
battle,
Which tyrants rue,
Peals forth once more her victor notes
For old Kentuck arc.
Lo! Georgia's fiery sons advancing,'vancing, 'van.
cing,
----- .
Thew faith renew,
And pledge her gallant chivalry
For old Kentuck &c.
The Keystono State our arch o'er spanning, span.
ning, spanning,
Solid and true,
Completes our glorious brotherhood,
For old Kcntuck &c.
'rho clouds our land o'er shadowing, shadowing ,
shadowing,
Vanish like dew,
And brightly beams the rising sun
Of old Kentuck &c.
And now the whole battalion passing, passing, pas
sing, _ . .
In grand review
Shout we to heaven our loud hurry
For old Kentuck &c.
A.caceltrapsoso
OF THE WHIG STATE CENTRAL COM•
MITTEE TO THE PEOPLE OF PENN.
SYLVANIA.
Fellow Citizens :
In 1840, the party in power was charged by the
people with a wrongful administration of public
affairs, and after a full discussion and fair trial, a
verdict;of guilty was rendered against it. A change
was then emphatically demanded, and on one car
dinal point (the Tariff) was obtained. But in
, any other respects the hopes of the people were
disappointed by the perfidy of one of their agents.
We are now called upon by the adversaries of the
Whig party, not only to reverse the decision of
1840, but to abandon the principles on which
that decision was based. The urns questions are
again presented for re-consideration, which were
then supposed to be settled, and others of still more
momentous character are added.
Our first attention is drawn to the State election
for Governor. If that be rightly decided, the elec
tion of JIMMY Case in November will follow, of
course. It ought not for one moment to be for
gotten, that to obatin the great objects for which
the Whig party is contending, we must secure
harmony of action between the States and the
United States ; and that this can only be affected by
s election of men identical in their principles.—
'ng should be suffered to aeperate our efforts
sport of Gen. ManKLE and of Mr. Case.—
wofess the same views—the same principles
same purposes. Mr. Muhlenberg and
are alike identical in their principles,
purposes—an issue is distinctly made
the two parties. Partial success in
t\ilh ink
n
'tic
electing Gen. Markle and not electing Mr. Clay,
or electing Mr. Clay and not Gen. Markle, would
not accomplish the great ends of the contest.—
There is a power at work in this Union adverse to
its best interests, perhaps its existence, which re
quires an active exorcise of all the constitutional
measures in our power to resist. Harmony be
tween our State and Federal Governments, in no
period of our existence, has been so strongly invo
ked. Minor differences of opinion must be sacri
ficed, and nothing short of the election of both
Markle and Clay, be deemed a constitutional vic
tory. Martin Van Buren professed to sustain
some of the prominent principles in accordance
with the true policy of Pennsylvania, but he was
embarrassed by the influence of others about him,
and controlliog his party inimical to his own views.
Now, all pretences and appearances of favor, are
laid aside, and a Southern combination suddenly
and unexpectedly formed in direct opposition to
the avowal and long-cherished principles uniform
ly maintained in this State. No choice is left for
Pennsylvania; she must either abandon her own
principles and her own interests, or she must op
pose the party by which they are assailed. The
contest must now be decided at the polls. If our
opponents succeed, the vile schemes of official pro
fligacy, so significantly rebuked in 1840, will be
virtually sanctioned ; proscription for opinion's
sake, and the bartering of offices for political favor,
will be encouraged. The preferences given to
partizan ferocity in making appointments, over abil
ity and integrity, will be approved. The infamous
doctrine publicly announced and practised, of con
sidering the profits of office as the n spoils of vic
tory," and duo to the victors, will be confirmed.
The odious sub-Treasury scheme, dividing the
offices from the people—taking care of one and
letting the others take care of themselves, will be
revived. The war is to be renewed against the
, currency—against commerce—against a protective
tariff--against the distribution among the States of
the proceeds of the sales of the public lands—against
commercial credit--against manufactories, &c. In
Pennsylvania, no favorable change is proposed. It
is represented and believed, that a (noxious influ
ence would be exercised in the councils of Mr.
Muhlenberg if he should succeed in his election
- by a continuation of unworthy men already on too
much familiarity with him. That he would not
look to the best men of his party for advice. If so,
there is no hope in the event of his success, of any
improvement in the financial operations of the
Government. If there should be profligacy in the
expenditures and collection of the revenues—and
a disregard of the responsibility in public officers--
the public debt cannot be diminished. If the
schemes of peculation, and extravagance in con
tractors, and mismanagement of the public works
be continued, converting them into sources of pri
vate gain and political influence—sure destruction
of our best interests would await his election. Ap
prehensions of this sort are not confined to the
Whig party. The prominence of men, too much
distinguished in the disgraceful acts of the present
administration, present a winning too strong to be
disregarded. The community has suffered enough,
and the State has been sufficiently degraded in
character, to awaken the public to a sense of their
duty, and to unite them in ono common effort to
avert the doom to which a reckless dynasty seems
to have consigned them. We have resources in
, integrity—in mind—and in money if properly
brought forth, to heal our wounded reputation, and
to restore us to our former proud and prosperous
condition.
The population of Pennsylvania is chiefly core.
posed of Farmers, Mechanics, Manufacturers, La.
borers and men of different professions. It is dilli•
cult to say which of these classes has the most at
stake in the result of the approaching elections.—
Some years ago the taxes of the Farmer were mod
erate. The products of his farm commanded a
reasonable and steady price. Money circulated in
sufficient quantities to meet the current demands.—
The people were prosperous and happy. But a
change has come over us. An enormous public
debt has some how or other, been created. Every
man's farm is mortgaged for its redemption. The
public works have been used as a part of the pat
cal machinery of the State, for enriching political
favorites, and buying power. The debt has been
constantly increasing—not even the interest psid,
but annually and semi-annually the interest added
to the principal, and thence the whole upon inter
est. By this process, in some eight or ten years,
the debt must be doubled—increased from forty to
eighty millions. The farmer's land, in such event,
will be mortgaged fora suns nearly equal to its
annual rent. What then has the former to expect,
unless some change is made in the men who man
age public affairs l What are the hopes of the Me
chanic, under a continuance of the present system?
The mechanic draws his subsistence frees the pros
perity of those around him. Nature has constitu
ted a mutual dependence of one upon another in
society, and in their business relations, which can
, not be disregarded.
Look at the Merchant. His affairs con only
flourish while others flourish. The manufacturer
and laborer the same. Tho mutual dependence of
ono branch of industry upon another, is nut suffi
ciently respected. Careless or hasty legislation, is
some times designed to correct an evil, through
some one portion or branch of business—but it
always operates injuriously in the end, and contra
ry to its original intent.
The Wing party, in the measures they propose
LILMTSYUKIZYC. LPeri. 0 cz - P275 - .. - : e M 40., O.Calda.a.
to adopt, promise a removal of the evils complained
of, and they set forth in advance specifically the
means by which they hope to attain the great end.
They ask investigation and scrutiny, and they do
not fear the result.
The Whig party maintains, that the Public
Works could be sold on anvantageous terms, and
the proceeds applied towards the extinguishment of
the public debt, or, if retained, that their manage
ment could be kept in subservance to the public in
terests, and not for individual or political prefer
ment, and that this could be secured by the appoint.
ment of faithful agents and on principles of strict
accountability. That there is ample power in the
government, if properly exercised, to enforce a due
regard to economy in expenditures. But while
officers and agents are enrolled as committee men
for electioneering purposes, and contracts and ex
penditures are regarded as the 'spoils of victory'
die to the victorious party, the public debt never
can be extinguished or much reduced.
The clamor of the day about bribery, corruption,
defalcation in public officers and pludering the
Treasury revenues, cannot be without foundation.
Charges are now made by members of all parties,
and scarcely denied by any. Those who gave the
strongest assurances of the integrity, ability and
high toned honor with which public affairs would
be conducted under the present chief magistrate of
the State, are now the boldest and the loudest in
their charges and denunciations against him. It
would seem to be folly to continue longer, without
a change both of men and of measures.
The Whigs, as a party, are in favor of calling in
the aid of the general government to pay off our
State debt, particularly by a distribution among the
States of the pooceeds of the sales of the Public
Lands. They have over and over again demon
strated, that this fund is held by the United States
in trust for the different States; that it legitimately
belongs to the States, and we only ask for our own,
in asking for the distribution. But this just right
cannot be obtained unless the Whig candidates are
successful.
The Whigs, as a party, are in favor of giving
Protection to Domestic Industry, by retaining in
force the present Tariff. Our opponents, in Penn
sylvania, never dared heretofore to deny this mea
sure their support, but they have now to abandon
their principles and join the South, or to adhere to
principle and support the Whig candidates. This
is the only choice left them. The Whig doctrine
is well expressed in the language of Mr. Cray in
his recent letter to the Central Clay Club of Dau
phin county. That we may settle down upon
the equitable basis of raising, in time of peace, the I
amount of revenue requisite to an economical ad
ministration of the Government exclusively from
foreign imports by a Tariff so adjusted, as that by
proper discriminations just and seasonable encou
ragement may be extended to American industry.'
This is is emphatically the Pennsylvania doctrine.
Mr. Van Buren was said to bee Northern man
with Southern feelings. The Tariff party had I
some hopes in him. But he has been most dis
courteiously laid aside, and a Southern man with'
Southern feelings out and out, foisted into his place.
With Mr. Polk, Pennsylvania has no community
of feeling. His views, in every point of difference,
are adverse to Pennsylvania politics. The Whigs
are opposed to any system that will leave unpro
tected our Mechanics and Manufacturers to compete
with the pauper labor of Europe. Extremely low
wages aro in violation of the fundamental maxim
before referred to, that ail the branches of industry
essentially depend upon the prosperity of each
other.
'rho Whigs are in favor of fewer changes in le-
gislation in regard to commerce, &c. Trade to be
prosperous, must assume a fixed character—so that
some probable estimate may be made, and relied on,
by individuals in giving direction to the employ
ment of their own private means. Frequent chan
ges in men's private affairs, are generally ruinous;
and it is not the less so, where such changes are
produced by too much legislation.
The Whigs are in favor of an equal mode of
Taxation, where taxation is necessary, treating all
sorts of available property alike, and of establish
ing abetter security, that the money paid will reach
the Treasury; and when there, that they shall not
be paid out, except in accordance with 'an appro
priation made by law.' The returns of the last
year show a deplorable dereliction in Collectors not
paying over to the treasury the moneys actually
collected from the hard earnings of the tax payers.
It is a political epidemic, that can only be cured
by the severest treatment. It is supposed that
large doses of ltihiggery is the only infallible
remedy.
In regard to tho Presidency the Whigs are op
posed by two candidates—John Tyler and James
IC. Polk. It is not known to us, that there is any
difference, either theoretical or practical, in the
polities of these two candidates. They both stand
opposed to Henry Clay ; and their party, or parties,
oppose the grounds upon which it is claimed by
the friends of Mr. Clay that he should be elected.
It i. the sumo with Mr. kluhlenburg— he and his
adherents are bound, hand and foot, to southern in
fluence. They have meekly submitted th.maelves
to the control of a foreign power in avowed hos
tility with the dearest interests of Pennsylvania.
So far as we are concerned, we might us well elect
a President in Texas, and a Governor in Virginia
or South Carolina, as to elect James IC. Polk and
Henry A. Muhlenburg. They are to maintain the
vicious course of policy, under which the credit of
._:2, - ,.
the merchants was assailed. The quantum of trade
and commerce reduced, home industry deemed un
worthy of protection. The aid of the Federal go
vernment, in liquidating the debts of the States, re
fused. Economy on every department of govern
ment disregarded. Accountability of officers and
public agents relaxed. Public and private faith
prostrated. A protective and discriminating 'Pa
riff denounced. The revenues squandered, and a
public debt incurred.
We have witnessed the deplorable consequences
of such measures. Look at the condition of our
Manufacturers for a few years past. Their position
has presented a subject of most painful contempla
tion. No industry—no skill—no economy--no
perseverance, could save a large portion of them
from ruin. And now when the Whig Tariff of
1842, had just began to operate. This noxious in
fluence was put into requisition to repeal it, Penn
sylvania was true to itself, and for this audacity,
they are now to be put in Southern bonds—and a
repetition of their political rebellion prevented. The
great cause of ono of our calamities—with the ap
propriate remedy—has thus bcendemonstrated—we
appeal to the people whether they will surrender to
gether their interests and their independence, or
whether like true Pennsylvanians—they will main
tain both. Who is so blind as not to see that
mighty calamities have been brought upon us by
the mal-administration of public affairs 1 And who
so ignorant as not toporceive the appropriate reme
dy 7 Wiry are we not as well off now in Pennsyl
vania, as we were under the administration of Tho
mas McKean, Simon Snyder, William Finley and
some others? And why not as well off in the
General Government as wo were under the admin
istration of Thomas Jefferson, James Madison,
James Monroe and some others? When men in
the State and in the United States, most distin
guished for integrity and ability—filled the priblic
offices? We all know we are not. We had a war
with Great Britain, which left us in debt about
ono hundred and seventy millions of dollars; and
in less than twenty years it was entirely paid with
out any increase of taxes. In the last term of 10
. or 12 years in times of peace, not only a vast ba
lance in the Treasury has been squandered, but a
debt of near thirty millions has been accumulated.
The ordinary expenses of government have been
nearly doubled, independent of the extraordinsy
losses front defaulting officers. The question recurs
whether wo shall go on from worse to worse—or
shall at least attempt a rescue It seems in every
aspect to be worthy the trial.
But a new and more powerful question has been
suddenly spru4 upon the people in relation to the
immediate annexation of Texas to the U. States.
The proposition is to receive it with all its debts
guarantee all titles to lands ;—and without the con
sent of Mexico, who claims it as one of her prov
inces. Its debts are enormous—the amount un
known. It is said and belieVed, that titles have
been made in view of the annexation to en im
measurable extent, and that many individuals
among us who are most strenuously pressing the
measure, have a vast amount of interest at stake, in
relation to the debts to be assumed,lind the titles to
be confirmed—and by the opinions of our best ju
rists—it is a violation of all national laws—and
national integrity—to make the arrangement with
out the consent of Mexico—and amounts virtually
to a declaration of war. The project has never
been submitted to the American people, or to their
immediate Representative. It has never been pub , .
hely discussed—or its tendencies properly scrutini
zed. Chancellor Kent, John Quincy Adams and
many other distinguished men have declared the
clandestine effort attempted, under a treaty secretly
made b, Mr. Tyler to affect the annexation, with
out consulting the public will, a valid ground for his
impeachment. But James K. Polk and his party
have distinctly approved the measure, and have pla
ced the result of his election upon its correctness.
And they now demand an approval at the polls by
the voters of Peensylvania. If the measure was
right in itself, this criminal haste,and more criminal
secrecy must be condemned. Ours is a govern
ment of public opinion, constitutionally restrained.
This great question of annexation ought to be con
stitutionally considered and determined, and should.
not be suddenly brought forth and mingled with the
exciting topies'of an election of President. It is
hoped that measure will be suitably rebuked by the
good sense and admitted patriotism of the people
of Pennsylvania.
The Whig party has been peculiarly fortunate in
the selection of candidates, both in regard to the
State and the United States. In Henry Clay and
Theodore Frelinghuysen we hazard nothing. Their
principles ars perfectly fixed, known, and they ac
cord, in all essential points, with the professed poli
tics of Pennsylvania. We have also in Joseph
Markle all the assurance which an unwavering
mind, a well fixed scheme of policy, and a long Info
of integrity can afford. From intbrmation receiv
ed by the Committee from every part of the State,
they can give an assurance that an unusual degree
of harmony prevails in support of the Whig can
didates, and that an enthusiasm is awakened, trot
surpassed by that of 1840 under the banner of the
lamented Harrison.
JOHN REED.
JAMES HANNA,
G. W. M'MAHON,
JOHN S. RICHARDS,
GEO. W. HAMERSLY,
THOMAS WCULLOCH,
U. V. PENNYPACKER,
R. T. CASSATT,
WILLIAM STEWART,
JOHN BLANCHARD.
THOMAS STRUTHERS,
THOMAS R. SILL,
ROBERT SMITH,
HENRY PEPPER,
HENRY M. SNYDER.
From the Uniontown Dimarat.
IMPORTANT;
MR. POLK'S LATE ANTI-TARIFF LET
TER REVIEWED, AND HIS POSITION
DEFINED.
The following clear and distinct view of the po
sitions of the two presidential candidates on th e
Tariff question was presented by Mr. Stewart in a
discussion in the Court House at Uniontown on
Friday evening the bth inst.
Mr. Szcsvenz commenced by saying that to un
derstand the subject, it was necessary in the first
place to ascertain what the PRESENT views and opin
ions of Mr. Clay and Polk were upon the tariff;
and then to see what would be the practical opera
tion and effect of their principles upon the interests
14 the country, if carried out in the administration
of the government.
Mr. Clay's position, he said, was well under
stood—he is for the Whig tariff of 1942, he has so
declared himself repeatedly ; in proot it is only ne-
cessary to refer to his Harrisburg letter of the 11th
of May 1944, in which he says:
" The Tariff act of 1842 has been bitterly \
de
nounced, and gross epithets applied to it. Its re
peal was pronounced to be a favorite object of our
political opponents. They have a majority of some
fifty or sixty in the House. A bill to repeal that
Tariff has been pending a great part of the present
session of Congress. And yet, yesterday, on a
test vote, a majority of the House decided against
the repealing bill, leaving THE TARIFF OF
1842 in full and SALUTARY operation ! This
decision was an involuntary concession of our po
Weal opponents to the WISDOM and BENIFI
CENCE of Whig policy, produced by the return
ing prosperity of the country, and the enlightened
opinion of the people."
Thus you see Mr. Clay declares himself une
quivocally and decidedly for the Whig Tariff of
1842. Fortunately within the last hoer, said Mr,
S., I have been furnished with Mr. Polk's late let-
L ter to Mr. Kane, of Philadelphia, on the subject of
the tariff; he pronounced it by far the most impor
t tent document that had appeared since the Presi
dential nominations- r important, because it defines
and fixes Mr. Polk's position, heretofore so unequi
vocal, on the 1 miff question—it fixes him now
and at all times distinctly for the repeal of the ta
tiff of 1842, and for the adoption of a horizontal
tariff of 20 per cent. ad valorem, discriminating
below that amount for revenue. In a public dis
' cussion in Tennessee, as late as April 1843, Mr.
Polk says :
"I am in favor of repealing the act of the last
Cong ress, (the act of 1842,) and restoring the
compromise tariff of March 2d, 1833."
Which, Mr. Polk says, "will afford sufficient
protection to the manufactures, and is all they
ought to desire or to which they arc entitled"—
thus 20 per cent, is what Mr. Polk in the language
of his letter to Mr. Kane, considers "FAIR AND
JUST PROTECTION TO ALL THE GREAT INTER
ESTS of the WHOLE UNION, embracing agriculture,
manufactures, and the mechanic arts, commerce
and navigation." In this letter Mr. Polk says ex
pressly "lay opinions upon the tariff have been
given to the public, they are to be found in my
?aurae ACTS and the PUBLIC DISCUSSIONS in
which I hove participated"—and here they are.
"I am in favor of the repeal of the tariff of 1842,
and of restoring the Compromise act of 2d
March, 1833."—This is Mr. Polk's present posi
tion as defined by himself—there can be no dispute_
aboutit.—This letter settles the matter. Mr. Clay
is then for the Tariff of 1842, Mr, Polk denoun
ces it as ruinous, and says he is for restoring the
compromise act of 20 per cent. as the highest rate
of duty.
TO remove all doubt as to Mr. Polk's position,
here is his letter, word for word. The loose and
unmeaning slang in the concluding paragraph,
about "just and fair protection," can humbug no
body—the first paragraph referring to his public
acts and public discussions, for his present opinions.
settles the question--hear him
COLVMBIA, TENNESSEE,
June 19th,1844.
" DEsn Sin have received recently several
letters in reference to my opinions on the subject of
the tariff, and among others yours of the 30th ul
timo. My opinions on this subject have been of
ten given to the public. They are to be found in
my public acts, and in the public discussions in
which I have participated.
"I am in favor of a tariff for revenue, such a
one as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasu
ry to defray the expenses of the Government eco
nomically administered. In adjusting the details
of a revenue tariff, I have heretofore sanctioned
such moderate discriminating duties, as would pro
duce the amount of revenue needed, and at the
same time afford reasonable incidental protection
to our home industry. lam opposed to a tariff for
protection merely, and not for revenue.
" Acting upon these general principles, it is well
known that i give my support to the policy of Gen.
Jackson's administration on this subject. 1 voted
against the tariff act of 1829. I voted for the act
of 1832, which contained modifications of some of
the objectionable provisions of the act of 1828.
As a member of the Committee of Ways and
Means of the House of Representatives, I gave
my assent to a bill reported Iry that Committee in
December 1832, making further modifications of
the act of 1828, and making also discriminations
in the imposition of the duties which it proposed.
That bill did net pass, bet was superseded by
the bill commonly called the Compromise Bill, for
which I voted.
"In my judgment, it is the duty of the govern
ment, to extend, as far as it may be practicable to
do so, by its revenue inws and all other means
within its power, fair and just protection to all the
great interests of the whole Union, embracing agri-
`UClPaamact) _142,412,c;
culture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, commerce
and navigation. I heartily approve the resolutions
upon this subject, passed by the Democratic Na
tional Convention lately assembled at Baltimore."
I am, with great respect,
Dear sir, your ob,t. servant,
JAMES K. POLK.
JOHN K. Kars, Esq., Philadelphia.
This letter intimates no change, but refers to his
acts and declarations for his preeent opinions.
Now, air, might not George McDutlie, John C.
Calhoun, or the veriest anti.taritT nullifier in the
South, sigh this letter with the slightest compro
mitment. In fact Mr. Polk has uniformly went
with the South against the protective policy, he is
with thorn now, and they are with him. During
the *hole of his 14 years service in Congress—he
never—never once voted to increase but always to
reduce the Tariff. I defy his friends to point ottt
a single instance to the contrary.
Mr. Polk says he is for a tariff for revenue sof&
dent to defray the expenses of government—so is
Mr. Calhoun. He says " I have heretofore sanc
tioned such moderate discriminating duties as
would produce the revenue needed ;" he voted for
the tariff of 1832, (the only tariff bill heaver voted
for in his life, except the compromise bill) and 1A hy
, did ho vote for He tells you in his Tennessee
speech--because it reduced the tariff ot 1828 ;
not is much as ho wished, but as much as he
could, and quite too much for me, for I voted
against it, said Mr. S., as did eleven of my tariff
colleagues.
Mr: Calhoun is a better man than Mr. Polk—
in 1816 he voted to increase the protective duties;
Mr. Polk has never voted to increase but always to
reduce them. Next Mr. Polk says he sustained
the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and
Means in December 1832, (Mr. Verplank's bill)
making still further reductions of the act of 1828.
This favorite bill of Mr. Pulk's reduced every ad
valorous duty (after 1835,) down to 20-15-10
and 5 per cent:—Wool and woollens to 15—wor
sted to 10, and certain cloths, kerseys and blankets
5 per ct. A bill which would have crushed at a blow
every manuf..cturer, laborer, farmer, and mechanic
in this country—worse than the Compromise Bill
when it had run down in 1842 to 20 per cent. ho
rizontal, and infinitely worse—not half as good as
McKay's bill of the last session ; and this is the
bill that Mr. Polk boasts of having "assented to,"
and which he says made " discrimination. in the
imposition of the dut:os which it proposed." Yet
it discriminated with a vengeance. On wool and
woollens after 1835 from 20 down to 15-10 and
5 per cent !! small by degrees and beautifully
less." This is Mr. Polk's brag bill.—This is what
he calls "fair and just protection to all the great
interests of the whole liniun"—"fair and just"
—and who is not for "fair and just?" who will
say that he is for what is un-fair and unjust ! Mr.
MeDuffie says 15 per cent. is " fair and just." Mr.
Polk says 16 per cent. (the average of Verplank's
bill) is "fair mid just" protection to all our great
interests. Mr. McKay last winter said that an
average of 30 per cent. was "fair and just: ,
Every man says of course that his own views are
fair and just.' Mr. Polk's definition fair and just
tariff,' is worse than Gen. Jackson's Vudicwua ea
;riff.'
But Mr. Polk in his first paragraph has axed
and defined his own position.--On the 3d of April,
1943, he said . I ant for repealing the act of 1842,
and reducing the duties to the rates at which they
wore on the 30th Juno 1842; (20 per cent. ad no
lorcm) and according to his letter to Mr. Kane he
is for it now. Thus wo have Mr. Clay and Mr.
Polk both fixed as to the precise amount of duty
they are for on every article in the whole tariff.
Take the Whig Tariff of 1842 and you have Mr.
Clay's bill, and take the tariff at it stood on the
30th of June, 1942, (20 per cent. horizontal) anti
you have Mr. Polk's bill.
Now let us see how they will operate when
brought to bear on the people and their interests.
I see a great many mechanics and some manufac-
turers present. Well gentlemen give us your
opinions of Mr. Clay's and Mr. Folk's Protec
tion :
per cent. per cent.
Shoemakers Clay gives you 60 Polk 20
Hatters Clay gives you 55 Polk 20
Tailors Cloy gives you 56 Polk 20
Blacksmiths Clay gives you 45 Polk 20
Tanners Clay gives you 43 Polk 20
Tinners Clay gives you 43 Polk 20
Ironmasters Clay $25 per ton Polk $6 33
Wool manf. Clay gives you 40 Polk 20
Cotton do. Clay gives you 140 Polk 20
Glass do. Clay gives you 126 Polk 20
Paper do. Clay gives you 80 Polk 20
Carpet weav's Clay gives you 45 Polk 20
Form'rs, on wool Clay gives 40 Polk 20
On spirits Clay gives 155 Polk 20
" On wheat Clay gives 40 Polk 20
" 13'f& pork Clay gives 120 Pork 20
" On cheese Clay gives 70 Polk 20
" On coal Cloy gives 49 Polk 20
and to all others in the same proportion. Thus
those employed in every branch of industry can
now judge for themselvce. Clay secures the
American market for the American farmers, manu
facturers and mechanics, Palk gives it up to the
British or compels the American to come down
and work as cheap as the pauper. of Europe,
(from 12 to 20 cents per day.) Clay is for the
American system, Polk for the British—this is
the true state of the question and it cannot be dis
guised or evaded. When the British and Ameri
cans are contending for the American market, the
question is which side will you taket Such being
the true elate of the question, which would we pre
fer for President, James K. Polk the champion of