IIIT\TI)G I Iw, eOUR) to EicilotcV to Colima futcltinottc, ,71,Mierttoing, Votittco, ILttcraturr, Itioratity, arto, nartnitturt, Xinutictnent, szr., Sze. 'COY cz)11. U;M io ZTal). 9L3E23. PUBLIBII. BY THEODORE H, CREMER, W.Pcs•Lnazacs. The "Joint - sm" will be published every Wed nesday morning, at $2 00 a year, if paid in advance, and if not paid within six months, $2 50. No subscription received for a shorter period than six months, nor any paper discontinued till all ar rearages are paid. Advertisements not exceeding one square, will be inserted three times for $1 00, and for every subse quent insertion 25 cents. If no definite orders are given as to the time an advertisement is to be continu ed, it will be kept in till ordered out, and charged ac cordingly. 1301 Ta. A New Song to a Good Old Tune. The Wing Gathering. What has caused this great commotion, motion, motion, Our country through ? It is the ball a rolling on For old Kentuck and Jersey Blue, For Clay and Frelinghuysen too; And with them we'll beat your Polk, Polk, And all such sort of folk— And with them we'll beat your Polk. New England's glorious star is shining, shining, shining, Steady and true, It sheds its rays throughout the land For old Kerituck &c. The EMPIRE ' S sons in might are rousing, rousing, rousing, . . - A hardy crew, "Ezcsr.siou" they proudly shout, For old Kentuck From Jersey's blood-stained land of glory, glory, glory, .... . .. s. • The loud hallo Rings forth as erbt it rung of yore, For old Kcntuck &c. The blue hen's chickens are bravely fighting, fight. ing, fighting, And stand forth anew, And Maryland wheels into hue, For old Kentuck &c. The OLD "Domtaton" she Is coming, coming, coming, The North State too, And Tennessee sends forth her cry For old Kentuck The Prairie tires nre brightly blazing, blazing, bla zing, The wide west through ; Where strike the hardy yeomanry For old Kentuck &c. The " dark and bloody ground" of battle, battle, battle, Which tyrants rue, Peals forth once more her victor notes For old Kentuck arc. Lo! Georgia's fiery sons advancing,'vancing, 'van. cing, ----- . Thew faith renew, And pledge her gallant chivalry For old Kentuck &c. The Keystono State our arch o'er spanning, span. ning, spanning, Solid and true, Completes our glorious brotherhood, For old Kcntuck &c. 'rho clouds our land o'er shadowing, shadowing , shadowing, Vanish like dew, And brightly beams the rising sun Of old Kentuck &c. And now the whole battalion passing, passing, pas sing, _ . . In grand review Shout we to heaven our loud hurry For old Kentuck &c. A.caceltrapsoso OF THE WHIG STATE CENTRAL COM• MITTEE TO THE PEOPLE OF PENN. SYLVANIA. Fellow Citizens : In 1840, the party in power was charged by the people with a wrongful administration of public affairs, and after a full discussion and fair trial, a verdict;of guilty was rendered against it. A change was then emphatically demanded, and on one car dinal point (the Tariff) was obtained. But in , any other respects the hopes of the people were disappointed by the perfidy of one of their agents. We are now called upon by the adversaries of the Whig party, not only to reverse the decision of 1840, but to abandon the principles on which that decision was based. The urns questions are again presented for re-consideration, which were then supposed to be settled, and others of still more momentous character are added. Our first attention is drawn to the State election for Governor. If that be rightly decided, the elec tion of JIMMY Case in November will follow, of course. It ought not for one moment to be for gotten, that to obatin the great objects for which the Whig party is contending, we must secure harmony of action between the States and the United States ; and that this can only be affected by s election of men identical in their principles.— 'ng should be suffered to aeperate our efforts sport of Gen. ManKLE and of Mr. Case.— wofess the same views—the same principles same purposes. Mr. Muhlenberg and are alike identical in their principles, purposes—an issue is distinctly made the two parties. Partial success in t\ilh ink n 'tic electing Gen. Markle and not electing Mr. Clay, or electing Mr. Clay and not Gen. Markle, would not accomplish the great ends of the contest.— There is a power at work in this Union adverse to its best interests, perhaps its existence, which re quires an active exorcise of all the constitutional measures in our power to resist. Harmony be tween our State and Federal Governments, in no period of our existence, has been so strongly invo ked. Minor differences of opinion must be sacri ficed, and nothing short of the election of both Markle and Clay, be deemed a constitutional vic tory. Martin Van Buren professed to sustain some of the prominent principles in accordance with the true policy of Pennsylvania, but he was embarrassed by the influence of others about him, and controlliog his party inimical to his own views. Now, all pretences and appearances of favor, are laid aside, and a Southern combination suddenly and unexpectedly formed in direct opposition to the avowal and long-cherished principles uniform ly maintained in this State. No choice is left for Pennsylvania; she must either abandon her own principles and her own interests, or she must op pose the party by which they are assailed. The contest must now be decided at the polls. If our opponents succeed, the vile schemes of official pro fligacy, so significantly rebuked in 1840, will be virtually sanctioned ; proscription for opinion's sake, and the bartering of offices for political favor, will be encouraged. The preferences given to partizan ferocity in making appointments, over abil ity and integrity, will be approved. The infamous doctrine publicly announced and practised, of con sidering the profits of office as the n spoils of vic tory," and duo to the victors, will be confirmed. The odious sub-Treasury scheme, dividing the offices from the people—taking care of one and letting the others take care of themselves, will be revived. The war is to be renewed against the , currency—against commerce—against a protective tariff--against the distribution among the States of the proceeds of the sales of the public lands—against commercial credit--against manufactories, &c. In Pennsylvania, no favorable change is proposed. It is represented and believed, that a (noxious influ ence would be exercised in the councils of Mr. Muhlenberg if he should succeed in his election - by a continuation of unworthy men already on too much familiarity with him. That he would not look to the best men of his party for advice. If so, there is no hope in the event of his success, of any improvement in the financial operations of the Government. If there should be profligacy in the expenditures and collection of the revenues—and a disregard of the responsibility in public officers-- the public debt cannot be diminished. If the schemes of peculation, and extravagance in con tractors, and mismanagement of the public works be continued, converting them into sources of pri vate gain and political influence—sure destruction of our best interests would await his election. Ap prehensions of this sort are not confined to the Whig party. The prominence of men, too much distinguished in the disgraceful acts of the present administration, present a winning too strong to be disregarded. The community has suffered enough, and the State has been sufficiently degraded in character, to awaken the public to a sense of their duty, and to unite them in ono common effort to avert the doom to which a reckless dynasty seems to have consigned them. We have resources in , integrity—in mind—and in money if properly brought forth, to heal our wounded reputation, and to restore us to our former proud and prosperous condition. The population of Pennsylvania is chiefly core. posed of Farmers, Mechanics, Manufacturers, La. borers and men of different professions. It is dilli• cult to say which of these classes has the most at stake in the result of the approaching elections.— Some years ago the taxes of the Farmer were mod erate. The products of his farm commanded a reasonable and steady price. Money circulated in sufficient quantities to meet the current demands.— The people were prosperous and happy. But a change has come over us. An enormous public debt has some how or other, been created. Every man's farm is mortgaged for its redemption. The public works have been used as a part of the pat cal machinery of the State, for enriching political favorites, and buying power. The debt has been constantly increasing—not even the interest psid, but annually and semi-annually the interest added to the principal, and thence the whole upon inter est. By this process, in some eight or ten years, the debt must be doubled—increased from forty to eighty millions. The farmer's land, in such event, will be mortgaged fora suns nearly equal to its annual rent. What then has the former to expect, unless some change is made in the men who man age public affairs l What are the hopes of the Me chanic, under a continuance of the present system? The mechanic draws his subsistence frees the pros perity of those around him. Nature has constitu ted a mutual dependence of one upon another in society, and in their business relations, which can , not be disregarded. Look at the Merchant. His affairs con only flourish while others flourish. The manufacturer and laborer the same. Tho mutual dependence of ono branch of industry upon another, is nut suffi ciently respected. Careless or hasty legislation, is some times designed to correct an evil, through some one portion or branch of business—but it always operates injuriously in the end, and contra ry to its original intent. The Wing party, in the measures they propose LILMTSYUKIZYC. LPeri. 0 cz - P275 - .. - : e M 40., O.Calda.a. to adopt, promise a removal of the evils complained of, and they set forth in advance specifically the means by which they hope to attain the great end. They ask investigation and scrutiny, and they do not fear the result. The Whig party maintains, that the Public Works could be sold on anvantageous terms, and the proceeds applied towards the extinguishment of the public debt, or, if retained, that their manage ment could be kept in subservance to the public in terests, and not for individual or political prefer ment, and that this could be secured by the appoint. ment of faithful agents and on principles of strict accountability. That there is ample power in the government, if properly exercised, to enforce a due regard to economy in expenditures. But while officers and agents are enrolled as committee men for electioneering purposes, and contracts and ex penditures are regarded as the 'spoils of victory' die to the victorious party, the public debt never can be extinguished or much reduced. The clamor of the day about bribery, corruption, defalcation in public officers and pludering the Treasury revenues, cannot be without foundation. Charges are now made by members of all parties, and scarcely denied by any. Those who gave the strongest assurances of the integrity, ability and high toned honor with which public affairs would be conducted under the present chief magistrate of the State, are now the boldest and the loudest in their charges and denunciations against him. It would seem to be folly to continue longer, without a change both of men and of measures. The Whigs, as a party, are in favor of calling in the aid of the general government to pay off our State debt, particularly by a distribution among the States of the pooceeds of the sales of the Public Lands. They have over and over again demon strated, that this fund is held by the United States in trust for the different States; that it legitimately belongs to the States, and we only ask for our own, in asking for the distribution. But this just right cannot be obtained unless the Whig candidates are successful. The Whigs, as a party, are in favor of giving Protection to Domestic Industry, by retaining in force the present Tariff. Our opponents, in Penn sylvania, never dared heretofore to deny this mea sure their support, but they have now to abandon their principles and join the South, or to adhere to principle and support the Whig candidates. This is the only choice left them. The Whig doctrine is well expressed in the language of Mr. Cray in his recent letter to the Central Clay Club of Dau phin county. That we may settle down upon the equitable basis of raising, in time of peace, the I amount of revenue requisite to an economical ad ministration of the Government exclusively from foreign imports by a Tariff so adjusted, as that by proper discriminations just and seasonable encou ragement may be extended to American industry.' This is is emphatically the Pennsylvania doctrine. Mr. Van Buren was said to bee Northern man with Southern feelings. The Tariff party had I some hopes in him. But he has been most dis courteiously laid aside, and a Southern man with' Southern feelings out and out, foisted into his place. With Mr. Polk, Pennsylvania has no community of feeling. His views, in every point of difference, are adverse to Pennsylvania politics. The Whigs are opposed to any system that will leave unpro tected our Mechanics and Manufacturers to compete with the pauper labor of Europe. Extremely low wages aro in violation of the fundamental maxim before referred to, that ail the branches of industry essentially depend upon the prosperity of each other. 'rho Whigs are in favor of fewer changes in le- gislation in regard to commerce, &c. Trade to be prosperous, must assume a fixed character—so that some probable estimate may be made, and relied on, by individuals in giving direction to the employ ment of their own private means. Frequent chan ges in men's private affairs, are generally ruinous; and it is not the less so, where such changes are produced by too much legislation. The Whigs are in favor of an equal mode of Taxation, where taxation is necessary, treating all sorts of available property alike, and of establish ing abetter security, that the money paid will reach the Treasury; and when there, that they shall not be paid out, except in accordance with 'an appro priation made by law.' The returns of the last year show a deplorable dereliction in Collectors not paying over to the treasury the moneys actually collected from the hard earnings of the tax payers. It is a political epidemic, that can only be cured by the severest treatment. It is supposed that large doses of ltihiggery is the only infallible remedy. In regard to tho Presidency the Whigs are op posed by two candidates—John Tyler and James IC. Polk. It is not known to us, that there is any difference, either theoretical or practical, in the polities of these two candidates. They both stand opposed to Henry Clay ; and their party, or parties, oppose the grounds upon which it is claimed by the friends of Mr. Clay that he should be elected. It i. the sumo with Mr. kluhlenburg— he and his adherents are bound, hand and foot, to southern in fluence. They have meekly submitted th.maelves to the control of a foreign power in avowed hos tility with the dearest interests of Pennsylvania. So far as we are concerned, we might us well elect a President in Texas, and a Governor in Virginia or South Carolina, as to elect James IC. Polk and Henry A. Muhlenburg. They are to maintain the vicious course of policy, under which the credit of ._:2, - ,. the merchants was assailed. The quantum of trade and commerce reduced, home industry deemed un worthy of protection. The aid of the Federal go vernment, in liquidating the debts of the States, re fused. Economy on every department of govern ment disregarded. Accountability of officers and public agents relaxed. Public and private faith prostrated. A protective and discriminating 'Pa riff denounced. The revenues squandered, and a public debt incurred. We have witnessed the deplorable consequences of such measures. Look at the condition of our Manufacturers for a few years past. Their position has presented a subject of most painful contempla tion. No industry—no skill—no economy--no perseverance, could save a large portion of them from ruin. And now when the Whig Tariff of 1842, had just began to operate. This noxious in fluence was put into requisition to repeal it, Penn sylvania was true to itself, and for this audacity, they are now to be put in Southern bonds—and a repetition of their political rebellion prevented. The great cause of ono of our calamities—with the ap propriate remedy—has thus bcendemonstrated—we appeal to the people whether they will surrender to gether their interests and their independence, or whether like true Pennsylvanians—they will main tain both. Who is so blind as not to see that mighty calamities have been brought upon us by the mal-administration of public affairs 1 And who so ignorant as not toporceive the appropriate reme dy 7 Wiry are we not as well off now in Pennsyl vania, as we were under the administration of Tho mas McKean, Simon Snyder, William Finley and some others? And why not as well off in the General Government as wo were under the admin istration of Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, James Monroe and some others? When men in the State and in the United States, most distin guished for integrity and ability—filled the priblic offices? We all know we are not. We had a war with Great Britain, which left us in debt about ono hundred and seventy millions of dollars; and in less than twenty years it was entirely paid with out any increase of taxes. In the last term of 10 . or 12 years in times of peace, not only a vast ba lance in the Treasury has been squandered, but a debt of near thirty millions has been accumulated. The ordinary expenses of government have been nearly doubled, independent of the extraordinsy losses front defaulting officers. The question recurs whether wo shall go on from worse to worse—or shall at least attempt a rescue It seems in every aspect to be worthy the trial. But a new and more powerful question has been suddenly spru4 upon the people in relation to the immediate annexation of Texas to the U. States. The proposition is to receive it with all its debts guarantee all titles to lands ;—and without the con sent of Mexico, who claims it as one of her prov inces. Its debts are enormous—the amount un known. It is said and belieVed, that titles have been made in view of the annexation to en im measurable extent, and that many individuals among us who are most strenuously pressing the measure, have a vast amount of interest at stake, in relation to the debts to be assumed,lind the titles to be confirmed—and by the opinions of our best ju rists—it is a violation of all national laws—and national integrity—to make the arrangement with out the consent of Mexico—and amounts virtually to a declaration of war. The project has never been submitted to the American people, or to their immediate Representative. It has never been pub , . hely discussed—or its tendencies properly scrutini zed. Chancellor Kent, John Quincy Adams and many other distinguished men have declared the clandestine effort attempted, under a treaty secretly made b, Mr. Tyler to affect the annexation, with out consulting the public will, a valid ground for his impeachment. But James K. Polk and his party have distinctly approved the measure, and have pla ced the result of his election upon its correctness. And they now demand an approval at the polls by the voters of Peensylvania. If the measure was right in itself, this criminal haste,and more criminal secrecy must be condemned. Ours is a govern ment of public opinion, constitutionally restrained. This great question of annexation ought to be con stitutionally considered and determined, and should. not be suddenly brought forth and mingled with the exciting topies'of an election of President. It is hoped that measure will be suitably rebuked by the good sense and admitted patriotism of the people of Pennsylvania. The Whig party has been peculiarly fortunate in the selection of candidates, both in regard to the State and the United States. In Henry Clay and Theodore Frelinghuysen we hazard nothing. Their principles ars perfectly fixed, known, and they ac cord, in all essential points, with the professed poli tics of Pennsylvania. We have also in Joseph Markle all the assurance which an unwavering mind, a well fixed scheme of policy, and a long Info of integrity can afford. From intbrmation receiv ed by the Committee from every part of the State, they can give an assurance that an unusual degree of harmony prevails in support of the Whig can didates, and that an enthusiasm is awakened, trot surpassed by that of 1840 under the banner of the lamented Harrison. JOHN REED. JAMES HANNA, G. W. M'MAHON, JOHN S. RICHARDS, GEO. W. HAMERSLY, THOMAS WCULLOCH, U. V. PENNYPACKER, R. T. CASSATT, WILLIAM STEWART, JOHN BLANCHARD. THOMAS STRUTHERS, THOMAS R. SILL, ROBERT SMITH, HENRY PEPPER, HENRY M. SNYDER. From the Uniontown Dimarat. IMPORTANT; MR. POLK'S LATE ANTI-TARIFF LET TER REVIEWED, AND HIS POSITION DEFINED. The following clear and distinct view of the po sitions of the two presidential candidates on th e Tariff question was presented by Mr. Stewart in a discussion in the Court House at Uniontown on Friday evening the bth inst. Mr. Szcsvenz commenced by saying that to un derstand the subject, it was necessary in the first place to ascertain what the PRESENT views and opin ions of Mr. Clay and Polk were upon the tariff; and then to see what would be the practical opera tion and effect of their principles upon the interests 14 the country, if carried out in the administration of the government. Mr. Clay's position, he said, was well under stood—he is for the Whig tariff of 1942, he has so declared himself repeatedly ; in proot it is only ne- cessary to refer to his Harrisburg letter of the 11th of May 1944, in which he says: " The Tariff act of 1842 has been bitterly \ de nounced, and gross epithets applied to it. Its re peal was pronounced to be a favorite object of our political opponents. They have a majority of some fifty or sixty in the House. A bill to repeal that Tariff has been pending a great part of the present session of Congress. And yet, yesterday, on a test vote, a majority of the House decided against the repealing bill, leaving THE TARIFF OF 1842 in full and SALUTARY operation ! This decision was an involuntary concession of our po Weal opponents to the WISDOM and BENIFI CENCE of Whig policy, produced by the return ing prosperity of the country, and the enlightened opinion of the people." Thus you see Mr. Clay declares himself une quivocally and decidedly for the Whig Tariff of 1842. Fortunately within the last hoer, said Mr, S., I have been furnished with Mr. Polk's late let- L ter to Mr. Kane, of Philadelphia, on the subject of the tariff; he pronounced it by far the most impor t tent document that had appeared since the Presi dential nominations- r important, because it defines and fixes Mr. Polk's position, heretofore so unequi vocal, on the 1 miff question—it fixes him now and at all times distinctly for the repeal of the ta tiff of 1842, and for the adoption of a horizontal tariff of 20 per cent. ad valorem, discriminating below that amount for revenue. In a public dis ' cussion in Tennessee, as late as April 1843, Mr. Polk says : "I am in favor of repealing the act of the last Cong ress, (the act of 1842,) and restoring the compromise tariff of March 2d, 1833." Which, Mr. Polk says, "will afford sufficient protection to the manufactures, and is all they ought to desire or to which they arc entitled"— thus 20 per cent, is what Mr. Polk in the language of his letter to Mr. Kane, considers "FAIR AND JUST PROTECTION TO ALL THE GREAT INTER ESTS of the WHOLE UNION, embracing agriculture, manufactures, and the mechanic arts, commerce and navigation." In this letter Mr. Polk says ex pressly "lay opinions upon the tariff have been given to the public, they are to be found in my ?aurae ACTS and the PUBLIC DISCUSSIONS in which I hove participated"—and here they are. "I am in favor of the repeal of the tariff of 1842, and of restoring the Compromise act of 2d March, 1833."—This is Mr. Polk's present posi tion as defined by himself—there can be no dispute_ aboutit.—This letter settles the matter. Mr. Clay is then for the Tariff of 1842, Mr, Polk denoun ces it as ruinous, and says he is for restoring the compromise act of 20 per cent. as the highest rate of duty. TO remove all doubt as to Mr. Polk's position, here is his letter, word for word. The loose and unmeaning slang in the concluding paragraph, about "just and fair protection," can humbug no body—the first paragraph referring to his public acts and public discussions, for his present opinions. settles the question--hear him COLVMBIA, TENNESSEE, June 19th,1844. " DEsn Sin have received recently several letters in reference to my opinions on the subject of the tariff, and among others yours of the 30th ul timo. My opinions on this subject have been of ten given to the public. They are to be found in my public acts, and in the public discussions in which I have participated. "I am in favor of a tariff for revenue, such a one as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasu ry to defray the expenses of the Government eco nomically administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue tariff, I have heretofore sanctioned such moderate discriminating duties, as would pro duce the amount of revenue needed, and at the same time afford reasonable incidental protection to our home industry. lam opposed to a tariff for protection merely, and not for revenue. " Acting upon these general principles, it is well known that i give my support to the policy of Gen. Jackson's administration on this subject. 1 voted against the tariff act of 1829. I voted for the act of 1832, which contained modifications of some of the objectionable provisions of the act of 1828. As a member of the Committee of Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, I gave my assent to a bill reported Iry that Committee in December 1832, making further modifications of the act of 1828, and making also discriminations in the imposition of the duties which it proposed. That bill did net pass, bet was superseded by the bill commonly called the Compromise Bill, for which I voted. "In my judgment, it is the duty of the govern ment, to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do so, by its revenue inws and all other means within its power, fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing agri- `UClPaamact) _142,412,c; culture, manufactures, the mechanic arts, commerce and navigation. I heartily approve the resolutions upon this subject, passed by the Democratic Na tional Convention lately assembled at Baltimore." I am, with great respect, Dear sir, your ob,t. servant, JAMES K. POLK. JOHN K. Kars, Esq., Philadelphia. This letter intimates no change, but refers to his acts and declarations for his preeent opinions. Now, air, might not George McDutlie, John C. Calhoun, or the veriest anti.taritT nullifier in the South, sigh this letter with the slightest compro mitment. In fact Mr. Polk has uniformly went with the South against the protective policy, he is with thorn now, and they are with him. During the *hole of his 14 years service in Congress—he never—never once voted to increase but always to reduce the Tariff. I defy his friends to point ottt a single instance to the contrary. Mr. Polk says he is for a tariff for revenue sof& dent to defray the expenses of government—so is Mr. Calhoun. He says " I have heretofore sanc tioned such moderate discriminating duties as would produce the revenue needed ;" he voted for the tariff of 1832, (the only tariff bill heaver voted for in his life, except the compromise bill) and 1A hy , did ho vote for He tells you in his Tennessee speech--because it reduced the tariff ot 1828 ; not is much as ho wished, but as much as he could, and quite too much for me, for I voted against it, said Mr. S., as did eleven of my tariff colleagues. Mr: Calhoun is a better man than Mr. Polk— in 1816 he voted to increase the protective duties; Mr. Polk has never voted to increase but always to reduce them. Next Mr. Polk says he sustained the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means in December 1832, (Mr. Verplank's bill) making still further reductions of the act of 1828. This favorite bill of Mr. Pulk's reduced every ad valorous duty (after 1835,) down to 20-15-10 and 5 per cent:—Wool and woollens to 15—wor sted to 10, and certain cloths, kerseys and blankets 5 per ct. A bill which would have crushed at a blow every manuf..cturer, laborer, farmer, and mechanic in this country—worse than the Compromise Bill when it had run down in 1842 to 20 per cent. ho rizontal, and infinitely worse—not half as good as McKay's bill of the last session ; and this is the bill that Mr. Polk boasts of having "assented to," and which he says made " discrimination. in the imposition of the dut:os which it proposed." Yet it discriminated with a vengeance. On wool and woollens after 1835 from 20 down to 15-10 and 5 per cent !! small by degrees and beautifully less." This is Mr. Polk's brag bill.—This is what he calls "fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole liniun"—"fair and just" —and who is not for "fair and just?" who will say that he is for what is un-fair and unjust ! Mr. MeDuffie says 15 per cent. is " fair and just." Mr. Polk says 16 per cent. (the average of Verplank's bill) is "fair mid just" protection to all our great interests. Mr. McKay last winter said that an average of 30 per cent. was "fair and just: , Every man says of course that his own views are fair and just.' Mr. Polk's definition fair and just tariff,' is worse than Gen. Jackson's Vudicwua ea ;riff.' But Mr. Polk in his first paragraph has axed and defined his own position.--On the 3d of April, 1943, he said . I ant for repealing the act of 1842, and reducing the duties to the rates at which they wore on the 30th Juno 1842; (20 per cent. ad no lorcm) and according to his letter to Mr. Kane he is for it now. Thus wo have Mr. Clay and Mr. Polk both fixed as to the precise amount of duty they are for on every article in the whole tariff. Take the Whig Tariff of 1842 and you have Mr. Clay's bill, and take the tariff at it stood on the 30th of June, 1942, (20 per cent. horizontal) anti you have Mr. Polk's bill. Now let us see how they will operate when brought to bear on the people and their interests. I see a great many mechanics and some manufac- turers present. Well gentlemen give us your opinions of Mr. Clay's and Mr. Folk's Protec tion : per cent. per cent. Shoemakers Clay gives you 60 Polk 20 Hatters Clay gives you 55 Polk 20 Tailors Cloy gives you 56 Polk 20 Blacksmiths Clay gives you 45 Polk 20 Tanners Clay gives you 43 Polk 20 Tinners Clay gives you 43 Polk 20 Ironmasters Clay $25 per ton Polk $6 33 Wool manf. Clay gives you 40 Polk 20 Cotton do. Clay gives you 140 Polk 20 Glass do. Clay gives you 126 Polk 20 Paper do. Clay gives you 80 Polk 20 Carpet weav's Clay gives you 45 Polk 20 Form'rs, on wool Clay gives 40 Polk 20 On spirits Clay gives 155 Polk 20 " On wheat Clay gives 40 Polk 20 " 13'f& pork Clay gives 120 Pork 20 " On cheese Clay gives 70 Polk 20 " On coal Cloy gives 49 Polk 20 and to all others in the same proportion. Thus those employed in every branch of industry can now judge for themselvce. Clay secures the American market for the American farmers, manu facturers and mechanics, Palk gives it up to the British or compels the American to come down and work as cheap as the pauper. of Europe, (from 12 to 20 cents per day.) Clay is for the American system, Polk for the British—this is the true state of the question and it cannot be dis guised or evaded. When the British and Ameri cans are contending for the American market, the question is which side will you taket Such being the true elate of the question, which would we pre fer for President, James K. Polk the champion of
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