Huntingdon journal. (Huntingdon, Pa.) 1843-1859, April 24, 1844, Image 1

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ZictiotcV to C ritcrat act, abtloctioinit, Valittro, Uttcraturr, faoratitp, arto, Szttclucti, aaticulture, tanntscnient, Fcc., tzr..
..a' CZioa,Mil6iXl..
The "Jonuxli." will be published every Wed
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No subscription received for a shorter period than
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ed, it will be kept in till ordered out, and charged ac
Rates of Discount in Philadelphia.
flanks in Philadelphia.
Bank of North America -
B tok of the Northern Liberties
B of Penn Township -
Ciimmercial Bank of Penn's.
F.rmers' & Mechanics' bank
K. naington bank
Schuylkill bank
Meclninics' bank
Phil delphta bank
Southwark batik
Western buck
Ma yamensing bank - - -
Manufacturers' and Mechanics' bank
Bank of Pennsylvania -
Girard bank
Bank of the United States
Country Banks.
B tnk of Chester co. Westcht.ster
B ink of Delaware co. Chester
Built f G,trimintown Germantown
Bank of Montg'ry co. Norristown
D tylestown bank Doylestown
Elston B wk Ktston
Farmers' bk pit Bucks en. Bristol par
Rink of Northumberl'd Northumberland par
Wilesdale batik Honesdale II
Farmers' bk of Lane. Lane inter 35
Lancaster bank Lancaster i
Lancaster comity bank Lancaster i
Bank. of Pittsburg Pittsburg It
Merclets' & M ma. bk.' Pittsburg . i
Exchfmge bank. Pittsburg 5,
DI. do. branch of Hollidaysburg 5
Cola bk & bridge en. Columbia i
Franklin bank • Washington 15
Monongahela bk of R. B rown , v ili e 15
Fanners' bk of Reading Reading 5
Lebanon bank Lehi inn 1
Bank of Middletown Middletown 1
Carlisle bank Carlisle 1
Erie bank Erie S
11411 k of Cliamhersburg Cliambersburg I
B ink of Gatysbuvg Gettysburg
York bank
Harrisburg lemk Harrisburg 1
Miners' bk of Pottsville Pottsville 1
H ink of Susquehanna es. Montrose 35
Farmers' & Drovers' bk Waynesborenli 3
Bank 4 L. wistown Lewistown 2
Wyoming Mmk Wial:sbarre 2
14,tbamptoti bank Allentown no sale
Belk; c , ,tinty bank 11 •ading no sale
West Brunch bank Williamsport 7
Towanda bark Tf.wanda no sale
Rates of Relief Notes.
North . ro Liberties, Delaware County, Far
mers' 8 , 0. k of Bulks, Germantown par
All others - - - - - 2
Furnace (0 Let.
The Valley Furnace is situate en Silver
Creek,near Pottsville in the Schuylkill Coal
Beds or Anthracite Coal and Strata of
Iron ore are opened for work, close by the
stark. The public railway runs by the
works, giving a daily communication at all
seasons, with the city of Philadelphia.
Limestone is cheaply had by canal or rail
Die ore is exactly the same as that of the
coal fields of Great Britain, from which
nettle all the iron is made in that enuntvv.
It fluxes very easily. The 6 . black band"
iron stone, firm which the Scotch gray iron
is made, exists in this coal basin; Ina no
search has beee made for workable beds;
the discovery being recent.
The Furnace is newly built, with a grand
steam engine and blowing apparatus. Its
yield is about 35 tons weekly, and there is
an extensive consumption of Iron in the coal
tlistrict. There is no other Furnace in tvnr
king order in that region.
The Furnace will be rented nn very favor
able terms to any person having sufficient
capital to condur.l the business properly
Apply to
342 North Sixth street. Philadelphia,
April 3, 1844.
List of Letters
Remaining in the Post 011ie at Hunting
don April Ist, 1P44. It net called tor previ
ous to the Ist of July neltt, will be sent to
the General Post Office as dead letters.
Alexander Henry M'(.lenehen Maxell
Barnes Mortimer Mussleman Martin
Buchanan A m. Muscleman David
Cohn Madam • Rouse Barbary
.Carbaugh Abraham Reichard John
Gnabl. Sam'l Sr Rothrock J ,
Hazlewond Johu • Strong David
Jackson Henry Shnemeker Perry
Lum Philip Rev Semple Francis
M'Comb John Ty hut st Samuel
M Donald Abner E Thompson
Taylor John.
•From Europe.
April 3, 1044.
Estate of Ebnber EL. Barton, late of
(Late o/ Shirley 'p. dee'd.)
, 1• 0 I'ICE is li.reby given that letters of ;
;Administration upon the said estate; (GEORGE TAYLOR,
have been granted to the undersigned. All 1. ATTORNEY AT LAW,
pet sons having claims or demands against
the same are requested to make them known , Attends to practice in the Orphans' Court,
withouttlehv, and all persons inclehtcd to l Stating Administration acconits,tierivening.
make immetfiate payment to I Ike.—ollitte in H ill street, 3 (fools East of
ILIEINJ• I.F.A.S, Adm", - ., •'e 1,,,i, re T. tt, , ,. , .. , I' , :
mt, ;, '..'.7. VIA t.
How important it is that you commence
without loss of time with BICANDRETH
PILLS. They mildly but surely remove all
impurities from the blood, and no case of
sickness can effect the human frame, that
these celebrated Pills do not relieve as much
as medicine can do. COLDS and COUGHS
arc more benetiitted by the Brandreth Pills
than by Li zenges and Candies. Very well,
perhaps, as palliatives, lint worth nothing as
ERADICATtIRS of diseases from the human
system. The Brandreth Pills cure, they do
not merely relieve, they cure. Diseases,
whether chronic or recent, intections or oth
erwise, will certainly lie cured by the use of
these all-sufficient Pills.
SING SING. Janu ivy 21, 1843,
lionoreci Sir,—
Owing to you a debt of gratitude that mo
ney cannot pay. 1 am induced to make,a
public acknowledgment. of the benefit my
wife has derived from your invaluable Pills.
About three years this winter she was taken
with a pain in her ode, which soon became
very much infiamech•and swollen, so m ich
that we became much alarmed, and sent
for the doctor. During his attendance the
pain and swelling increased to an alarming
degree, rind in three weeks ferm its first
commencing it brume a running sore. She
could get no rest at night the pain was so
great. Our first doctor attended her for six
months, and she received no benefit what-
ever, the pain groWing worse and the sore
larger all the time. He said if it was healed
up it would be her death,--but he appeared
to be at a loss how to proceed, and my poor
wife still continued to suffer the most terrible
torttwes. lVe therefore sought other aid,
v Botannical doctor, who said when lie
first saw it that he could soon cure the sore
and give her ease at once. To our surprise
he gave her no relief. end acknowledged that
it quite baffled all his sant.
Thus we felt atter having trii d during one
whole year the experience of two celebrated
physicians in vain, in absolute despair. My
poor wife's constitutiou rapidly foiling in
the prime of her years font her continued
suffering. Under these circumstances we
conclialed that we would try your Universal
Vegetable Pills. determined to fairly test
their curative i•ffects. To my wife's great
I comfort the first few doses afforded great re
lief of the pain. Within one week to the
astonishment of ourselves and every one who
knew the ease, the swelling and the bffla
mation began to cease so that she felt quite
easy, and would sleep comfortable, and sir,
after six weeks' use she was able to go thro'
the Ii use and again attend to the manage
ment of her family, which she had not done
for nearly fourteen months. Ina little over
two months from the time she first commen
ced the use of your invaluable Pills her ancle
was quite sound, and her health better than
it had lwen in quite a number. ot years be
fore. I send yt u this statement Ott r two
years test of the core, considering it only an
art of justice to you and the public rt large.
We to, with much gratitude,
Very t espect
PS —The P. rmical Doctor pronounced
the en•e cane, i, and finally said no good
could 1)2 done, unless the while of the flesh
was cut off and the bone scraped. Thank a
kind Providence, this made us resort to your
Pills, witch wise 1 its from all further mis
ery, and for which we hope to be thankful.
T. & A. 1,.
Dr. Brandrctli's Pills arc for sale by the,
futlowing Agents m Huntingdon county.
Thomss Held,
Wm. Stewart, Huntingdon.
N. & N. eres,w,ll, Petershurt-,
Miry \V. Neff. Alexandria,
.I ,, seph Patton, Ir. D
Hartman Lk Smith, Manor• II ill.
S. Miles Green &. ('i.eßare Forge,
Thomas Owens, Birmingham.
A. Patterson. Williamsburg.
PeterGnotl, Jr. Canoe Creek.
John Lutz, S r hirlevshurg•
Observe e.tch of Dr. liredreth's Agents
have an engraved certificate of Agency.--
Examine this and you will Aim; the Ni , AV
L A BLE`i upon Ow certi time corresponding
with those on the Boxes, none other are gen
Phil'.i. ()Mee S. North Bth St.-Iy.
Tho beet medicine known to man for incipient
Consumption, Asthma of every stage, Bleeding 0 1 .
the Lungs, Coughs, Colds, Liver Complaint, and
all diseases of the l'ulmonary Organs, may be had
of Agents named below.
published statements of cures performed
by this medicine are, in every respect, TRUE. Bo
careful and get the genuine • Dr. Wistar's Balsam
of Wild Cherry," as spurious imitations are abroad.
Orders from any part of the country should Lo
addressed to Isaac Butts, No. 125 Fulton street,
New York,
rn, sale by Thomas Read, Huntingdon,
and James Orr, H.,llid,ysburg.
Price one dollar per bottle. r
December 6, 1843.
ti Rend the following from Dr. Jacob
I ktrman , a physician of extensive practice in
I inntingdon counts :
_ _
Dear'Sit :—1 procured one bottle of Dr.
Wistar's Balsvit of Wild Cherry, from
homas Read, F.,11. of this place, and tried
it in a case of obstinate Asthma on a ' , biki n i
Paul Schweble, in which many other reme
dies bad been tried without any relief. The
Balsam gave sudden relief, and in my opin
ion the child is r ffoctitelly cured by its use.
Yours, &c.
Dec. 23, 1841.
U 2 ' , :.. e nci..1 ; 1737.t.'3 , 0 12:452, D 0.,42t.<14
Delivered in the House of Representatives of the
United Slates, illarci 13, 1844.
But our present amount of foreign imports, viz:
ono hundred millions, is sufficient to supply the de
mand ; how then are you to make room for fifty
millions more? this can only be done by destroying
fifty millions of dollars of our own domestic pro
ductions, to make way for that amount of the pro
ductions of foreign industry. We must, according
to this financial scheme, not only destroy fifty mil
lions of dollars worth annually of our productive
industry, but we must send fifty millions of dollars
of hard cash to foreign countries, to purchase what
we now do produce, con produce, and ought to
produce at home; and for what? to raise five'
millions of revenue by taxation, whirls is not wan
ted ! Now, sir, I submit, is this wise, is it an Amer
ican policy 1 Is it not rather a British policy, a
plan to reduce the duties and open our ports to the
importation of British goods, to the sacrifice and
destruction of our own mechanics, farmers, and
manufacturers? Yes, sir, and this is to be done by
an American Congress, and by the representatives
of the American people! Can such art anti-Amer
ican—such a British system as this, stand for a
moment before this free and enlightened people?—
Pass this bill, sir, take five dollars off bar iron, and
still more oft' iron in all its other forms, and, sir,
you will go far to extinguish the fires of every fur
nace and of every forge in Pennsylvania. By this
bill you will strike down your own mechanics—
your hatters, your shoemakers, your blacksmiths,
your tailors, your saddlers; in short, all your me
ebonies; you will paralyze and prostrate your glass
works, paper mills, tanneries, salt-works, collieries,
lead mines—your woollen and cotton factories; but
above all, you aim a death blow at the American
farmers, not only by destroying their home markets,
almost the only markets they now have, but what is
still worse, you will convert the mechanics and
manufacturers thus thrown out of employment into
agriculturists, into producers instead of consumers
of agricultural productions. When you double
production and diminish consumption one-half, do
you trot ruin and destroy the farmers of this country?
And, sir, allow mo to say,that in like this,
where seven-eights of the entire population is enga
ged in agriculture, whets agriculture is destroyed,
the country itself is destroyed. Agriculture is the
great basis and foundation on which every thing
else depends; when the former prospers, ell pr.. -
per; when he sinks, all the rest, professional men,
mechanics, and all go down with him. It is the
great object therefore to take care of agriculture,
make this prosperous and the whole country will
prosper; and how is agriculture to be made pros
perous but by building up and sustaining home
markets. It is therefore rot for the massufac
tutors, but for the mechanics and farmers, yes,
sir, fur the farmers, that I advocate the protective
policy. There is ono important fact which lies
deep at the foundation of the whole subject, to
which I am anxious to attract the attest ion of the
farmers and politicians of this country, and it is
this, that halt; and snore than half, of the entire price
of the hundred millions of dollars a year of foreign
goods imported into this country is agricultural pro
duce raised on a foreign soil, worked up and man
ufactured into goods, and their scat here for sale;
and that the farmers and people of this country
send in this way fifty millions of dollars a year to
purchase foreign agricultural produce, in the shape
of goods, while foreigners take little or nothing
from us; our whole agricultural exports to all the
world (excepting cotton and tobacco) do notamount
to ten millions of dollars a year; thus, sir, we pur
chase five dollars' worth of foreign agricultural pro
duce to every dollar's worth we sell; this may
seem strange, but it is strictly true; I defy contra
diction--I challenge investigation. Let gentlemen
disposed to contest it select an article of foreign
goods, a yard of cloths, n ton of iron, a hat, a coat,
a pair of shoes, any thing, " from a needle to an
anchor," examine its constituent parts, the row
material, the clothing and the subsistence of the
labor employed in its manufacture, and it would
be discovered that more than half, often three-fourths,
of the whole price is made up of agricultural pro
duce. It is a well known fact that rimers often
make hundreds of dollars worth of domestic goods,
cloths, &c., without using a dollar's worth of any
thing not produced on their own farms; goods and
cloth thus made are therefore entirely agricultural;
and are not the same materials used in the manufac
ture of goods, whether made on a farm or in a fac
tory ?
Mr. S. said he had ascertained the fact from his
own books kept at a furnace, that more than three
fourths of the price of every ton of iron sold, was
paid to the neighboring farmers for their domestic
goods, their meat and flour, that clothed and fed
his hands ; for their hay, corn, oats, &e., that sus
tained his horses, mules, and oxen, employed about
Ids works. In England, Iron is made of the same
materials that constitute it here; well, wo now im
port, manufactured and unmanufacturcd, eight mil
lions of dollars worth of iron and steel; say only
half its value is agricultural produce, thus, then,
we send four millions of dollars n year to purchase
I foreign agricultural produce, converted into iron,
and ern? vale. while rate earn ronnizy is figed
with ore and coal, buried and useless, and the pro
duce of our farmers left without markets. Will
the farmers of this country submit to such a sys
tem as this—openlygadvocated and adopted to favor
foreign industry at the expense of our own? Will
they tamely and silently agree thus to be crushed
and sacrificed? No, sir, they will not ; they will
speak out against this unjust and ruinous measure;
your tables will soon groan under the weight of
their remonstrances against it. I call on them to
do so ; I call on them to come to the rescue before
it is too late.
The avowed object of this bill is to open our
ports to the importation of British goods—to favor
foreign farmers and mechanics, and destroy our
own. Sir, give the people time to be heard, and
this bill cannot pass; let it be discussed, and it can
never pass an American Congress. There is one
way in which it can pass—send it to the British
Parliament, and it will be passed by acclamation.—
England would give millions to secure its passage.
It had recently been stated in an official report, read
in the House of Commons, that unless the Amer
ican Tariff of 1842 was modified and reduced,
Great Britain would have to pay the United S. cash
for their cotton, instead of paying in goods as she
' formerly had done; and this bill accordingly modi
fies and reduces the Tariff of 1842 to suit the
wishes of the British Chancellor, who, while he re
commends free trade and low duties to us, takes
special care to adhere to his own prohibitory aye
tern. While this hill proposes greatly to reduce
the duties on foreign distilled spirits, England ex
acts a duty of 2,700 per cent. on ours; and this is
reciprocity! This bill reduces the duties on tobac
co and its manufactures, while England demands
1,200 per cent, on ours, and actually collects 22
millions dollars of revenue annually from our tobac
co, equal to the whole revenue of this Government
—such is British reciprocity and free trade. Since
the Tariff of 1942, the tables with England have
been turned ; last year the balance of trade with
Great Britain exceeded $13,000,000 in our favor,
instead of being about that amount against us, as
in former years. The imports of specie had in the
last year reached the unprecedented amount, as ap
pears by official reports, of more than 23 millions of
dollars, most of it from Great Britain. No wonder
England and her statesmen were anxious for the re
. duction of the American Whig Tariff of '42. No
wonder her Chancellor exclaims against the Tariff,
and says it will oblige them to send us specie in
stead of goods hereafter to pay for cotton. No
wonder our country is rapidly recovering from its
late depression—that Its course is again onward and
upward—that its former prosperity is returning—a
, it always had and always would have un
der an efficient protective system, but which it Le
i-m.lml Ind never would have without it, No
wonder specie had become abundant—that the
banks had resumed—that exchanges had become
equalized and interest reduced—that manufactures
had revived—that agriculture was recovering --that
the mechanic and every other branch of the nation
al industry was fully and profitably employed. All
these were the necessary and undeniable fruits of
the existing tariff policy—results seen, felt, and ac
knowledged throughot the land—yet, in the face of
all these facts—shutting their eyes to these great
lights blazing up before them—the Committee of
Ways and Means have reported a bill to repeal this
beneficial act of 1842, and bring us back to the low
duties and the low condition of 1840. They hove
struck a death-blow at this policy—a policy which
had vindicated its adoption by all its fruits, whirls
had fulfilled all tlsehopea of its friends, and falsified
all the predictions of its enemies; but shall this
blow bo unavailing? No, sir, it will recoil and
overwhelm its authors. The people who have ex
perienced the benefits and the blessings of this mea
sure, will not abandon it. Even its enemies are
now disposed to give it a fairand full trial, and con
demn it only when it fails. Then why not, sir,
wait till the people have an opportunity to pass up
on this question at the approaching elections?—
They will then settle it one why or the other. If
the enemies of the Tariff policy prevail, they can
and will repeal it, but if you repeal it now, and its
friends are successful, it will be immediately restor
ed. Then why not let it abide this result? Let
it go to the people, let them decide it, and, for one,
sir, l ain prepared to acquiesce in their decision.
gut, sir, if niore revenue is wanted, why not in
crease the duties on luxuries consumed by the rich,
rather than thus strike down the poer man's labor,
and take the bread from the month of his children,
to make room for the importation of fifty millions
of dollars worth of foreign goods 1 Is this, sir an
American measure, can it receive the support of an
American Congress, or the representatives of the
American people 1 I call on tho authors of this
ruinous measure to come forth in its defence.
call on them to assign some reason for its adoption.
I can readily discover reasons enough why England
should desire its adoption, but they are the very
reasons why we should reject it; just so far as it ben
efits them it injures us; this is a contest between for
eign and American mechanics' farmers, sod mann
' facturers, for the American market, and the ques
tion is, which side shall wo take 1 The tariff of
1842 shuts out the foreigner and gives the Ameri
cans the market; this bill proposes to repeal the tar
iff of 1842, and give it to the foreigner; to open our
ports and again flood our country with foreign goods,
and export money by ship-loads to pay for them
on) wiry 1 I again an - k the committee opal what
principle of national policy this measure is sustained 7
THE TAR Iry namocnaTre—PnlVTllADE
Mr. Dnomooot. replied to enable bare-headed
people to buy cheap hate
To enable bare-headed people to buy cheap hats !
Sir let me tell the gentleman if he carries this mea
sure, the poor people of thiflountry would not only
go bare-headed but bare-backed ; they would be
doomed, like the paupers of Europe, to go half fed
and half clad. The tariff sir, is .. the poor man's
law ;" it is this and this alone that gives him em
ployment and wages. Justus the tariff goes down,
the wages of labor will go down with it. Repeal
the tariff—adopt the gentleman's favorite plan of
.. free-trade," and you will bring down the labor
here, in every department ofindustry. to the level
of the labor of the serfs and paupers of Europe. This
is certain —it is inevitable. As certain as the laws
of gravitation—as inevitatle as that the removal of
an obstruction between two unequal bodies of water,
will reduce the one to the level of the other, Re
peal the tariff, and what is there to prevent out
country from being instantly inundated wills the
productions of the low priced labor of Europe,—
When hatters, alsoemakers, blacksmithn, and all
must come down and work as cheap as they do, or
give up the market 1 With the present facilities of
intercourse by steamships, you might as well at
tempt to establish higher wages and higher prices on
one aide of a street than on the other, as to establish
and sustain higher prices and wages here than in
Europe, under the delusive and Eutopian scheme of
free-trade." But, sir, this scheme would bring in
its train other and more fearful consequences.--
Adopt this scheme, and you will soon bring down
and degrade the now free and prosperous labor of
this country, not only to the moral, but to the poli
tical condition of the slaves and serfs of Europe.—
By reducing their wages, you deprive the poor man
of the means of educating his children and fitting
them to be free. By thus depressing ono class of
your people, you necessarily elevate. another. You
divide society horizontally into upper and lower
classes—distinctions and titles supervene.—jealous.-
ies and finally hostilities follow. nod liberty itself is
in the end swallowed up in monarchy. Such are
the political and moral tendencies of every step in
the direction of free trade. The protective policy
is therefore democratic in its character and ten
dencies, it is a policy which promotes equality, not
by depressing one class. but by elevating all—hy
elevating, sustaining, and protecting the labor of
your own country against the ruinous and degra
ding effects of a too free competition with the low
priced and depressed labor of Europe. These are
views which belong to this subject, and should not
be overlooked or disregarded by those who represent
the free labor of this country, and especially by
those who snake professions of democracy and
lore of the people. • Now is the time, and this is
the question, to test their sincerity. Those who
represent slaves may be excused, bat those repre
sentingframtn will be held to a strict accountabil
The great and leading objection to the protective
policy is, the duties are added to the price, and paid
by the consumers. This objection lies at the foun
dation of the opposition to this policy ; and, if un
founded, this opposition ought to cease. The duty
is added to the price; this is the theory. Now, sir,
how is the fact; what says experience'! All expo- I
rience proves that this objection has nn existence,
I I save in the imaginations of those who make it
Now, sir, I lay it down as a general proposition,
that there never was a high protective duty impo
sed upon any article, from the foundation of this
Government to the present day, the prier of which
has not been in the end reduced—greatly reduced
—in many instances to one-half, one-third, and one.
fourth of what it had been before these protective
duties were imposed. This, air, may seem to
gentlemen on the other side to he a strong declara
tion ; but, air, I make it deliberately, with a full
conviction of its truths, and I challenge gentlemen to
disprove it—l defy them to point out a single in
' stance to the contrary. Let them examine, and they
will find invariably that, wherever the duties have
been highest the prices have ultimately come down
the lowest, and for a very obvious reason—high du
ties promote competition, and competition never
fails to bring down prices. Tho effect is inn:liable
and universal ; but unfortunately the duties always
run up as the prices run down ; hence the frightful
lists of duties exhibited by the Cam. of Ways and
Means, amounting to 200, 900, and 400 per cent.
When first imposed these duties were but 30 or 40
per cent.; but now, owing to the reduction of pri
ces, they have run up to 200 or 300 per cent. Ey
way of illustration take the article of glass, on which
a duty of $4 a box was imposed at a time when
glass cost $l2; this was the duty of 33 per cent.,
but now when home competition, induced by this
protective duty, has brought down the price to $2 a
box, the duty, owing to this reduction of price, is
200 per cent instead of 391 the same is true of
many other articles on which the duty, when impo
sed, did not exceed 20 or 30 per cent., but now,
owing to reduction of price produced by home
competition, they amount to 2 or 300 per cent.—
When four cents per pound duty was put on cut
nails, the price was twelve cents per pound,. and
this duty, of course was 33 per cent.; but now,
when the effect of this protective duty has been to
reduce the price of nails from twelve to three cents
per pound, the duty is increased to 100 per cent.;
thiv is 4 , 911;111v tree of spikes, rods. wend .crew &e.
®n® &.yz).. ,ao3a.
Again eight cents a yard duty was imposed on
coarse cottons when imported at 20 cents, being a
duty of 40 per cent., but now, when the price has
come down to fire cents per yard, the duty goes up
to 160 per rent.
Sir, I could go on and enumerate more than twenty
such instances where the duties, though moderate
when imposed, now actually exceed the price of the
article; yet we are told that in all cases the duty is
added to the price, and paid by the consumer! That
is, that the consumer pays $4 a box duty on glass
that he buys for $2; 4 cents a pound on nails that
he buys fur 3; and 8 cents a yard on coarse cotton
goods that he buys for 5. Such are the absirditiee
into which these stale anti-tariff theories involve
their votaries; but suppose what they allege were
true in point of fact, and that the duty is really ad
ded to the price, the cost of cotton roods being 20
cents when the duty of 8 cents was imposed, add
the duty, the price would be 28 cents a yard, and
the duty only 28 per cent, instead of 160 an stated
by the committee; hence, if you raise the price five
fold, then the duty is quite reasonable, and there
will be no objection whatever to its payment, Let
1 the manufacturer, then, run up his price from 5 to
25 cents a yard, and he at once silences all the ob
jections of the Committee of Ways and Means, as
this would fix the duty ,at 30 per cent, just what
they want it. But suppose the manufacturer were
to reduce his price one cent a yard, then the duty,
being 9 cents, would be 800 per cent. Horrid op
pression ! who would submit to pay a duty of 800
per cent.? Who could then refuse to go with the
Committee of Ways and Means for reducing such
enormous duties?
But the Committee of Ways and Means say that
the object of this bill is to increase the revenue by
reducing the duties; yet in the very same paragraph,
they say, that should the revenue be found redun
dant, to avoid the horrid evils of deposites or distri
bution among the States, the duties should be
instantly reduced, so as to redone the revenue to
the ',ins of the Government; at this finer, the
committee say, there is not revenue enough, and
they purpose to increase it by reducing the duties;
but should it turn out that there is too much, then
they may reduce it by redacting the duties. Thus
reduction of duties is alike effeetual with the com
mittee for a reduction or for an increase of revenue,
Excellent deciples of Dr. Sangrado who had but
one remedy for all diseases, " bleeding and warm
waters" How such a palpable contradiction is to
be reconciled or explained I am at a loss to conjecture.
The committee proceed next to say that it is the
true policy of every interest in the country, except
manufacturers, to advocate the proposed reduction
of:duties, as they especially name agriculture.—
Now, sir, in my opinion the reverse of this proposi
tion is true; agriculture is much more interested in
the maintenance of the present protective tariff than
the manufacturer, and for the most obvious reasons
high protective duties are calculated to induce in
creased investment in manufacturers ; the effect of
this is clearly to increase the demand for the raw
material and bread stuffs produced by the farmers;
and the necessary consequence ofthis increased de
mand is to increase the price of every thing the far
mer has to sell, and, by increasing the quantity,
reduce the price of manufactured goods. Thus rho
protective policy enahles the farmers to sell higher
and buy lower ; while, on the other hand, increased
competition obliges the manufacturer to sell lower
and hay Iris supplies at higher rates yet an it is as
serted in this report, and every anti-tariff speech,
that high protective duties are imposed for the ben.
flt of the manufacturers at the expense of the far
mer: Now I submit tvliether practically the oppo
sition of this proposition is not the truth; and
whether such is not the necessary and unavoidable
result of the great laws of demand and supply
which regulate and control prices throughout tho
But agriculture is still further benefittcd by the
protective policy. By increasing manufacturers, it
withdraws a portion of the capital and hands from
agriculture, and converts them into consumers in
stead of producers, into customers instead of rivals ;
dins diminishing the quantitity and increasing the
demand for agricultural supplies, and at the same
time increasing the supply and reducing the price
of the manufactured goods which they get in ex-
Change. Than, in every point of view in which
the subject con be considered, the farmer is morn
benefitted than the manufacturer by the adoption
and maintenance of the protective policy. By way
of illustration—sUppose in a village there is one
manufacturing establishment of wollen goods; here
the surrounding farmers sell their wool and other
agricultural supplies; the manufacturer, having a
monopoly, regulates his own prices, as well as those
of the farmers--he demands what he pleases, and
gives what he will; but suppose a high protective
tariff on woollen goods is panned, end instead of ono
woollen factory there springs into existence five or
six in this village, the existing monopoly is at once
destroyed ; there is six times the demand for wool
and provisions; this increased demand necessarily
increases the price of every thing the farmer has to
sell, and by glutting the market with six times tiro
quantity of woollen goods the price is necessarily
reduced. Such aro the plain and obvious benefits
of the protective policy to the farmers; yet politi
cians would have them believe that they are oppres
sed and ruined by this policy, which can alone ten
der them prosperous.
MR. ♦.tN arwsn's OPINTONI ON TIE TAsprr.
r tm t hr•., sir, it map not be improprr t ?Nilotic