greet. We all know that. More than
thirty Whige voted against the Tarilr--- o u t
and nut sad after all it passed the House
by only one rotes and a good decal ut eclat
was supposed to attend it, and nu little
parade was made about some one Whig
who came forward to the rescue Is it wan
called) and cast that single vote. Now
had nut every tally, gentleman that single
vote—and did not the vote of your neigh
bor, the Representative from Middlesex
District, who vioed fur the 'tariff out and
wit, just it steadily as did the distinguish
ed gentleman who represented this Dis
trict, decided the question I Ile held the
Tariff in his hands just as absolutely as it
he had the Presidential veto.
In the Senate it passed by a single vote
again. Could the friends of a Tariff have
spared the two votes from Pennsylvania,
the one from Mr. Williams of Maine, and
that of Mr. Wright of New York, ? Let
us admit the truth, and a lawyer will do
that when it helps his cause. The truth
is far more favorable than such n►isrepre
sentattons. The truth is, a portion of the
other party came to the help of the Tata,
and an important truth it is; for I ask
you, as composing a part ot the indus
trious, hardy men of New-England, as
caring for your children and your liveli-,
hood, it you would wish such a great ob
ject as the Protection of your industry
made a mere party object—rising as party
rises, anti going to its grave as the party
goes down. It is a national question--
the utility of a Tariff of Protection—and
let all parties support it, because, though
I hope the ascendancy of the Whig princi
ples may be perpetual, yet I desire to
rake for the Tariff a bond anti security,
more durable than are my hopes of the
perpetuity of the Whig party.
Let us be true in another respect. This
Tariff has accomplished much. I honor
she members who passed it. But what
has it done/ It has restored the country
in regard to protection to where it was
before the operations of the Compromise
Act commenced, and it has done no more.
It has repaired the consequences of that
measure. I may speak of the Comprom-
Ise Act. My TURN to speak of it has at
list come. I can truly say that no mea
sure was ever passed which cost me so
much grief as that. We have heard the
motives of that act presented. Why if
by motives gentlemen mean the personal
motives of those principally concerned,
we deem them poor—all public men are'
supposed to act from pure motives, But
if we look at the professed objects of the
law--if we look at what is written on the
whole transaction—if we see what the law
expresses on its face—in these are its mu
tives—they are, as motives, still worse
than the operation of that act itself. It is
explained in its action--every like is full
of it—every circumstance attending it is
full of it ; the object was neither more nor
less than to impose for all time a restric
tion upon the Legislature in regard to
levying duties without any change of the
Constitution. It was in fact to insert a'
prohibibitory clause in the Constitution,
that after 1841 no duty shall be laid which
was not according to an observed hori
lontalism, and exceed 20 per cent. 1 say
naw, as I said then, that the principle is
false and dangerous; it admits a new
. feature into the administration of the gov
ernment and the laws, and the country,
only with a spasm and throe, can ever get
rid of it. Lisa n't it done this P Yet'
thank God it is got rid of. The present
Tariff Law is sufficiently discriminating,
holds to common sense, anti rejects the
principles of the Compromise Act /hope
forever.
Another and original object under the
revolution of 1840 was the restoration of
the currency of the country. Our troubles
did not begin with a want of money in the
treasury; they did not begin with the
operations of the Compromise Act, which.
commenced in 1933, and has been con
tracting ever since. There were ether
causes of the tro..bles, and while they re
mained, even if the Treasury had been
full, and the Tariff and the Protective
policy undisturbed, yet till provision was
made for a better currency, our universal
validity throughout the land, the great
cause would nut be removed.
At the Special Session of Congress the
St;:retary of the Treasury, Mr. Emma,
submitted to Congress a plan for a Na
tional Bank, founded upon the idea of a
large capital made up by private subscrip
tions and having the power to extend its
branches all over the country. I need
not advert to the circumstance of its pre
sentation to Congress. It had rectsiven
the approbation of the President and was
concurred in by every member of the
Cabinet as the hest that could be done;
for as we said circumstances had placed
in the first piece the gentleman whom we
thought good enough for the second—and
his opinions were different from ours but
fixed, & we deemed it the port of wisdom
and prudence to see how we could het along
as well as might be under the circumstan•
ces. Mr. Ewing's plan was sent to Con-'
gress as it has been described—except
the. the bank could not establish bran
ches in the States without the consent
of the Stales. Now I had no idea my
self that there was any necessity for
such provision—as it was at most mere
theory— though I never would agree in
any case with the doctrines that omis
sion to exercise a power is a surrender of
the power. What was done? Doubts
were expressed as to whether the institu•
Lion could Ig o into operation ; many were
doubtful as to obtaining subscriptions.
What did we do 1 We east to the com
mercial cities, the principal towns in the
cototry, and asked gentlemen of
Ov: tt , .” and eal)!ta! tb :Dose ell eon
suit with us about it. They expressed
doubts, but hopes also and pledged
themselves to du the best they could ; sad
as the community was interested iu it and
the administration was fresh and popular
—they were earnest to have the bill tried.
What was the result It was sent !o the
Senate and rejected. Another bill was
brought in—divested el this theoretic
difficulty, it was discussed two months
and then it was found it would not pass a
Whig Senate.
will nut pursue the unhappy narrative,
of the session of itil4 I. Men grew angry
land resentful. I saw the storm arising,l
and endeavored as far as I could, to hush;
it. I expressed my opinion freely to the,
two Senators from Al assachusetts, d '
ad
vised them to give men time to cool —to
let a conciliation take place, and harmony
'be restored if possible. I ant bound to
suppose my advice was not good ; it cer
tainly was not followed, and the conse
quences I need not tell ou.
The subject came up again at the last
session, and the President sent into Con
gress the plan of an Exchequer. The
measure received but little favor, and it
is necessary for me, lest the whole burden
of displeasure should fall on others, to say
that it met my hearty, sincere and entire
approbation.
Gentlemen, I hope I have not, during
my public life had an overweening con
fidence in my own judgment, or been un
willing to defer to the better judgment of
my friends. But there are some subjects
in which, I confess, I have seine respects
for my own feelings. The subject of the
currency has been the study of my life.
Thirty years ago, a little before I entered
the councils of Congress, the question of
the nature of a mixed currency and the
relation of specie in a currency became
with me a matter of consideration. And
I discovered a iiebate upon a motion in
troduced into Parliament by Mr. Vansit•
tart, during the suspension of the Bank of
England, and whilst her notes were 15
pm cent. below par, it asserted that the•
bank note was worth just as much as itH
face purported to promise: that the notes
had not depreciated, but that the bullion
had risen. Lord Liverpool, Lord Castle
reagh, Ml'. Ruse, and other members of
, Parliament espoused that side of the ques
thin ; and on the other side were arrayed
the strong reasoning powers soul the logic
of Homer, and the practical good sense of
me. Alexander Baring, now Lord Ashbur
ton. I confess that the study of these
papers made me a bullionist. 1 conclu
ded that paper notes could circulate safely
only while they continued to be redeemed
in gold and silver at the counter whence
they were issued.
'flue next year, Congress, at its session,
found the finances of the country in a de
plorable condition. I believe I had read
every valuable work on the subject on
either side of the Atlantic, and closely
observed the laws of paper currency as
exhibited during the different epochs in
this country, from 11311 to the present
time. I had exposed my opinions at vari
ous times in Congress, some of which haul
not been Islsified by subsequent events ;
and I must be permitted to entertain quite
as much confidence on that subject, in my
opinion, as in the flippant paragraph of a
newspaper, or the hasty ebullition of a de
bator. And l take the responsibility of
saying, that the measure then submitted
to Congress was the best and the only
measure for the adoption of Congress and
trial by the peope. lam ready to stake
my reputation—and it is all I have to
stake—upon it; and that if the Whig
Congress will take the measure and give
it a fair trial, within three years it will be
admitted by the whole American people
to have proved the most beneficial institu
tion ever established, the constitution
only excepted. Understand me ,take
it as it is—as it eagle from the con
sideration of the Cabiret, not as it was
after Congress had bu.gun to work upon it.
Fur when they struck out the power of
governing exchanges, it was not worth a
rush—not worth the parchment on which
the law would have been engrossed. The
great desire, the urgent necessity for this
country is a currency—facility of ex
change. You work for the people of Ala
bama—they plant 10r you, and you want a
common medium, to equalize debt and
credit with the same velocity as steam
transports men and machinery. Yuu have
not got it—you can't get it but by the au
thority and permission of the government'
—never, never. You want a large and
liberal provision for exchange, and with
out this you cannot reach the goal at
which you aim. I-low will you do it ? I
need not say by a Bank ut the United
States, based upon private subscriptions ;
for that is out of the question. The man
who pursues that follows an obsolete idea.
Suppose a law should establish a Bank,
with a capital of fifty millions ; who would
subscribe to it? what will vou give for at
share? It is entirely out of the question.'
Take it, then, fur purposes of local dis- 1
count—say in State street; do you want
this untaxed capital to make your dis•
counts ?
Well, what shall we ever have ? for I
repeat it, many gentlemen propose to do
nothing- —but to postpone everything till
the incoming of the Jews. Is nothing to
be attempted ? When the Exchequer was
presented to Congress, it was assailed
from all quarters. I believe one gentle•
man did get courage to say in its favour
that he did not know but alter all, by
some possibility, some good 'night came
of it. But it had many different classes
of opponents. Some said that it would be
a lifeless machine—it would not move at
all ; others said it would have by far too
tnse life ; it would att.mver Ole rtrpote of
its own creation—and that was to increase'
Executive power. One found it King
Log and the other King Serpent. One
i ndicted it as a territic i giant of enormous
I magnitude, striding over and crushing the
liberties of the country ; it would, there •
fore, bruit the Constitution, and there
lore therKvould oppose it.
These opposing arguments contratlic-1
tell, it they did not refute each other, and
'convinced me that theiplan could not be
'adopted, nor even temperately considered.
One was afraid to do •ne thing, lent he
!should break the Constitution, and ano•
Cher was afraid to to another, lest lie
should break it ; and so they did nothing.
One man would not vote for a bank which
!hail net power to establish branches, lest
he should break the Constitution.; and
another would not vote for one which had,
lest that should break it. They acted like
a boatman, who is the midst of rocks, and
shoals, and whirlpools, should refuse to
pull one stroke for his safety, lest he
: should break his oar. But they stood
looking forward to the time when restor.
eel confidence should enable the bank to
go into opperation. When will this be /
When prosperity returns to the country.
This is, when the emergency is over.—
Meantime they intend to do nothing to
save the ship from sinking till the chances
of wind and ware shall drive her safely
on the shore. That's the policy.
He is more sanguine than I am, who
can see any time when the Whigs of the
country will have inure power to work, to
effect the grand object—restoration of the
currency—than now. This very moment
—at the approaching session, the country
calls, in the loudest voice, upon the pa•
triot not to put off—not to postpone, but
to make use of the means in his hands.
Here is a measure to which the President
is pledged, and which his advisers approve.
Why not try it, and if it fails, let the Ad
ministration bear it. If you will not try
it, propose something else.
In the events which have happened, I
ought to say, and I will say, because since
I have begun, I will make a free commu
nication, as man to his fellow man, of my
that no one of my age, (and I
sin not among the youngest,) has written
and spoken more against the indiscrimi
nate use of the Veto power than I ; and
no man's opinion on that subject is more
,unchanged than mine. It is universally
known I suppose—and if not, it should
and shall be--that I advised against the
Veto in all and every case in which it has
been exercised by the President. (Repels.
tett cheers.)
But while I 'MC clone this, I am not
willing to give up this great object for
the sake of making up a case against the
President. I cannot sympathise with
(those Whigs, who, in full possession of
power for certain objects, attempt nothing,
and will attempt nothing, until they can
constitutionally get rid of the Veto. It
seems like a mockery of the expectations
of the Whigs of the country.
There is no probability that the Veto
power will ever be struck out of the Con•
stituti on altogether. There must be some
such restraint in this as in other eases.—
The people of New York have determin
ed that certain acts shall notibecome laws
without a vote of two-thirds, mid have thus
imposed upon themselves a similar re•
striction. The rule of the House can only
be suspended by a vote of two-thirds.—
The veto, then, is no greater restraint than
they lay upon themselves.
After all, the great objection to this
course recommended by some of my Whig
brethren is, that it is utterly hopeless.
Who expects to see the day when this res.
trictinn of the Veto shall be brought a
bout ? Before restoring prosperity to the
country, they must wait for an amendment
to the Constitution. I will not say that
this is trilling--but it is treating the inter
ests of the country with far too little re
gard.
I repeat, that now in the time, aid the
Whiga in tiongress are the men to accom
plish the great objects (or which the peo
ple, the il'hig people, baie striven for
the last ten years ; and till this is done
there can be an restoration of our former
prosperity ; and I say that, in my opinion,
the plan proposed last year will elrect that
result. If a mechanic makes a tool--an,
axe, a saw, a plane—and knows that its,
temper is good and the parts properly con
structed, tie knows it will answer the pur
pose for which it was constructed ; and I
know this well.
One other object—to which I will bare
ly allude--but which is one of so much
importance I cannot pass it by ; I mean
the mortifying stated the public credit of
this Country. l cannot help thinking that
it the Statesmen of past ages were again
to come among us; if Washington were
here, and John Adams, arid Hamilton and
Madison, they would be deeply concer
ned at the sad change that has come over
our public credit. . .
I am in a situation in which I am obliged
to read generally with pleasure, but not
always, communications from our agents
abroad. It is distressing to hear them
speak of the pain they feel at what they
see and hear said of American crebit.—
We have a stock loan, the present rate of
which is 125 to the silver dollar. Is there
nobody to make a movement in this mat
ter ? Is there r.ot a man in our councils
large enough, comprehensive enough, to
present the case before the American
People, and show them the inevitable con
sequence of this loss of public faith—of
public credit—l may say of our character
for morals and honesty I'
Some are CO indiscreet as to talk of rep
udiation. Repudiate a debt e Does rep
udiation pay a debt ? does it discharge the
debtor? Is not the law just as permanent,
an..l inflexible aril eaduring until the debt
GENERAL
MC
CONGRESS
ev5,.4...
DISTRICTS.
1 ti untiogiion,
2 Dublin,
3 Warriorsmark,
4 Allegheny,
5 L. Voodberry,
6 U. Woodberry,
7 Hopewell,
8 Barree,
9 Shirley,
10 Antes,
11 Alexandria,
12 Franklin,
1$ Tell,
14 Springfield,
15 Union,
16 Roxberry,
17 Tyrone,
18 Morris,
19 Walker,
20 West,
21 Tod,
22 Cromwell,
24 Fran kstown,
25 Blair,
26 Hollidaysburg,
28 Birmingham,
29 Snyder,
82
56
951
116
85;
631
1 - 71
Official Total,
23 Murrays Run,
27 Gaysport,
1908
20
Total
102&j
Harrison Democrats in It
loins districts no ticket
rejected by the return kith
gave (WO the votes pullet
the votes of these district
talk—
ts we.
.
d for
:to, as
is paid or discharged ? And is a debt not
always binding in the law and in morals ?
Our people should not deceive themselves.
Repudiation only adds a disreputable ac
knowledgement to the disability. It is
our duty, so far as it is in our power, to
rouse public feeling--to maintain and as
sert the beneficial influence of law and
morals, and preserve our faith and credit.
People say that the intelligent people of
Europe ought to distinguish between the
State and General Government. And so
they ought—and what then ? All govern
ment is of the people; and if the States
repudiate their debts and find no rebuke,
Europe may ;ask how lung will it be before
the National Government will, unrebu
ked repudiate her debts.
I do not say what the Constitution au
thorizes Congress to do—but only that if'
the principles recognized by that body be.
true, and the public land fund be really
the property of the States of the Union,
there is a beginning for some measure of
regular and Constitutional aid whereby
the States may save their credit and the
credit of the People.
I have :detained you to long. In my
judgment there remain certain important
objects fit to engage the attention of both
public and private men. Let me remind
you of the question with England—the
prosecution of the claims of our citizens
on foreign Governments--the question of
reciprocal treaties—the colonial trade--
the most absorbing subject of the national
credit and character. To these objects I
am ready to devote my life, either in pub
lic or in private station. %do not expect,
gentlemen, that much of public service
remains to be done by me. But I shall
be ready, for the promotion of these ob
jects, to act with sober men of any party,
and of all parties. There is danger that
patriotism in a warm party contest may be
merged into party feeling. I believe that
among sober men this conviction is grow
ing settled—fast growing settled, that the
great interests of the country require far
more moderate party feelings, more free
dom for public consideration--more hon
est and generous union of well-meaning
men of all sides to uphold the institutions
and the character of the country.
In the pursuit of these objects, in public
or in private, I am willing to perform the
part assigned to me, and to give it, with
hearty good-will and zeal, all that yet re
mains to me of strength and of life.
THE HUNTINGDON JOURNAL.
Huntingdon, Oct. 19, 1849.
"One country, one constitution, one destiny."
-- -
V. B. PALMF.R. Esq. (No. 104 S. 3rd St.
Philadelphia,)is authorized to act asAgent
for this paper, to procure subscriptions and
ad rertistnents.
(c:r IVatereo---at this office—an Ap
prentice. A buy from 14 to 16 years of
age, who can come well recommended,
may obtain a Good situation. No other
need apply.
lON RETURNS OF HU
SWUM Assnwair.
VS
1570'
9
'12235
V. 21
1.594 1
9
I 64
2273
21
1J
12219
21
181
15851
9
1 64
I
-1658
1667'
11.22761
—Loco)
!re rec
1231911525816421
'umbugs in Roman. There was
The 23rd District—Murray's
:el ved
b y
mer because they were not signed by the deo
'hest candidata., or in other words, for the Hu,
tppear on the tally papers returned and filed
[he lon
the hig
they a
HUNTINGDON COUNTY
D) 1 '
The Result.
GLORIOUS WC TORy:
It will be seen, by the official returns
published in another part of this paper,
that "Old Huntingdon" is redeemed.
Our whole county ticket is elected b 3
majorities ranging from about 250 to
1000.
The shallow Locofoco Humbug. under
the specious name of "The Workingmen's
Party," is "most essentially used up," as
the grand sachems of the Kickapoo tribe
'now freely admit. Geoltoe. It. 110 FAR
LANE, the Anti Tariff candidate for As
sembly, will perhaps never again emerge
out of the obscurity into which this elec
tion has thrown him ; and his "Humbug"
colleague, 'FHOT4AII Wissrow, is doomed to
share the same fate. Maj. STEEL leads
the ingrate JERRY nearly a thousand
votes.
Only 3829 votes were cast for Senator,
exclusive of two rejected districts, and
Elliott. majority is 641, being a large ma
jority, considering the smallness of the
I "turn out," but not sufficient to elect
him.
Blair's majority over Weston is 659;
and McWilliams' over McFarlane 688.
Steel's majority over Cunningham is 962.
Reed's over Dorland 257. Knox's over
Miller 683. Orbison's over Patton 600.
And Saxtoa's over Bumbaugh 1390.
The Locofocos exerted all their powers
to elect Eyer to the Senate and McFar
lane and Weston to the House of Repre
sentatives. But the result plainly shows
that Free Trade and Anti Tariff doctrines
cannot flourish on the soil or in the iron
works of Huntingdon county.
Considering all things, the hardy sons
of "Old Huntingdon" have done nobly!
The same "old coon" that terrified the
i poor Locofocos so awfully in 1840 isitill
here, but as we could not raise so loud a
noise this fall, we could not run him up so
high as we did then. %We repeat it--and
mark what we say, neighbor—the same
"old coon" is still living, and about these'
"diggins," with his tail curled up into a
real old fashioned "0. K."
trrThe Whigs and Antimasons have l
lost their Senator in this district; and
they hare none to blame for it but them
selves. IVe feel confident that there is a
majority of Harrison Democrats in the
district this day.
That Rooster:
W e expect to see our neighbor's
"rooster" strut most magnificently to•day,l
crowing over Eyer's election—that is, ill
thealoresaid "rooster" was not "seed up'•
with the Ilimbrig ticket. Ile are a real
true blue "democratic" chicken !
ITING
DON COO
,Try. REG
& RFO. Comm'a
--- 't 0.16.4.
I '
g
136!,
12376114141
1 27
31 1 S i
1 1 6S I
.12416114861
12033 1
I 191
,17761
101
65
2228 1
I 20 1
I 201
,2072
226&
no Li
Run
)cofoc
and tl
Lion of
rmbug ticket
in the Proth
ie 27
ti cers,
Oz!rOn account of the great length of
Mr. Webster's speech, and the Sheriff's
sales, we are obliged to omit several ar
ticles prepared for this paper.
o::7 — The results of the October elections
will be noticed next week. At present
we can only say that in this state we have
lost the majority in the Senate, and gain
ed considerably in the House. In some
of our strongest counties the "old coon"
has been completel t y skinned; arid in seine
of the heretofore unwavering Locoloco
counties the NVhigs have se cut Chap
tnan's "comb" that he has not been heard
to cross since.
Yesterday morning, by the Rev..' Peeb les.
Mr. TRobtAS DUNCAN to Miss ILLIZARKTIt
P. DORSET, all of this borough.
On Tuesday 4th inst., by the Rev. Henry
G. Dill Mr. SAMUILL QTLY to Miss LAVINA
BEYERS both of Hnntingdon county.
Suddenly, in this borough, on Sunday last,
ELLEN P., wife of A. K. Cornyn, Esq.
On Wednesday Oct. 12th at Barren Forge,
of Scarlet Fever, Miss ELIZABETH DORSET
GRZEN, eldest child of Gen. S. Miles green
—after an illness of not quite three days.
The deceased was 12 years 6 months and
20 days old—She was beyond her years, in
wisdom and piety—and died rejoicing in the
hope of a blessed immortality—Fxclainsing
almost in her last moments, that she had the
White stone in which a new name was
written, which no man knoweth save he that
receiveth it." COMXUNICATED•
In Hartslog Valley Huntingdon county,
on Thursday the 13th inst., Mrs Bassets
HOUSTON, aged 65 years.
(In the 11th inst., %Vltava 'Nut, eldest
Son •f John M. and Catharine J. Cunning
ham, aged 3 years 6 months and 25 days.
feu Friday evening the 7th inst., at Laurel
Spring Mills, of Scarlet Fever, JAMES AN
DERSON, son of John K. and Mary M'Calien,
aged 4 years and about ten months.
The deceased was an interesting and love
ly child—intelligent exceeding his age—act
his premature death is deeply regretted—
yet his friends have the consolatory reflec
tion that his spirit rests in the b )som of his
COMMUWICATED.
Saviour.
In the the Borough of Alexandria Hunting
don county Pa. on Tuesday the 4th inst.,
HENRY N . EF7 Esq. Postmaster at that place,
is the 44th year of his age.
As a citizen he was highly esteemed by .it
who knew him—as a husband and father ha
faithfully discharged all his relative duties.
He was a member of the Presbyterian
Church and as a Christian his walk and con
versation bore testimony of his heart being
deeply imbued with the spirit of Christ.—
He died wills a confident hope of hat fug an
interest in the Saviour, and an inheritance
Cousturitcallgo •
in heaven,
On Sunday the 16th inst. at the residence
of his father in Woodcock Vollev, after a long
and [severe illness, ENOCH GROVE, aged
19 years 8 months sad 3 clays.
It is consoling to the relatives of the de
ceased, to know, that he had made his peace
with God: that peace which enables the
obviation to exclaim "C), grave! where is
thy victory; 0, death! where is thy acing."
He bore his protracted sufferings with chris•
don resignation; firmly relying upon the arm
of Him who hits promised to be with his peo
ple in the hour of their utmost need,--al.
'hint time previous ta his death he celled
ITY,
1
842.
Conomun
Aran oft
3,)
43
6G
154'
19
10
1545
10
C 4
121101
21
20
15191
' 91
1 - I' --
1124851 915
1161P11218011591
lidate for Congress—and in
th District--Gaysport, were
and the latter because they
. We have, however, added
ionotary's office.
r:mn,