~~
VOL. VII, No. 41.]
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Mr. frebsterls Speech
AT FANNUIL HALL, BOSTON, SECT. 30.
Mr. Webster was introduced to the
audience by the Mayor, in a very neat
and tasteful Address, to which he replied
nearly as follows:
1 know not —I know not how it is, Mr.
Mayor, but there is something in the echo
Chese walls, or in the sea of upturned
;! faces which 1 see around toe, or in the
er,ius which always hovers over this
place, fanning into lit'e ardent and patriotic
!velum:4 With every motion of its wings—
,.
1 know not how it is, but there is some
thing that excites me strongly, deeply, too
ileeidy, to allow adequateixprestlio - n for
oty e Lions. It will not Lie doubted by
„you that this salutation, that this greeting,
Is a greeting telt here at the heart. Boston is
tiny home—my cherished home. It is now
.;ffliore than five and twenty years since I
cAne here, with my faintly, to pursue here
in this enlightened metropuls those objects
"both public and private, fur which my
studies and education designed to fit me.
It is twenty years since the intelligent
citizens of toston asked me to loan my
self to the public trust as their Represen
tative; and it gives me infinite pleasure to
see here tosday, occupying those seats
assigned to these gentlemen more advan
ced in life, not a low of those who were
originally instrumental in indicating the
course of life by which I hail endeavored
to serve the people of this town.
When the duties of public life have
withdrawn the from this my home--I have
felt nevertheless, attracted to the spot to
which all my local affections tended ; and
now that the progress of time must bring
about that period—even if it should not
be hastened by the progress of events—
when the duties of public life must yield
to coming advanced years—l cherish the
hope of passing among these associations
, and these friends what shall remain of my
lile when these public services shall have
ended which fur good or for evil are all the
inheritance I have to leave those w ho shall
come after me.
The Mayor has spoken kindly of my
public services; and especially of the re
sults of the negociation which has recently
• been brought to a close, and in which
was engaged. 1 hope, fellow citizens,
that something was done permanently
useful to the country. I present no por
. /moat claims of particular merit. I en
deavored to do my duty. I Wad a hard
summer's work—but I an not altogether
unused to hard work. I had many atm.
. .
ions days, and some sleepless nights.—
But it the results of my labors merit the
approbation of the country, I shall he
richly rewarded, and my other days will
be happier, as my other nights will give
still sweeter repose. 1 sought to disperse
IY,' the clouds which threatened a storm be
tween England and America. For several
years past there has existed a clues of
questions, which did not always threaten
war, but which never assumed the aspect
of permanent peace.
The highly lamented person —to whom
so just a tribute was paid by the Mayor —at
-his inauguration of President in 1841,
called me to the place I now occupy; and
though 1 know it is in bad taste to speak
of ones self, yet among my friends and
neighbors here I will say a woid or two if
you please. I had the pleasure of seeing
him on several occasions at his house and
elsewhere. I have never made any boast
of the confidence the President reposed in
me, but circumstances, hardly worthy of
serious notice, have rendered it proper
that 1 should sty that as soon as General
Runyon was elected President of the
United States, without a word from me 1
upon the subject, he wrote to me inviting
me to take a place in his Cabinet, leaving
me to choose, and asking my advice as to
the persons I would wish associated with
me. He expressed rather a wish that I
should take the department of the Tree
_ s.nry . ; because, he was pleased to say, he
knew I had paid some considerable atten
tion to currency and finance; and he felt
th it the wants of the country—the neces
sity of the country on the subject of cur
rency and finances wets among the causes
which had produced the revolution—that
revolution which hail resulted in placing
him.in the Presidential chair.
It so happened that 1 preferred another
-
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place—that which I now occupy. 1 felt
all its responsibility; but I can say trul3
and correctly, that whatever attention
had paid to currency and finance, I felt
more competent to carry on other concerns
lof the Government; and I was not willing
to undertake the daily drudgery of trade.
I was not disappointed in He. era , :!,
that existed in our toreign tsl itio, ;,.•
whole danger was at no tun, pe.,l
veloped ; but the cause of the d7th:
knew—and I knew that an outbreak
seemed to be at hand. I alluded to that
occurrence to which the Chairman at laded
which took place during the year 1841,
with which was connected the name of
Alexander McLeod. A year or two be
fore the British Government had authori
sed a military incursion into the territory
of the United States,— to destroy a steam
boat alledged to be employed by a power
hostile to the peace of her Majesty's terri
tory in Canada. The act was avowed by
the British Government as a public act.
Alexander McLeod ; a person who indi
vidually receives and deserves no regard
or sympathy, happened to be one of the
agents who in military character performed
that act ; and coining into the United
States some time afterwards he was arres
ted by the authorities of New York on a
charge of homicide and held to trial as for
a private felony.
Now, gentlemen, according to my ap
prehensions, a proceeding of that kind
was directly adverse to well settled and
well received principles of public law:
and of all others likely to arouse the in
dignation, not only et the Government,
but also of the people of the country ag
grieved. So it would have been with us.
If a citizen of the /Irked States, under
the orders of his government, and as a
military man, obeys an order which he
must obey or be hanged, should find him- 1
self in the territory of the power against
which the supposed crime was committed,
and should be seized and tried as an
vidual for that crime, there is not a man .
among us who would not cry out for re
dress and vengeance. Any elevated
Government, in a case where one of its
citizens, in performance of his duty
should be seized and sought to be made
answerable, every elevated Government,
I maintain, would say, " I am responsible
for this act ;" as in the story of Nisus and
Kuryalus, she would exclaim--
" Adsu m qui feci—in me convertitc ferrum."
Now, gentlemen, when the despatches
of the British Government first reached
this country—though I do not think it
useful nor important to say much of them
—yet if you all knew their contents, you
would see that the commercial interests
of the country, the shipping interests of
this city must have been crushed at once.
This crisis I thought 'could be averted ; in
the first place by upholding the acknowl
edged principles of public law, and in the
next place, by demanding an apology for
whatever against these principles of law
had been done by the British Government.
Let us put ourselves right in the first
place, and insist that they shall do right
in the next place.
When in England in 1839, I happened
to be called on to address a large assembly
of English persons, and in alluding to the
relation of things between the two coun
tries, I stated there what I thought, and
what I now think, of any point in contro
versy which might terminate in war be
tween the United States and England, and
to the result of such a contest declaring
I that the only advantage which either
would enjoy, would he in possessing the i !
right of the cause. With the right on oar
side we area match for England.• With
the right on her side she is a match fur us
—and for any body. In all the dare. eases i l
between nations and in a fn,al jod4mentl
upon them, a great new elt Inv r,P hind C.ltel
into the constitution of the tribunal ; I .
mean the tribunal of the public opinion of.
the world ; a nation will not go to war
now, either with the consent of her sub
ject. or people unless the grounds and
reasons are enough to justify her in the
general judgment of the world. The in
fluence of civilization, the influence of
commerce, and above all the influence of
that heavenly light which shines over
Christendom, restrain men—restrain
princes and people from gratifying an
inordinate love of ambition through the
bloody scenes of war; and as has been
wisely and truly said, every settlement of
national differences between Christian
States, by reasonable negociation and on
the principles of public justice, is it new
tribute to, and a new proof of the benign
influence of the Christian creed.!
In regard to the terms of this treaty, in
regard to the matters Made subjects of
discussion, it is somewhat awkward for
me to speak, because the treaty and cot.-
respondence have never been aathenticully
published. But I persuade myself that,
when the whole shall be calmly consider
ed, it will be found that at least there has
been manifested a good disposition to
maintain every just right of the country
and every point of honor on the one side,
"ONE COUNTRY, ONE CONSTITUTION, ONE DESTINY."
HUNTINGDON, PENNSYVANIA, WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1842
and to set a proper value upon lasting
peace, between us and the greatest com
mercial nation in the world, on the other.
Gentlemen, while I thus acknowledge
the compliment you have paid we, 1 have
an agreeable duty to perform tuwaids
(idlers. In the first place. I have eat
wring testimony is tine u•
',! o maniiested try the
~! thiit,tl States, and to his
.insk,us desire, in the whole
negociaimii, to bring it to a successful
termination ; and it gives me great plea
sure to acknowledge now, as 1 shall ever
acknowledge while I live, my obligations
to him for the unbroken and steady coal-,
deuce which he imposed in me. (lie ne
goviator for the United States, if troubled,
and jealous, and distrustful, would indeed
have been an unequal match for the cool
and sagacious representation of one of the
most powerful and proud nations of Eu
rope,—possessing to the fullest extent,
the confidence of his Government, and
the authority to bind it, in any course to
which it might agree.
I shall never forget the frankness and
generosity with which, after . a long inter
view in which suggestions were exchan , '
zed on both sides . With the utmost freedom,
and liberality, I was told that upon my
shoulders, and in nay discretion, rested
the ultimate decision of every question at
issue between the two nations.
I desire to acknowledge, as [ do with
hearty cordiality, the aid I received' from
he other genil,men concerned in the ittl•
ministration of the government. I may
here say what I have said in a more offi
cial manner, that the highest respect is
due to the Commissioners of Maine and
Massachussetts, fir their cordial co.ope•
ration—their faithful adherence to the in
terests of their own States, mingled with
a • ust consideration of what was due to
the general government. And I hope I
shall not trespass on the proprieties of the
occasion, if I speak of the happy selection
made by the government of England, in
the servant sent en this mission of peace ;
—who though steadily pursuing the inter.
ests of his own government, yet possesses
large and liberal views, with a strength
and weight of character which would cause
everything to which he should agree, to
receive the approbation of the whole peo
ple;—intimately acquainted with the re
lation of the two countries, and always
acting with strtct integrity towards the
people and government of the United
States. lem sure he will find his work
received with commendation at home, and
if peace should be made, with congratula•
tions for having been- instrumental in ma
king arrangeMent satisfactory and desi
rable, not only to our party, but to all
parties—for making arrangement honor
able to both nations, as all just arrange.
ments are,—and which he may well con
sider the greatest labor of his life.
I hardly know whether it is proper on
this occasion to advert to the correspon
dence; but when it shall appear with the
discussion of other important.questions—
for the occasion was sought there to treat
upon subjects at great moment and con•
cern—when those shall be before the pub
lic and shall be calmly and thoroughly
read, I shall venture to trust their judge
ment concerning them.
There yet remains, gentleman, in our
foreign relations several subjects of con
siderable interests yet unsettled with En
gland. In the first place there is the
important subject of our colonial trade, or
the trade of the United States with the
Northern British provinces and the M , est
Indies. It became my duty to Junk into
this subject—to keep the run of it, as we
say, from 1859 to the present ten, I
WHO CiltiSirdirled to know,
that tie operation of that artaligemeut
unfavorable in the shipping mill navigation
of ihr Bates, especially of New
Eugi to I.
It is an important subject for the exer
tions of diplomacy or for the consideration
of Congress--one or both. Congress cal
led upon the department in which 1 am.
for information, and a respectaule 1:oto,
inittee of the House of Representatives
presented a report upon the subject. It
is one which I hold to be of vital impor
tance to our navigation and to the interests
of the nation.
Then there is the question, somewhat
more remote, but which it will be well
enough to settle ; I mean the Oregon
Bouralary towards the Pacific and the
Rocky mountains. There are reasons
why this dispute should be settled before
the country itself is peopled on one side or
the other. The relations of other States
require attention; and many of our citi•
zens have claims of indemnity which re
quire prosecution. It becomes the Gov
ernment of the United States, by a calm
and dignified but decisive and vigorous
tone to administer her foreign affairs sci
as to ensure a just arrangement in these
_ ...
respects. .
Gentleman, I am here to day as a pest.
I was invited by a numberuf highly valued
fiends to partake with them of a public;
dinner, for the purpose of giving them an
opportunity to pass the usual greeting of
friends now met alter sonic absence, to
pay their respects to my public services,
and to tender their congratulations at the
result of the Hewn:A:Awns jest concluded.
It eas at my instance that this festival,
from a dinner, took its present form ; and
instead of meeting you at the festive
board, I choose, for obvious reasons, this
public manner. Still, gentlemen, its gen
eral character is preserved, and I am here
as a guest. lam here to receive your sa
lutations and greetings on particular sub
jects. lum not here under an invitation,
or 'an expectation, that I should address
the gentlemen who have been pleased to
meet me here on topics not suggested by
yourselves. It Mould not benefit the oc
casion, therefore, in my opinion, that I
should use time occasion for any such pur
pose; because, although I have a desire
at some time, not far distant I hope, to
make my sentiments known upon the po
litical occurrences of the country genes-'
ally, and the political state of the nation
and of parties at the present moment, yet
I know well that it would be improper for
me to do so now, because I know well that
the gentlemen who have WI Nen to invite •
me here on this occasion, entertain, man)
of them, opinions different from myself ;
ani they might properly say, we came
here to greet Mr. Wansmit, and to extend
our congratulations, mm those matters in
which we agree; and we did nut come
with the expectation that he would use
the opportunity to discuss questions on
which we (litter.
On that account, and for that reason, I
shall forbear, thinking it my duty so to
do; and abstaining from using this occa
sion for the purpose of expressing my own
opinions and of stating how lar I agree
with friends with whom I have acted for
years, and how far I am most reluctantly
constrained to differ from them, I look for
ward to a future occasion, if such should
• be offered, for the opportunity of fulfilling
this promise.
I will say one thing, gentlemen, because
it has been alluded to. The Mayor has
been kind enough to say that, ht hia judg•
inent, having discharged the duties of the
Department in which I have acted is a
manner satisfactory to the country, I
'night safely be left to take care of my
own honor and reptvation. I suppose he
meant to say that in the present di•tracted
state of the IVltig party, and in the con
trariety of opinion which prevails (tf,
there he a contrariety of opinion) as to
the course proper to be pursued by me—
the decision of that guys' i n 'night be left
to myself. lam exaely of his opinion.
(Loud and repeated cheers.) 1 am quite
of his opinion, gentlemen, that, is a clues.
two touching my own honor or Ge con
sistency of my own character, as r ant to
bear all the consequences of the decision,
I might a deal better be trusted to make
it. And though, mmtlemen, no man val
ues more highly titan I do the • advice ~f
my friends, yet on a question so impor•
taut and of such a nature as this, I like
to choose the friends to advise me ; and
on this whole subject, with this reference,'
I shall leave you just as enlightened as I
found yon. I give no pledge: I make no,
intimations, one way or the other; and I
will be absolutely free, when this day
closes, to act as duty calls, as I was when
its dawn first broke upon me. (Repeated
cheers.)
Gentlmen, there is a delicacy in this
case—because there is always a delicacy
in speaking of dillerences With friends;
but no embarrassment—No em-
If I see the path of duty
me, I trust 1 have that within
e wi,ich will citable me to pursue it, and
'brow all embarrassment to the winds.—
A public man has no occasion to be em
barrassed, if he is honest. He himself-his
own reclines are nothing ; his country
and his public duty are everything, and
he should sink whatever is personal to
himself in lar higher considerations;--
these are the characteristics that mark us
as great or as little men.
There were many persons in December,
1841, who found great objections to myl
remaining in the President's Cabinet.- -
You all know, gentlemen,' that twenty
years of honest, I do not say of efficient
service, or not altogether undistinguished
service in the Whig cause had scarcely
prepared tne for an outpouring such as sel
dom proceeds from Whig friends, against
Nv or against any body. lam a little
hard to be coaxed, 11.1111 a great deal harder
to be driven. I choose to act from my
own judgment ; and thinking that 1 was
in a post where I could render service to
my country, I staid there ; and I leave
you this day, and I leave my country to
say, whether this country would have been
better off if I had gone also.
I have no attachment to office. I have
tasted its sweets, but I have also tasted
its bitterness. lam content; and I ac
knoulAge I am anxious to preserve the
Rood I have than to run risks fur new ac
quisitions in public life. I suppose I
emelt to pause here. I surprise I right
not to allude, and I will not, to anything
further that inertly concerns myself.
Gentlemen, a very respectable Conven
tion, a most respectable Convention, as•
sembled here some ten days ago, and
passed some important resolutions.—
neve is no set of gentleman, so far as I
know, for whom I entertain more respect
and regard. They are Whigs; —but they
are no better ‘Vings than I am. They
have served their country in the Whig
ranks—and so have I--quite as lung,
though, perhaps, with less ability and suc-
cess. They were sent hither, as 1 sup
pose, to agree upon one whom the Whigs
of Massachusetts should support for Gov
ernor and Lieutenant Governor. If their
power extended beyond that, I have not
seen their commission. If they hail au
thority to speak in the name of the Whigs
of Massachusetts, for other purposes or
interests, I was not acquainted with that
power. And in acting further it seems to
me they were a little inconsiderate.
Among other resolutions, they declared,
in behalf of all the Whigs of the Com
monwealth, a full and final seperation
form the President of the United States.
If these gentlemen said this for the ex
pression of their own opinions, to that
extent it is good. Whigs sp ak their sen
timents every where,—and they have a
perfect right to do it here. But it becomes
quite another question, when they assume
to represent other characters, and to speak
on other po'nts than those on which they
werr authorized to speak. lam a Wine.
always have been one—and I always.
SWALL he one—(-epeated cheers)—and if
anybody undertakes to turn me out of the
pale of that communion—let him see to
it who gets out first? lam a Massachu
setts Whig—a Ponytail Hall Whig—Laos
thing her air now for more thantwenty
five years, and meaning to breathe it on
this spot, so long as Grid shall be pleased
to give me lik.
1 accept the decision of a Whig Con
vention for peeper purposes; for I know
that only through such bodies, and such
organization, great public good can be ob
tained. But it is quite another question
alien a Convention, acting upon the im
pulse of the moment, decides upon qua-
mans which have never been submitted to'
their arbitration at all. A full and final
• separation they declare, between the
gigs or Massachusetts and the Presi
dent of the United States. This text
reads a commentary ;, —what does it mean?
The Phresident has yet three years of
his term unexpired. Does the resolution
mean that during that three years all the
measures of his administration shall be
opposed by the Whigs of Massachusetts--
right or wrong ? Great public interests
require his attention—those to which I
alluded. It the President of the United
States should make an earnest and serious
effort to effect flivorably the navigation of
the country, to regulate the question of
British Colonial trade, shall all the Whigs
of Massachusetts separate from him and
refuse their aid ? (Cries of Nom—
Well, I say rod II the President direets
the proper department to review the
whole commercial regulations of the link
ted States, to take deeply into considers=
tion that recipnitity in our direct trade to
which so much tonnage is now sacrificed
—and the proper measures shall be sug
gested and adopted by him, shall all the
11 . hugs of Massachusetts separate from
and oppose him? Look, gentlemen, at the
question. Do you know that now a great
proportion—more than one-half—of the
carrying trade, the transportation, for
instance, of goods between Brazil and the
United States, is carried on by the ton
nage of Northern Europe, in cuusequence
tit the ill considered riciprocity treaty ?
As well might we admit them to share our
coasting trade. We give them the right,
without the shadow of advantage in re•
turn, to take the bread front our children's
mouths and give them unto strangers. I
ask you, sir, (turning to a gentleman on
his right,) as a shipping merchant if this is
not true.
Well, is every measure of this kind to
be postponed or rejected—until these
three years become expired, and as many
more as shall elapse belore the time when
Providence shall bless the W lugs with
more power to do good than they have
now
Again, the various eepartments of the
Government employ persons who are sup.
posed to be good Whigs—holding of
—Collectors—and other Custom House
Officers—Postmasters, District A tt orneys,
Marshals, - &c. ; what is to become of
them in this separation? Are they to be
forced to resign, or will you give them in-,
vitation and pro:ocation to reign? Our
disting,nished tellow•citizen who dues so
high credit to himself and to his cuantry
in upholdin; the interests and honor of
his nation at the• Cocrt at London ! is he
expected to come home and /kid his
place to his predecessor or some one t Ise?
And the individual who addresses you:
where do his brother Whigs intend to
place hint? Generally when e. divorce
takes place the rarsys c'.7titie the chl•
[WitoLE No. 351
dren ; I should be glad to know where
am to go!
But I would not treat the matter lightly
or severely. I know that at such conven
tions resolutions are never considered
with any degree of deliberation. They
are passed as they are presented. Who
the gentlemen were who brought in these
resolutions I do not know. I dare oar
they were respectable persons ; but • I
doubt very much whether they had any
very definite meaning in their resolutions,
or whether they very clearly perceived
what little they had. They were angry—
! resentful—desirous to make out a string
of charges against the President sort of
of indictment and they concluded by
pronouncing the penally—a full and final
separation.
Now, gentlemen, I do not look upon
this without precriving that they had a
bearing, whether intentional or uninten
tional, upon my proceedings ; and there
fore I thought proper to take notice of
them. There are sonic topics on which it
Is my fortune to diMr st ith my NV big bre
thren ; but I dare say they are right , and
/ know that I am right in entertaining
these opinions, and in expressing them if
Ido entertain them. They are disposed
to postpone all attempt to do good to sums
future and uncertain occasion. Now the
IVhigs have a majority in each House of
Congress, a strong majority, and, in my
opinion, the time to do good is Low; that
now should be accomplished whatever re.
mains to be done. There ire persons of
more sanguine temperament than /.---
" Confidence," says Mr. Burke," is a
plant of slow growth ;" and it is true
when applied to public measures as well
as to public men. Some peop!c can see
distinctly when the Whigs will have more
power, and a better chance fur serving
their country. Beyond the present, ler
on in the future, these men see milder
skies and halcyon 'seas ; the fogs and dark
ness which blind other Men, dim not their
vision in the least.
Now it was not any easy work to ac
complish what we have already attained.
The %Vides tiled it long—they tried it
in 1840 and succeeded, nut nut without la
bor. 1 do not believe they will find it
easier now; and I know that nothing but
union--and by that I mean a cordial, sym
pathising paternal Union--can prevent the
1 Whig cause from prostration. /t is not—
' and 1 say it in the presence of the win Id
—it is not lay isemitut e and pat tial, 'lnd
, especially by proscription and deauncia
,, ting proceedings, that this great Whig
family can be united.. Do they not know
that they came into power as a party made
up of different opinions? What did the
country expect front these complex opin
ions? Here were extreme State Rights
notions—extreme Federal notions—exces
sive Tariff and excessive Anti-Tariff no
tions—What did the country expect?
That they should come together in n
spirit of harmony, of conciliation, of unity
and sympathy- - and that they should seek
to agree and not to widen the breach. In
this ley the hope of saving the country
front the ruinous measures which at that
time threatened its prosperity. The .
whole history of the revolution of 1840
preaches conciliation, and forbearance.
and kindness, and friendship, and sym
pathy, and union.
Gentlemen, if I understand the matter,
there were four or five great objects for
which the revolution was undertaken. In
the first plies, one great object was the
attempt to establish a permanent peace
between the United States and England ;
for though we had no war, we had per
petual agitation and disturbance. W hat
should tie do? We needed men capable
of knowing the future, aid of calculating
with a degree of certainty the chance tar
a permanent settlement. The accom
plishment of this must be regarded as one
of the most important objects ; and I ant
glad if it proves acceptable to the country.
The next question was concerning rev
enue; the country was deficient in reve
nue. It was a fact, a notorious fact, that
the late administration exceeded their
receipts by their expenditures, thus run.
meg the country in debt, and the Gov
ernment was fuund in debt. Under the
operations of the Compromise Act, the
revenue was diminishina. Now this rev
olution hail for one object, therefore, the
supply of the revenue, and 1 hope and be
lieve that to a reasonable extent that ob
ject has been answered.
Aud then the great interest of Protec
tion— as incidental or consequent on
Revenue—or maintained by means of
levying duty by tevenue. As to that
• mutt has been dune; and it will be timid I
' thiak that enough has been done and all
1 the Whigs fur its support deserve my
' 1 thanks and vie hearty p,ratiluile. But
r let us be just—let us be just. The
French rhettetrians hues. a iiinziot that
t nothing can be beautiful that is nut
! true: and 1 am afraid we shell see that
: much nt one juvenile oratory will stand
i the test of this criticism. It is not true
a that the raejmily of the Whigs could be
• i Vvre !: t - ae , r ef :t in ei:.ilet l-,n;;;I• or t.:e:-..