From the Newark Daily Advertiser.
Letter From Gen. Scott.
The following circular letter from Major
(irn Scott has been handed to us for publi
cation. It has been drawn from him, we
understand, by numerous letters from va
rious parts of the Union, including applica
tions from the citizens of New Jersey, as
king his opinion concerning the politics of
the day.
WASIIINGTON, Oct. 25, 1841.
Gentlemen;—l have lately had the ho ,
nor to receive many letters from as many
different States, each propounding, on the
part of the writer and his neighbor, nearly
the same political interrogatories—to
which answers are requested.
The scope of the inquiries is a flatter
ing proof of the interest that some of my
countrymen take in the opinions that 1
have formed on certain great principles of
abiding importance to the success of our
system of government ; and as I have
nothing to conceal, if nothing of value to
communicate, 1 shall, at once, without
political reserve, and in the form of a cir
cular, comply with their several requests.
Party Po/tam—Although from early
manhood, I have, by the profession of
arms, in the defence of our country, been
thrown ont of the arena of party politics,
yet I have never ceased to be an attentive
observer of public events, and thus, I be
lieve, there has scarcely been a discus
sion of moment in Congress, within my
time, on which I did not form, and mod -
istly but firmly, express a passing opin
ion.
A mere youth, I felt the liveliest joy
when the alien and sedition laws expired
in the triumph of Mr. Jefferson. From
1806, I was old enough, by speech and
pen, to call for a prompt and energetic re
dress of our wrongs suffered from Great
Britain, under her orders in Council, the
attack on the Chesapeake frigate, and
long continued impressment of our sea
men; and when the war of 1812 at length
came, 1 was among the first and longest
in the presence of the foe, The insults
received from the French Directory—
their deptadations on our commerce, re
newed under Napoleon's decrees, (Berlin
and Milan) which •followed the British
Orders in Council, also largely shared in
my indignant reprobabion.
_ _
- The Adminis . trations of Mr. Madison
and Mr Monroe like that of Mr Jefferson,
had in their respective periods, my hum
ble, but hearty approbrtion; and I have
ever since censured nothing in either but
the sale of a part ; nil the dismantling of
triir Navy; the gun-boat system of defence
that followed, and the indefinite embargo
which, crippling us for war, by destroy
ing our commerce and finances, and op•
pressing agriculture, wars long continued
without redressing one outrage from a•
broad.
give this little sketch of the growth
of my party feelings or opinions—unim
portant, perhaps, except to myself and a
few partial friends, to show that, if I have
never been a Federalist, in any party
sense of the term, so neither have I been
a Jacobin, an impracticable, or abstrac
tionist, in any sense whatever, 'out always
an old fashioned republican, devoted to
the support of law and order; a democrat
ic Whig just as all my family hail been
Whigs in the great struggle for national
freedom and independence.
The Judiciary.—From an early and
long continued study of elomentary
my mind has ever been imbued with deep
reverence for the Bench—State and Fed
eral; an independent department in our
system of government, and which, hold
ing neither the Purse to corrupt, nor the
Sword to terrify, addresses itself only
with the mild force of pursuasive reason,
to the intelligence and virtue of the whole
community. By the Federal Constitu
tion, every safeguard is provided to shield
its Judiciary against fleeting prejudice,
political rancor, arid party dependence, to
which legislators and the Executive a..e.
unavoidably, directly and constantly ex%
posed. Hence, "to the one Supreme
Court" is widely extended ~ by "appellate
jurisdiction") "all cases in law and equi
ty, arising under this Constitution, the
laws of the United States and tei ritories
made, or which shall be made under their
authority."
Looking to this express provision, I
have always held that when a doubtful
question, arising under the Constitution
itself, the supreme law of the land; under
an act of Congress or a treaty, has once
been solemnly adjudicated by that Court,
the principle of the decision ought to be
taken, by all, as definitively settled; un•
less, indeed, it be upon a re-hearing be
fore the same tribunal. This appears to
me too clear for disputation; for the court
is not only declared to be supreme, arid
hence can be no bench beyond it ; but to
Congress is only g;ven the power to con
stitute inferior tribunals. By appeals to
the Supreme Court, a settlement was in.
tended to be reached, and anarchy, thro'
a long distraction of the public mind, on
great questions of legislative and execu
tive power, thus rendered impossible. Prac
tically, therefore, for the people, and espe
dally their functionaries, to deny, disturb
or impugn principles thus constitutional! y
established, strikes me as of evil example,
if not of a direct revolutionary tendency,
except indeed, in the case of a judicial
decision enlarging power and against lib
erty; and any dangerous error of this
sort can be always easily corrected, (and
should only be corrected) by an amend
ment of the Constitution, in one of the
modes prescribe by that instrument itself
—the organic law of the States and the
people. itAisconstructions of the law, oth
er than the Constitution, are yet more
readily corrected by amendatory or de
claratory acts of Congress.
The Executive Yelo.—Thistir the fra
mers of the Constitution, could only have
been designed-1, To enable the Pres-
Intent to defend his own rightful powers
!against usurpations on the part of Con
gress, 2, To enable hitn to forbid other
legislative infractions of the Constitution;
and 3. •ro guard the country against other
acts of hasty or violent legislation.
It is hardly possible to conceive a case
under the first or second of these heads,
against which the Judiciary—the balance
wheel of the system—does not aflOrd, of
itself, all the security that the people can
require.
But without the protection of either the
!lentil or the Veto, would the executive
department (become so super-judicial of
late years) be too weak to fulfil the
strictly executive functions for which it
was more particularly created? Or rather,
would not that department be the most
powerful for evil in the government?
The President is under the checks of
the constitution and law, rightfully inves
ted with the powere of the Sword, and he
has again and again had that of the Purse
also. 'the Houses of Congress, it is true,
lay taxes, for imports and regulate the
sales ot the public domain, but it is he
(thro' his agents) handles the proceeds.
From 1833 to 1836, to say nothing of the
present, he alone nominated and dismis
sed all the agents who kept as well as
those who collected, distributed and dis
bursed the public revenue. The apothegm
—make us your executor: we care not who
are your legiseatotw has a frightful ap
plication to such small agents and the
immense treasure that anually passes
through their hands
The rapid increase and spread of popu
lation; the growth of national wealth, the
amount of revenue collected and disbur
sed; the new relations, by the extension
of commerce, with foreign countries; the
additional appointments at home and
abroad; the number and value of contracts
—all constantly and necessarily on the
increase; a general decay in morals, per
haps as great in Congress as elsewhere;
the habit that we have seen prevail during
several Presidential terms—of filling pub
lic offices with but little or no regard to
moral standimr -- - - -tiave, taken together, al
ready opened to the head of the govern
ment elements of power and corruption
which it was impossible for the framers
and adopters of the constitution to fore
see or to conceive. Who, at that dis
tant day, for example, ever dreamed of
the spectacle which have recently disgus
ted every honest citizen, of post masters,
mail contractors. mail rents, and census
takers covering the land with pamphlets,
handbill, and extra gazettes, sufficient, if
read, to sap the morals, public and pri
vate, of an entire government? of the cus
tom house mercenaries in the large cities,
living on the public, neglecting every du
ty (or party meetings and the polls, and
rendering to power the most bribe worthy
services. Of district attorneys and col
lectors, rambling missionaries, defending
every abuse of office--their own the most
indecent—in order to maintain power in
the hands of their patron? All who have
reflected on the foregoing facts mnst be
ready to affirm—that Executive patron-',
age "has increased, is increasing, and
ought to be diminished."
I hope then, by an early amendment of
the constitution, to see a reduction of the
President's veto. The regulation of pat
ronage would properly follow.
'There can be no good reason why the
veto should not `ie overcome by a bare ma
jority in each house of Congress, of all
the members elected to it—say for the
benefit of reflection, at the end ot ten days
from the return of the bill. An amend.
ment to this effect would still leave the
President—the general representative of
every State and district, armed with the
votes of all the members, absent at the
moment, front the respective Houses, and
there will always be some members ab.
sent from both.
Rotation in offiee.—The inquiry under
this head, is not definite in any letter be
fore me. It is however, presumed to re
fer—l. 'Co governors and secretaries of
territories and some of the governors there
in; district attorneys; collectors, survey
ors, and naval officers of the customs, mar
shale. postmasters, whose commiss:ons a•
mount to a $lOOO per annum; navy agents,
registers, registers and receivers of land
offices, surveyors general of land, and In
dian auents—all of whom are by law, ap
pointed for a term of four years; but sub
ject by express enactment (except the
judges) to be removed at pleasure; 2. To
a high class of civil officers, next to the
chiefs, in the executiue departments at
t ashington; other high functionaries—
foreign ministers, secretaries of legation
and consuls; post masters, whose coin,
missions amount to less than a thonsand
dollars per annum; superintendent of In
t ;an affairs, Indian sub-agents, &c.
all appointed without limitation as to term
yet subject in practice, not by express
law, to be also removed at pleasure; and
3. To the assistants allowed by law to
very many of the principles included a.
bove, which assistants are generally cal
led clerks, some of them, deputies, ap•
praisers, weighers, gaugers, sub-inspec•
tors, store keepers, light house keepers,
&c. &., all appointed and subject to remo
val, as under the second head.
I ars asked, whether, in my poor opin•
ion, all these functionaries, amounting to
many thousands, or any of them, ought to
be periodically superseded by original ap
pointmentsl If yes— 11 hen , And if a
part only--If &left
We hare seen that a great number of
flees are filled for a term of years, and
more without any limiaation as to term.
I, however, can draw no line of just dis
tinction between the claims of the two
Iclasses upon the favor of country or gov
lernment.
Premising, that regular periodical chap.
ges in the subordinate servants of the coup
fry merely for the sake of change, would
necessarily swell executive patronage,
already too much swollen—l am obliged
to add that I more than doubt, on other
grounds, the policy and justice of such
changes. I. Because, for the able and
prompt execution of public business, much!
official experience, in a great number of
From the New York Express.
particular stations, is known to be neces-
WasmiNnTos, 15th Nov. 1841.
sary; 2. Because many office holders, ap
pointed under even reckless administra- To the Editors of the New York Express,
twos, such as we have seen, will always, the same paper my old friend Mr.
after a time, be found of tried integrity Dwight printed a spell ago.
and of equal industry and abilities: S. Be_ Ma. Enrrons :--
cause, again, some may be found in a state I tell'd you in my last letter that Capt
or honorable poverty, the result no less of in. Tyler had gone to Virginny—and that
stern integrity, than of a long and exclu - w hilst he was gone, I was to put all the
sive devotion to the interests of the pub_ Bank plans into my fanning mill and
lie, and 4. Because to remove such ser- blow the chaffed the clear corn. Well,
vants, or not to re-appoint them, at the this has been no fool of a job I can tell
end of a term would not only discourage you, for out of more than a two bushel
successors in a faithful discharge of duty basket of plans, there aitit more than a
but could not fail to outrage the moral Food double handfull of solid clear corn
sense of entire communities. I speak on left.
this head, from what I witnessed in 1829 Captain Tyler has now got back from
--SO, of the cruel experiment, on a large Virginny, and when I showed him my
scale, then made upon the sensibilities of siftings--..we11" says he "Major your
the country, and the mischiefs to the pub. mill has made a small matter on't any
lic interests which early ensued. how--but there is enuf left for seed 1"
What I would, therefore, humbly ad-I "Jest exactly," says I, "and if we can't
vise, is this: To turn out, not only on a raise enuf from this small parcel for all
change of President, but in any and every our purposes then I'm mistaken." "Now
week of the year, all office holders known Major," says Canting Tyler, "I should
to be deficent in either honest capacity, or like to know your notions about this mat
industry, and to appoint in their stead, ter, for we have got all other things in al
men known to possess those qualities, good train except this plagy money mat-
Without an anxious attention to this rule, ter—if we can ()Ply get that going right
a government of the people, resting on then we can say to all creation—all the
virtue and intelligence, cannot long be fields are planted and if Providence smiles
successfully maintained, for a blind or:on us—we shall have good crops." "That
vicious distribution of enormous patron. is a fact," says I, "and if you'll listen I'll
age would soon, by the force of the high. tell you a story in as short order as I can."
i!st example, beat down all that is tought The Canting took his seat and pinted his
ia the church, the schoolhouse and the nose right at me, and there is one thing I
college. have particularly noticed in the Canting,
One Presidential Term.--Of the eight,which is not the case with most folks—
chief magistrates that Preceded General land that is, whichever way his nose pints
i Harrison, wheat a tlatioo yet mourns, the r it is a sartin sign that he looks that way,
first, iiiird, fourth, filth, and seveoth, pre•itt there is no mistake about it.
sided over the Union, respectively, two "W ell, in the first place, we settled the
successive terms; the other three, but
four years each; and every one of the business about the origin of money—how
eight, whilst in office, and why it was invented—first iron mom
ce, became a candidate
ey, next brass and copper money—next
for a second term.
I silver money, and how in the process of
consider the sublime examples, set by
the father of his country, in declining time and digging and mining, iron mo
ney, got out of fashion next brass and
third election, which has been duly fol- copper money, and now in England, even
lowed by four popular Presidents, and silver money, as a "legal tender ;" but
would no doubt have been observed with upon the whole as yet, that silver and
equal good faith by the other three, under gold are at the present day money,—but
like circumstances—as establishing a bar- there is no telling how soon, by science
rier against a third term, as impassable as and digging that even one or both these
if it were embodied in the constitution it- metals may not be found so abundant as
self. But I do not consider it respect. to make them too common for constitu
ful to the people, nor otherwise proper in tional money, or what folks call measures
a candidate, to solicit a favor on a pledge, of value- justas iron, or brass, or copper
that if elected, he will not accept a second have become. Well, that being settled,
nomination. It looks too much like a bar we next examined into paper money, how
gain tendered to other aspirants; yield to that was invented—being a representative
me now, / shall soon be out of your way;
o f money—that is, a kind of money—that
too much like the interest that sometimes not only represents gold and silver, but
govern the Cardinal in the choice of a houses and farms, and wheat, and pork,
Pope--many voting for themselves first, and beef, and slips and merchandise, and
and, if without success, finally for the every thing else in creation, called prop.
most superannuated in oiler that the elec- ertY•
dun may the sooner come around again. "Now," says I, Capting Tyler, keep
I 8111, however, in favor of an amendment your nose to this pint (for as I said afore,
of the constitution, in one of the forms pre the Capting's nose carries both his eyes
scribed —declaring that no citizen shall and ears along with it, and the Capting's
be eligible to a re-election to the Presi- nose is an almighty rose, and the Duke
dency, and also of an extension of the of Wellington's is but a pug to it,) "now,"
term to that of a senator--•a period of six says I, "ever since paper money was in
years, vented by the great democratic party of
Agency of the President in Legislation.
I am persuaded that this should be strict
ly 1. To the veto, qualified as
suggested above; 2. To the command
of the constitution, "he shall from time to
time, give to Congress information of the
state of the Union, and recommend to
their consideration such measures as he
.hall judge necessary and expedient,"and
3. To furnishing, through the appropri
ate executive departments, such details
for Bills as any committee of either
!louse of Congress may specially call
for.
Leading Measure of the late extra ses
sion of Congress. If I had had the hon
or of a vote on the occasion, it would have
been given in favor of the land distribu
ion Bill, the bankrupt bill, and the se
cond Bill for creating a fiscal corporation,
saving lung been under a conviction that
in peace, as in war something efficient, in
the nature of a bank of the United States,
is not only 'necessary and proper,' but in
dispensable to the successful operations of
the Treasury, as well as to many of the
wants of our commerce and currency.
Secret oath-bound Societies.—l have
not been a member of a masonic lodge in
thirty odd years, nor a visiter of any lodge
since, except once—now more than six
teen years ago. There are, at many Aca
demies and Colleges, as is well known,
associations of students, tutors, and pro
fessors for purely literary purposes, and
their meetings, generally, for aught that
I know, may be secret. Twenty eight
years ago I was once present with such an
association, and never since; and I have
within five years, received many flatter
ing notices of my havin g been enrolled as
an honorary member of asmany such as
sociations. I am sorry to be reminded
that, by some strange neglect, I have fail
ed to accept one of those honorable dis.
trinctions.
Finally, I am asked--If nomindted as a
candidate for the Presidency, would you
accept the nommationi I begg
les*e re
spectfully to reply—yes; proVitled. flint
,I
be not required to renounce any printiple
professed above. My principles are cOn
victions.
Hoping that you who have done
the honor to invite this general reply, may
with the millions, be enabled in a year or
two to fix on some other citizen as your
candidate more worthy, and therefore,
more likely to conciliate the majority
of popular suffrages.
I remain, gentlemen,
Your fri — end and fell..w citizen,
WINFIELD SCOTT.
creation, - who insisted that industry - and
property was as good, and should be re-,
presented as well, as mere gold and silver
--they begen a new war between money
on one side, and property and industry on
the other-- that is, money wanted to het
huld of as much propel ty, and industry as
possible, and property and industry want
ed to get hold of as much money as pos
sible—each of course trying to depreciate
,the other."
"In this state of things;" says I, "what
I was and is the true duty of Government,
whose duty it is to protect alike the own•
ers of money and the owners of property
and industry-- (property and industry be
ing one and the same thing, for industry
creates property."
Here we brake off, as it was getting
late, and went to sleep upon it, and I
would advise folks generally to do the
same thing, providing they think well
over the matter, and understand it well
before reading further.
Well the next day we turned to agin
and went over the whole matter. As his
tory and facts tell us how at one time
when all was snug and all branches of in
dustry wag working along smoothly, Gov
ernment took a notion to let folks manage
their now paper money, and broke up the
old balance wheel—and then how Slate
Banks, and States themselves all went to
work making au extra batch of Bills and
Bonds and all kinds of "promise to pay—
and all considered as money—and then
of course how high property got--for land
wheat and pork and wages and all, will
and must rise in price just so far as you
cheapen money by making it too plenty—
and then how Government got alarmed
and issued Specie Circulars, and wouldn't
take any kind of money but hard money,
and smashed away against all banks and
paper money makers, bills, bands, notes
and mortgages and brought a bushel mea
sure right down to a quart pot—calling
every man a rascally speculator who got
caught on the wrong side of the fence.- 1
So that a good many folks who did not
keep the run of things were like a man'
who borrowed ice in January and agreed,
!‘i pay it back in August—but govern
ment rolks who held fat offices didn't led
this as murh—their pay was ll,e some in
gold—and of course the more valuable
gold became the better for them, Why,
says 1, Capting Tyler, if you bring all
kind of property clown to gold and silver,
and measure it by that standard alone,
and have no other kind of money, then I
say, giving all the property in the Union
its fair chance, you could with one year
of your wages (which you have a right to.
take in gold) buy more property than you
could shake a stick at. Now is that fair
and reasonable? Is it right and just that
this war of money against prrperty should
go on till it gets to scalping, or shall thel
whole people by the Government put a
step to it, and so adjust matters that
"property owners" and "money owners"
shall both have a fair chance ?
If a man buys a farm and pays half in
cash and mortgages the balance, and Gov
ernment adopts measures that changes
money matters suddenly, and when pay
day comes he finds what was worth a dol
far is not worth ten cents in "Constitu
tional money," away goes his farm and
he is a beggar,—and just so it is with ev•
cry body except the shaver and th.. fat of
fice holder. It is the duty of the Govern
ment to prevent it—and if the Constitution
don't say so in so many words it only -bows
that the wise folks who made it did not
think it necessary to add to what it does
say—that was the object and end of the
People by their Government to make
themselves as happy and prosperous as
they could. That is wat I call an honest
and fair construction of all doubtful pints.
The country, says I, is now in trouble.
Some of the States can't pay their just
debts because the people of those States
are junt'd—there is property cool and in
dustry enuf all ready to make a flea-bite of
the debts, and instead of being the scum
of the world, or that part on't we own,
we are able to put on the bunt of the other
loot just as easy as to say so. And with
that I handed over to the Capting that
part of the clean corn I had been fanning
the chaff from, and I tell'd him it was his
business to see the planting on't. I had
done my work in fanning off the chaff and
now they must do theirs, and if they did
not know how, then to let "the People's
Congress" do it—that the evil upon the
country had past off from " the rascally
and unpopular Banks" and got down a
mong the "popularity" itself—and this
made a new question on't, and had noth
ing to do with Vetoes as it once had—lor
it had teach'd a pint that a Veto could not
cure or remedy." And here I left the
matter—and now if you wan't to know
more about it, I refer you to Capting Ty•
ler's next message and Mr. Forward's
Treasury report, and if you don't find it
there then look to Congress. And in the
mean time it you want to trade safely,
borrow ice in August and agree in return
the same quantity in January, for every
other bargain is unsartin till Government
does something to settle this money ques-1
Your friend and lellow•ctf'zrn,
J. DOWNING Maj. &r. dtc. dtc
Hon John Q. Adams, durinu , a recent
,visit to mansfleld, Mass. announced to
his constituents that he should cease to
represent them at the close of the pres
ent Congress.
CONVENTION OF PRODUCERS
.Votive to fl orking
The workingmen of Huntingdon Coun
ty, are requested to meet in their respec
tive township, on Saturday afternoon Dec.
dth for the purpose of appointing dele
gates to meet in County ('invention, at
Alexandria, on Friday Dec. 10th, for the
purpose of expre , sing the Opinion of
the working men, as to the measures of
Reform, proper to he advocated by their,
Representatives, at the ensuing session
of the Legislature, and to consider what
measures are necessary and proper to be
adopted, to effect the organization, and
promote the welfare of the paoducing
class.
We would respectfully call the atten
tion of all persons to the necessity of at
tt tiding township meetings • and have a
fair expression of sentiment, as to the
measures to be advocated, and he careful
appoionting delegates that will carry out
those measures, and have them fully in
structed to do so. The neglecting to at
tend the township meetings, by those who
!lave no interest but the public good, and
thereby permitting those who have a self•
ish or party int , ,rest, that will attend them
and have delegates appointed that will
answer their purposes, are the principle
reasons why men get into power, and
measures are recommended that are not
agreeable nor for the interests of a major
ity of the community, and must stint con
tinue to be so, until the primary meetings
,are more generally attended, for there
and there only, can they express their
opinions, and make arrangements to have
them carried into effect—We would also
call your attention to the One Term prin
ciple, the electing of the Canal Commis
sioners, the letting of the repairs of the
public works in short sections to the low
eat responsible bidder together with what
may be thought proper.
ROBERT LYTLE
THOS. BURCHNELL
DANIEL HEWII' Committee.
JOHN S• ISETT
JAMES TERRY
November 18th 1641.
THE JOURNAL.
One country, one constitution one destiny
Ilunlingdon, N0v.24, 1841.
GEN &m's LErrEit.—ln our paper
of to-day v ill be found a somewhat lengthy
letter from the pen of General Winfield
Scott. Although, we have made no dec
larations, relative to our choice for the
next Presidency, still we deem it a duty
we owe to the people, to put them in pos
session of the principles held by such per_
sons as may be likely to be before them
as candidates, for nomination at the con
test of '44.
Sectarianism in Politics
For the first time in our recollection,
has sectarianism been introduced into the
political field. For the first time has the
churchman entered the political arena
and proclaimed himself a political gladia
tor, contending for specific privileges for
his particular sect. And the fact, that it
has been once done, should awaken, in
the mind of every patriot, feelings of pro
found regret, and a determination to re
sist all such efforts ere they shall obtain
power in partial success.
If our beautiful fabric shall ever fall
let not its foundation be assailed ere the
blood of those who fought for religious
freedom shall have sunk into the ground.
Yet, fall it will, if that dread day shat
ever come when religious intolerance
shall forge its chains for the people.--
They can only retain their beauty and
strength while every man, no matter
Id what sect, mingles with the mass of
the people, and by their united action
guard their rights, and the rights of oth
ers, at every avenue. Let no man stop
to inquire what particular sect shall at
tempt to array itself at the ballot box,
and contend there I'm special privileges
and powers. Be it Jew or Gentile, Cath
olic or Protestant, every American citi
zen should arouse, and by their firm pat
riotic adherence to the principles of their
fathers, drive back such fanatics, to the
threshholl of their altar. Once let that
demon—religious strife for power and
place—rear its head in our free country.
Once let it fasten its fangs upon our insti=
tutions, and no power on earth shall force
it away, until it tears out its heart, and
scat Ors ruin and desolation over the earth
and moistens her fairest fields with the
blood of its sons.
I.Vlien sect 13 arrayed against sect at
the ballot box, each seek but ler power
to oppress, and, perhaps, burn the other
at the stake. In that contest they are
found fighting for power alone. Success
brings, instead of light and truth, intol
erance and oppression. Instead of teach
ing men to love one another, it encoura
ges oppression—tills the dungeon and
lights the torch. its ministers instead of
peace and good will to all men, become
the conscience keepers of some, and the
ministers of death to others. Instead of
offering the consolations of the gospel to
the unbeliever, the wheel or the faggot
are their instruments of conversion, and
blood and tears form the cement with
which they build up their temple.
The history of the world is filled with
admonitions upon this subject. It is
written on the tombs of our fathers, and
is heard from the graves of most of fallen
nations. Americans, be not deaf to that
call, awake ! and guard the citadel of
your strength. When sectarianism shall
snatch from your hands the ballot, "fare
well, a long farewell to all your great
ness."
The Huntingdon Washington Tern:
perance Society meets in the Court House
on Saturday next, 27th inst.
Michigan has gone in favor of the
Locos, and they have the Legislature if
rumor he correct.
INFORMATION WANTED.
INFORMATION is wanted of Mar
tette Keller, who left Germany some
time last spring. He was last heard of
at Rochester, N. Y. Any information
respecting him would be thankfully rece.
ived by his brother, George Kvtter, qt
Huntingdon, Pa.
Nov. 24, 1841.
Mr- Editors in 1,4 west would aid the
cause of humanity, by giving the abovn
an insertion in their parrs,