into the argument, I will say that, in took
ing to the powers of this Government to
collect, safely keep, and disburse th•
public revenue, and incidentally to regu-
late the commerce and exchanges, I have
not been able to satisfy myself that tli
establishment, of a bank of discount, it,
the ordinary acceptation of that term, wa-
a necessary means, or one demanded bs
propriety, to execute those powers.
What can the local discounts of the
bank have to do with the collecting, safe
keeping, and disbursing of the revenue?
So far as the mere discounting of paper
is concerned, it is quite immaterial to this
question whether the discount is obtained
at a State Bank or the United States Bank.
They are both equally local —both begin
ning and both ending in a local accommo
dation. What influence have local dis
counts, granted by any form of bank, in
the regulating of currency and the ex
changes P Let the history of the late
United States Bank aid us in answering
this inquiry.
For several years after the establish
ment of that institution it dealt almost ex
clusively in local discounts, and during
that period, the country was, for the ,
most part, disappointed in the consequen
ces anticipated from its incorporation-
A uniform currency was nut provided,
exchanges were not regulated, and little'
or nothing was added to the general cir
culation ; and in 1820, its embarrassments'
were so great that the directors petitioned
Congress to repeal that article of the char
ter which made its notes receivable every
where in payment of public dues. I t had,
up to that period, dealt to but a very small
extent in exchanges, either foreign or do
mestic ; and as late as 1823, its operations
is that line amounted to a little more
than $7,000,000 per annum ; a very rapid
augmentation soon after occurred, and in
1833 its dealings in exchanges amounted
to upwards of $100,000,000, including
the sales of its own drafts ; and all these
immense transactions were effected with
out the employment of extraordinary
means.
The currency of country became
sound, and the negociations in the ex•
changes were carried on at the lowest
possible rates. The circulation was in
creased to more than 822,000,000, and
the notes of the Bank were regarded as
equal to specie all o , er the country; thus
showing, almost conclusively, that it was
the capacity to deal in exchanges, and not
in local discounts, which furnished these
facilities and advantages. It may be re
marked, too, that notwitstanding the im
mense transactions of the Bank in the
purchase of exchange, the losses sustain •
ell were merely nominal ; while in the
line of discounts, the suspended debt was
enormous, and proved most disastrous to
the Bank and to the country. Its power
of local discount has, in fact, proved to be
a . fruitful source of favoritism and corrup.
ton, alike destructive to the public mor
als and the general weal.
The capital invested in banks of dis
count in the United States, rested by the
States, at this time exceeds 8350,000,000;
and if the discounting of local paper could
have produced any beneficial effects, the
United States ought to possess the sound
eat currency in the world but the reverse
is lamentahly the fact.
Is the measure now under considers
boa, of the objectionable character to
which 1 have alluded ? It is clearly an
unless the 16th fundamental article of the
11th section is made otherwise. That ar
tide is in the following words.
" directors of the said corporation
shall establish one competent office c f dis
• count and deposit in any State in which
two thousand shall have been subscribed,
or may he held, whenever, upon applica
tion of the Legislature of such State, or
Congress may by law require the same.
And the said directors may also estab
lish one or more competent offices of ilia •
count or deposit in any Territory or Dis
trict of the United States, and when estab
lished, the said office or offices shall be
only withdrawn or removed by the said
directors prior to the expiration of this
charter, with the previous assent of Con
gress.
Provided, in respect to any State which
shall not, at the first session of the Legis
lature thereof, held after the passage of
this act, by resolution. or other usual legis
lative proceeding, unconditionally asset' ,
or dissent to the establishment of such
office or offices within it, such assent of
the said State shall be thereafter presum
eil: And provided nevertheless, Thai
whenever it shall become necessary and
proper for carrying into execution any of
the powers granted by the Constitution,
to establish an office or offices in any of
the States whatever, and the establishment
thereof shall be directed by law, it shall
be the duty of the said directors to elitist).
lish'such office or offices accordingly."
It will be seen that by this clause the
directors are invested with the fullest pow•
er to establish a branch io any State which
has yielded its assent; sod having once
established such branch, it shall not after
wards be withdrawn except by order of
Congress. Such assent is to be implied
and to have the force and sanction of an
actually expressed assent, "provided in
respect to any State which shall not, a
the first session of the Legislature there
of held after the passage of this act, by
resolution or other unusual legislative pro.
ceedtng, unconditionally assent or 'ljssel'
o the establishment of such office or offs
ces within it, such assent of said Stet,
shall be thereafter presumed." • The as
sent or dissent is to he expressed uncon:l
lionally at the first session of the Legisla
tune by some formal legislative act; and
if nut so expressed, its assent is to be ins,
olied, and if the directors are thereupon
nvested with power, at such time there
•fter as they may please, to establish
ranches, which cannot afterwarils be
withdrawn, except by resolve of Con-
Tess.
No matter what may be the cause which
nay operate with the Legislature, which
ither prevents it from speaking, or ad•
tresses itself to its wisdom, to induce de
lay, its assent is implied. This iron rule
is to give way to no circumstances—it is
unbending and inflexible. It is the lan
guage of the master to the vassal—an un
conditional answer is claimed forthwith;
and delay, postponement, or incapacity
to answer, produces an implied assent,
which is everafter irrevocable. Many of
the State elections have already taken
place, without any knowledge, on the
part of the people, that such a question
, was to come up.
The Representatives may desire a sub
mission of the question to their constitus
ents preparatory to final action upon it,
but this high privilege is denied; whatever
may be the motives and views entertained
by the Representatives of the people to
induce delay, their assent is to be presu
med, and is ever afterward binding, un
less their dissent shall he unconditionally
expressed at their first session after the
passage of this bill into a law. 'Fliey
may by formal resolution declare the ques
tion of assent or dissent to be undecided
and postponed, and yet, in opposition to
their-express declaration to the contrary,
their asseut is to be implied. Cases innu
merable might be cited to manifest the ir
rationality of such an inference.
Let one or two in addition, suffice. The
popular branch of the Legislature may
express its dissent by an unanimous vote, ,
and its resolution may be defeated by a
tie vote in the Senate; and yet the assent
is to be implied. Both branches of the
Legislature may concur in a resolution of
decided dissent, and yet the Governor
may exert the veto power conferred on
aim by the State constitution, and their
,egislative action be defeated; and yet
the assent of the legislative authority is
implied, and the directors of this contem
plated institution are authorized to estab
lish a branch or branches in such State,
whenever they may find it conducive to
the interest of the steckholders to do so;
and having once established it, they can,
under no circumstances, withdraw it, ex
cept by act of Congress. The State may
afterward protest against such unjust in•
, erference—but its authority is gone.
Its assent is implied by its failure or ire
ability to act at its first session, and its
voice can never afterwards be heard. To
inferences so violent, and, as they seem,
to ine, irrational, I cannot yield my con•
sent. No court of justice would or could
sanction them, without reversing all that
is established in judicial proceeding, by
introducing presumptions at variance with
fact, and inferences at the expense of rea
een. A State in a condition of duress
would he presumed to speak, as an indi
vidual, manacled, and in prison, might be
presumed to be in the enjoyment of free
dom. Far better to .say to the States
"lotilly and frankly, Congress wills, and
submission is demanded.
It may be said that the directors may
not establish branches under such circum
stance.; but this is a question of power,
and this bill invested them with full pow
er to do so. /f the Legislature of New
York, or Pennsylvania, or any other State,
;Minh] be found to be in such a condition
as / have supposed, could there be any
security furnished against such a step
nn the part of the directors? Nay. is it
not fairly to be presumed that this pro
viso was introduced for the sole purpose
f meetieg the contingency referred to?
Why else should it have been introduced?
And I submit to the Senate, whether it
can be believed that any State would be
likely to sit quietly down under such a
state of things?
In a great measure of public interest
their patriotism may be successfully ap
pealed to, but to infer their assent from
circumstances at war with such inference,
I cannot but regard as calculated to ex,
cite a feeiine at fatal enmity with the
peace anti harmony of the country. I
must, therefore, regard this clause as as
sorting the power to be in Congress to es
toblish offices of discount in a State, not
only without its assent, but against its
dieeent; and so regarding it, I cannot
sanction it. On general principles, the
power and control, deprives the traneac•
tien of all pretence to compact between
them, and terminates as we have seen, in
the total abrogation of freedom of action
on the part of the States.
But further; the State may express af
ter the most solemn form of legislation,
its dissent, which may from time to time
thereafter be repeated, in full view of its
own interel, which can never be separa
ted from the e e and beneficent opera
tion of this G..vernment; and yet Con
gress may by virtue of the last proviso,
overrule its law, and upon grounds which,
to such State, will appear to rest on a
constructive necessity and propriety, and
nothing more.
I regard the bill as asserting for Con
cress the, right to incorporate a United
states Bank, with power and right to es•
iblish offices of discount and deposits in
the several States of this Union, with or
•vithout their consent, a principle to which
have always heretofore been opposed,
ell which can never obtain my sanction.
nil waiving all other considerations
rowing out of its other provisions, I re
ern it to the House in which it engine
oil, with these my objections to its appro
val. JOHN TYLER.
WASHINGTON, August 16, 1841.
IF ORRIN* G., 1 R 7 17 8
COUNIY CONVENTION.
At a county convention ot the Work.
ingmen of Huntingdon county, held in the
borough ot Alexandria, on Friday, 27th
August, 1841,
On motion. _ _
It was unanimously agreed that John
Bumbaugh be appointed Chairman, and
'Vhomas M. Cadwallader Secretary of
said Convention.
Upon calling over the several townships'
and boroughs, the persons appointed were ,
admitted delegates.
‘N hereupon the following ticket was
duly elected, and with confidence sub•'
mated for the support of the uorkingmen
cf H untingdon county.
Assembly.
Jesse Moore, Franklin township.
Thomas H eston, Snyder township.
Sheeif.
John Shafer, Shirley township.
commissioner,
James Davis, West township.
Auditor.
Jacob S. I atson, Franklin township.
Treasurer.
John Simpson, Huntingdon,
Resolved, That all classes of citizens
are entitled to a representation of the ot
fices of our county, according to the ratio,
of their number; LAW we as workingmen, l
will use all honorable means to have such,
representations by selecting from our'
number such as are worthy, and bring'
ing them before the people at our elec
tions.
Resolved, That the proceedings of this'
convention be signed by the President
and Secretary, and be published in all the .
papers printed in in this county, or by all
the editors that are willing to do so.
JOHN BUMBAUGH, PRES'T.
Tons. M. CADWALLADER, Seey.
ADDRESS
Of the Committee appointed
by the DD''orking►nen's Con-,
'mutio►n at dlexandria, au
gust 27, 1 S4l.
Friends, Fellow Citizens, Workingmen:
You are now called upon to come for•
ward for the noblest purpose to which
you, as American citizens, can be called,
which is the defence of your just rights
by claiming your right of representation
in the halls of legislation, and in the
managing of our county matters, by sup•
porting the ft orkingmen's Ticket, which
has been formed this day from the citizens
of the several townships, who pessess the
confidence of their neighbors, and who
have been nominated without their own
interference or the influence and manage
ment of designing politicians, and are
men in good repute among their neigh
bors for honesty, sobriety, and attention
to their own business. It would be ex
pecting what has never happened, that an
indolent man who neglects his own busi•
ness would he a proper person to attend to.
the business of others, anti attend to it
faithfully. We think it is evident to ev
ery person who wishes the good of his
country and who has thought deliberately
upon the subject, that it is high time to
break through the shackles of :arty, and
only support such men for office as those
whose station in life justifies entire crnfi•
(fence in them; whose characters are with
out reproach and are esteemed by all that
know them for industry and honesty, 'who
have proved faithful to trusts eonfided to
them, and who are capable of filling the
offices for which they are recommended.
We have selected men from among our
selves to represent us; for if the working
men cannot attend to the interest of the
workingmen, no other will, and we can
confide in no other.
In regard to a Governor we can at pre
sent do nothing, but submit to the two or
ganized parties. We say let every man
support such of the men that are at present
candidates for that office as he may think
proper, and be prudent in his expressions,
so as not to offend or excite ill feeling in
a brother workingman, who may think
tit to support a different matt. But shoulo
we succeed in carrying out the original
design, and the workingmen see that the
only object is that of bringing forward
and sustaining his interests, the slights or
insinuations of those opposed to it will be
no longer regarded; they will come for.
ward in defence of their rights—other
counties will become awakened upon the
subject, and by the next gubernatorial
election we may support a workingman
for Governor with some chance of suc
cess.
It may be asked, what object the work- '
ingmeu have in coming out in opposition
to others? We will endeavor to give a
few of the reasons as briefly as possible:
Firstly, The leaders of both parties have I
acted hypocritically towards the working
:man, by professing to be his friends when
they wanted his support; hut, as soon as
they have obtained power, the object seems
to have been to see which could plunder
him the most. Secondly, things have be•
come so arranged under the leaders of
thy different parties, that it is hardly pos
sible for an industrious, high minded man
to be nominated for an office of any im
portance, unless it is by the party, (which
ever it happens to be,) which is so much,
in the minority that there can be but lit•
tle chance of his election. •It can be
nothing new to tell you that before a
workingman can obtain a nomination from
either party in power, it is necessary tot
neglect his own business, get his hands
brought down to certain softness, study
etiquette, attend to the leaders, part with
hi; independent principles, and become al.
most bankrupt from neglect of his own
bustness and fashionable living. Ile
would then, if he possessed any quali
fications that would be useful to them, orl
!would work kindly in the off-side of any
lof the leaders they could hitch him up
with, begin to be spoken of as a suitable
►nan for office, knowing that he would then
submit to have the collar of party fastened.
around his neck and do the bidding of
the leaders. But still, a professional
Amin would be preferred, as a great part
of his business education has been to
consider the producing classes as corn
mon stock, to be used as it may suit thel
interests of what they call the higher or-1 The Best Story Ever Told.
'der—in this way only are their interests A correspondent has sent us the fol.
considered identified. Most offices are lowing capital story, over which we have
connected with comparatively little labor:laughed until our sides ache.--N. 0. Pic.
and a sufficient salary to make them desi-1 * * * *. We had a pleasant
rable to professional men. By such men tr i p from New Orleans to Cincinnati, and
having the control and management of had scarcely landed at the latter place
our government, (and such have had it when the bell of a little steamer, for "up ,
from the beginning) has originated high the river," sounded. Our party hurried
salaries, or in addition to what would be a on board and found the diminutive craft
fair salary, donations, perquisites, clerk- already crowded ; but, as we never ex,
hire, office rent, incidental expenses—ev- pect very good accommodations on that
ery thing that can be thought of or mana• part of the river, and no other opportune
ged in, has been done, and will still con
ty offered for leaving soon, we concluded
(,time to be done, and to a greater extent, to remain. Upon looking around to see
if we continue to support the present par- what chance there was for amusement on
ties. Demagoguism, prostitution of office our trip from my fellow passengers, I was
to make all public measures bend to the
individual interest of the office holder and particularly struck with the appearance
of an elderly lady, who seemed very ill
,his satellites, have been greatly increased at ease. Every time strain was allowed
these last ten years. Each party professes to escape from the boiler she appeared to
to be better than the one opposing it. Both fancy it the prelude to a grand explosion,
parties have been in power—both profess and was evidently in a state of continual
to have done their best, and why have the excitement. As she is to be my heroine,
above abuses not been corrected? Alas! I may as well attempt to describe her, al
all who confide in such promises of reform though I shall hardly do her frill justice.
as these parties make, must have been, She was one of the tallest women I ever
l and must continue to be most wofully dis- saw, but the effect of her height was ta
appointed; for every change, instead of ken away by l'er immense breadth. She
reforming, has only augmented the abu- was one of McDonald Clarke's style of
sea. O ffi ces have been dealtout to idle,
croaking' politicians, who have neither beauties—"with a waist like a cotton bag
and a loot like a flounder." Never did I
principal nor interest only in abusing the see such a moving mass of flesh encircled
office so as to get the most money for the
by a petticoat. Oh! she was very fat.—
least services. It is hardly probable or
Upon inquiry I learned that she had been'
possible that any change for the better can
be made as long as non •producers are al- a passenger on the steamboat F—, at
the time it was burned a few years before,
lowed to represent workingmen or produ- 'and narrowly escaped with tier lite. On
cers; and as long as offices are made the ly a few weeks had elapsed since the ca•
main object and end of politics,
insteadof tastrophe of the Ben. Sherrod, by which
making those who hold them agents,
curd some scores of hapless mortals were hur•
the offices merely the means of benefittin. ' ,
officer, but those for whoa: he acts.iried into eternity through the combined
not the o
lageney of fire and water. What wonder
A non-producer cannot have the same that the woman was alarmed at the pros
idea of what is a sufficient compensation
pect of a steamboat voyage!
for services as has a workingman.—
After we left the landing, the principal
A lawyer will charge $5 for an advice
topic of conversation among the passer
anda little business that will occupy from
. ors was the numerous accidents which
half an hour to two hours, and will of Flail lately happened. Nearly every per
course look upon $5 as the representative son was equipped with a life preserver,
of a couple of hours o f his time; whereas and sonic were so cautious as to hang them,
the workingmen esteems $5 as a repres up in their berths, filled with air and rear
sentative of from sto 10 days, mid often dy for use at a moment's warning. Night
hell' a month's hard labor. Now can these came, and all were snugly ensconced in
'different classes of men have the same their berths, when there arose the cry of
idea of economy ? No, it is a thing itn- fire! The wood on the bow of the boat
possible, and from the apathy of the pew- hail caught fire, and was blazing fiercely
ple, and the success the leaders have had up, shining through the glass doors of the
in plundering, they have placed at the social hail and the cabin windows until the
'head of the political creed of both parties whole boat seemed enveloped in a sheet of
, the most damnable doctrine that has ever flame. In an instant all was confusion
been promulgated by moan against his and ;damn. Passengers tumbled oat of
fellow man, which is that "the spoils
t their berths, and over one another ; some
belong to the victors. ' Now, the enqui- grasped their preservers—some ran for
ry arises, who are the victors? which their baggage—some for their wives--the
is easily and truly answered, by saying, wise ones kept quiet. In the midst of the
the tbrtunate office hunters, who have sue- hubbub, the doors of the ladies' cabin flew
ceeded in obtaining an election. And wide open, and out burst our fat lady,
then, who is to be spoiled or plundered? dressed all in white, her lace "a map
why, the people—the workingmen--the whereon terror was drawn in all its shapes'
producing class; for from no other can it be and around her waist a huge life preserver
taken, and offices are creatert tor the ex- not inflated. Seizing this by the nipple
elesive benefit of the officer without any with both hauds, she rushed from one to
regard to the people. Now we would another exclaiming, in a voice of agony,
are we for ever going to hold still "blow me up! blow me up!! for God's sake
and be plundered? 'ssv e may he certain blow me up!! will nobody blow me zip'!!"
that so lung as we remain divided, some Had the old lady actually exploded, I
of us belonging to one of the parties that must have done as I did, roll on the floor
be, arid some to the other, it must remain in a fit of inextinguishable laughter, with
so and continue to get worse; for the half the witnesses of the scene for my,
wire-workers of both parties are of the companions. The boat was stopped, the
non•producing class, or those not having fire got under, and, not the least difficult
their interests identified with ours, and of operation, the fat lady's alarm subdued.
course have no interest in redressing our 'fire next day we landed her at her place
(grievances. Some say, let us wait a while of destination, since which time I have
longer ; may be they will do better. But never seen her, but the recollection of the
we think that we have waited much too scene has cost me many a fit of the side
long already; that we have a State debt ache. Yours, truly, N. S.
now of upwards of thirty millions, and it •
rs yearly increasing from two to three
millions, which will most certainly have
to be paid, if not by us, by our children;
that the lands are bound for it, and the
means to pay will have to be produced by
the hand of labor. Th, people were told,
while they were making our canals and
railroads, that the profits of them would
in time pay for their construction ; and
we believe, if they were rightly man
aged, they would nearly pay the in
terest on the cost. But how is it now ?
who the officers having charge of them, and
who had it when the other party was in
power? Are they not, with but few
exceptions, the idle, the brawling politi•
clans that hurrahed at taverns and public,
gatherings, and did the dirty work at elec
tions, influencing men to vote contrary to
'heir will, and thereby bringing the right
of suffrage into discredit? The number of
'officers and their salaries are yearly in
creased, as spoils which they were of right
)entitled to, because they had happened to
Mat-tin the power. And what has been
the course pursued by. the members of our
Legislature? Are they not bound to sup
port all measures brought forward by the
leaders of the party they belong to, and
to oppose all that are brought forward by
the opposite party, without regard to the
utility or principles that are contained in
either? Now, we would ask, is it not
high time to break through all party dis
tinctione, and elect men who will supple
all that is just and right, and oppose all
that they consider wrong, and have a pro•
per regard to the oath they take as Legis
lators? If all, then, are satisfied to sup
port the principles we advocate, and be
lieve as we do, that we must think as well
a. work,--Come forward manfully and
support the Workingman's ticket, and dis
regard the slights, insinuations, or hum
buggery of the other parties.
ROBERT LYTLE, Jr.
THOS. BURCHINELL,
DANIEL HEW IT, } Committee
JOHN S. ISETT,
JAMES TERRY.
From the United States Gazette.
WASHINGTON NEWS.
W ASHINGTON, Aug. 25,
IN THE SEN 4TE,
There was another paper presented like
unto those which have emanated from
Virginia of late, anti-Bank, anti-Tariff
anti-Bankrupt, anti. Distribution—in short
anti-every thing that is calculated to
bring peace and prosperity to the country.
This document emanated from the town
of Petersburg, and was presented by Mr.
Calhoun. It recommends to President
Tyler to veto the Land Bill, should it
pass. Such, however, are nut the doe.
trines of the State, but of cliques in Vir•
gime, disposed to lend themselves to the
destruction of Whig principles. Had the
W higs condemned all these measures, the
opposition would then have been in their
lavor. There is no opposition uu the
score of principle, but of men.
We had the resolution up for the ad
journment of Congress on the 30th lost,
but it was voted down —l9 ayes, 22 nays.
The session will doubtless be protracted
until the lot October.
The very able Select Committee ap
pointed by the Chair to represent the
dank Bill, was pretty severely animad
verted on by the opposition, who claimed
that they had not been represented in a
measure where all were equally interest..
,ed.
Mr. King desired that two members
might be added from the minority to fill
up the committee, but the motion, after
some debate, was withdrawn.
Mr. Benton told them that when his
party was in power, it gaVe the commit
tees majorities of their political friends,
but then it allowed the majority to be
fairly represented. In the course of his
remarks, Mr. B. said that he had heard
that Nicholas Biddle was restored to his
power, and that Mr. Jaudon had assisted
in drawing up the bill which President
Tyler had killed.
THE LAND BILL
The question nu the passage of this bill
will be taken to morrow, which will re
juice the hearts of the States. Messrs.
'Woodbury, Wright, Walker, and Sevier
opposed the general principles of the bill
with great zeal. In short, "Tray, Blanche,
and Sweetheart" all barked at it, but they
could not hurt it.
Rumor still speaks of the resignation
of Mr. Granger ; but if the Cabinet goes
out, it will go en masse not by detached.
fragments.
Aug. 26, 1841
THE LAND BILL PASSED.
It seems by the proceedings of the Sen
ate of The United states, that the Lund
Bill has passed that body. We regard
this as the bill of the session, the import.
ant measure upon which the most of pub
lic expectation depended, Of the feel
ings ut the Loco•loco's, at whose head is
Benton, one may judge by the ruffianly
language of that Senator, when, com
mencing a noise against the bill, he de
clared that the Senators of Virginia had
committed a FRAUD. M r. Archer seemed
filing that blackguardism should have
its swing, but Mr. Clay called the Sena
tor to order, as insulting the body in
which he stood. Of this bill and its pas
sage, the National Intelligencer thus
sraks :
We are enabled, to our great delight,
to continue the annunciation of glad tid
ings to the people.
_The Land Distribu
.
tio - n and Gi•nei•al Preemption Bill yes
terday pasted the Senate, by 2B votes to
22. It had, as the reader knows, previ
ously passed the House of Representa
tives; but having beeen amended in the
Senate, (by a provision to suspend its op..
eratiun when duties are laid on importa
tions beyond 20 per cent on their value,)
it has yet to go beck to the House for its
action upon that amendment.
Respecting the passage of the Land
Bill, we have but one regret, and that is.
the Mrs. Preston could not, in view of
the oflinioo of his own state on the sub
ject, vote in favor of it. We regret it,
because his vote would have added so.
much weight to the preponderance in its.
favor. Every other Whig voted in favor
of the Lill, which is therefore emphatical ,
ly a Whig measure.
After Mr. Benton had ended . his speech,
. -
(which he did, by the way, with a solemn
appeal to President Tyler to veto the bill) ,
Mr. Smith, of Indiana, Chairman of the
Committee on Public Lands, who has•
indefatigably watched and cared for'
the bill, during its whole progress, waived
his right of reply, from his anxious• and
laudable desire to teiminate the debate,•
and conic to a final vote upon the bill.
Thus the debate was happily closed. 1
From the New York Sun—Extra.
APPALLING CALAMITY AT SYRA
CUSE, N. Y.
NEW YORK, August 22.
!re learn from Mr. Stoat, formerly a
resident of this city, the following partic
ulars of one of the most afflicting occur-
Irences it has been our lot to record. At
about 10 o'clock, Friday night, a fire broke
nut in a carpenter's shop on the west side
of the Oswego canal, at a distance of per
haps one hundred 3 ards from its junction
with the Erie. From the combustible na
ture of the materials, the fire extended
rapidly and attracted a large concourse of
citizens and strangers, /kc., and the fire
department was promptly on the spot,
and proceeded with their usual alacrity
and daring to, extinguish it. A barrel of
gun powder, which, unknown to any one,
unless it were the proprietor, had been re
cently stored upon the premises, ignited
and exploded with terrible effect.
Not less than thirty persons were in
stantly killed, and from forty to fifty
wounded, many of them so badly as to
leave no hope of their recovery. The ex.
lent of the calamity is by no means yet
known, as some persons were known to
have been thrownAnto the canal, and num
bers were missing. when the cars left
Syracuse, on Saturday morning at 8 o'-
clock, the citizens were engaged in letting
the water out of the Oswego canal, in or
der to recover the bodies of those who had
been thrown into it.
A railroad car was despatched to Au.
burn for medical aid, as it was impossible
fur the physicians of Syracuse to attend to
all the sJtrerers.
The powder which exploded and caused
this dreadful destruction was placed on
the ground floor of the burning building
and consisted of ten or fifteen kegs. The
fire was believed to be the work of an in.
cen di a sy. The whole village has been
thrown into mourning and distress by this
afflicting event, Funeral services were
held at the several churches on Sunday.
During the progress of the fire the alarm
was given that the building contained pow.
der—hundreds of those wo heard the cry
sought safety in flight. and found it—oth
ers who did not hear, or considered the
danger less than it was, remained. The
explosion of the powder, awful and terrif
fic as an earthquake, followed, and, in an
instant, numbers were sent into eternity.