JIMIi._
WHOLE No. 186.1
TERMS
OF TOE
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THE GARLAND.
9;1
‘ 4
442cvt,-44,,z-
-"With sweetest flowers enrich'd
From various gardens cull'd midi care."
A NANIE IN THE SAND
BY MISS COULD,
Alone I walked on the ocean strand,
A pearly shell was in my hand,
I stooped, and wrote upon the sand
My name, the year, the day;
As onward frcm the spot I passed,
Onc lingering look behind I cast;
A wave came rolling high end fast,
And washed my lines away.
And so, methrught, 'twill shortly be
With every mark on earth fcr mc!
A wave of dark oblivion's sea
Will sweep across the place
Where I have trod the sandy shore
Ot time; and been, to be no more;
Of me—my day—the name I bore,
To leave no track nor trace.
And yet, with Him who coun's the sands
And holds the waters in his handl,
I know a lasting record stands
Inscribed against my name,
Of all this mortal part has wrrught—
Of all this thinking scot has thought,
And from these fleeting moments caught,
Fur glory, or for shame!
From Burton's Gentleman's Magazine,
THE CHARTER OAK
BY MRS. L. U. SIGOURNEY,
CHARTER oak! Charter oak!
Tell us thy talc,
Of the years that have fled,
Like the leaves on the gale;
Fur thou bear'st a brave annal
On brown root and stem.
An.l thy heart was the caskt t
F r Liberty's gem.
Speak cut in thy wisdcm,
Oracular tree,
And we and our children
Will listen to thee;
For the lore of the aged
lo dear on our eyes,
And thy leaves and thine acorns
As relics we prize,
I see them—they come,
The lost ages of old;
The sires of our nation,
True-hearted and bold;.
The axe of the woodman
Rings sharp through the glade,
And the tied Indian-hunter
Reclines in thy sheds.
I see them—they crme,
The grey Ethers are the
Who won from the (crest
This heritage fair;
Witt. their high trust in Ileavcn,
As they sulfer'd and Vird,
11, tit the storm and the tyrant
Unblenctang they
Chant'. oak! charter oak!
Ancient and fair,
Thou didst guard of oar freedom
The rudiment rare.
So a crown of green leaves
thy gift from the skits.
With the love of the brave
And the thanks of the ?vise.
En! APII ON A GLUTTON.
A glutton renown'd
Lies under this ground,
Who forever to eating was prune,
Before his last breath
Ife'd e'en have eaten death;
But there he kund nothing bqt bones.
5/ I. lltotettocur — ititC.
From a Manuscript Volume of Laconics by
the Rev. W. Colton, U. S. A.
Thoughts The those who think•
The destinies of a nation depend less on
the greatness of the few, than the virtues
orviecs of the many. Eminent individuals
cast farther the features of her glory or
shame; but the realities of her weal or w•o
lie deep in the great mass. The curling
tops of lofty waves are the crest of the
ocean, but from its depths flows the over
flowing strength of its tides.
A lady of fashion will sooner excuse a
freedom flowing from admiration, than a
slight resulting from indifference. The
first otlence has the pleasing apology of
her attractions; the last is bold and with
out an alleviation. Bat the mode in
which she disposes of the two only shows
that her love of admiration is stronger
than her sense of propriety.
flu who maintaitis the right, thuugh
countenanced by the few, and opposes the
wrong, though sanctioned by the many,
most forego all expectations of popularity
till there shall be less to censure than ap
plaud in human conduct. And when j
this is the case the millenium will have
dawned.
A young girl, scarcely awake to the
mysteries of her nature, and fluttering
over the first demonstrations of love, is
like a child sporting on the rippling strand
of the sea, when a high tide is coming in.
Say nothing about yourself—either
good, bad or indifferent. Nothing good,
for that is vanity; oohing bad, for that is
affectation; nothing indifferent, for that is
silly. . . . . .
A giant mind may be held in suspense;
but that suspense must be brief, and the
action which follows it will be more deci
ded and energetic in consequence of that
determination; fist as the stream rushes
with greater force fur a temporary ob
struction.
A loan of weak, complying disposition,
whom no one tears, no one will be at the
trouble to oppose; while a man of a strong
and fixed character will be liable to oppo
sition, at least front those who expect to
derive a certain kind of importance from
the dignity of their adversary. But he
will compel even this opposition into sub •
serviency to himself, just as the mariner
obliges the wind that opposes hint to help
him forward.
The three, or four moat helpless things
in the world are--a ship in a dead calm, a
whale thoroughly stranded, a race horse
with his wind broken, and a politician in
bad odor. The devil himself would have
nothing to do with either unless it were
the last. Ile seldom utterly forsakes a
politician,
But keeps him at the battle, or the drill,
To work his master further mischief still.
The influence of the good man ceaseth
nut at death, he as the visilde agent, is
removed, but the light and influence of
his example still remain; and the moral
'elements of this world will long show the
traces of their vigor and purity; just as
the western sky, after the sun has set,
still betrays the glowing traces of tha de
parted orb.
SALE Of? BACHELORS.
The legislature of "fennesee, it is ru
mored, has passed a law making it the du
ty of the Sheriff of each county annually
to m; lie out a list of the bachelors in his
county, and notify all who are in a healthy
condition, that the law requires them to
get married in two months front the time
of their notithatiun; and at tha expira
tion of that time, all said bachelors who
have failed to comply with the requisitions
of this law, shall be set up and sold at
public auction by said-Sheriff to the high
est bidder, and that no persons be allowed
to bid but maidens. Under this law, for
ty old bachelors it is said were recently
sold at Jonesborough. So it appears that
the old bachelors are about to have a hard
time of it. It is no more than they de
serve however, for, generally speaking,
they are a set of hard boys.
NOT BAD.
The followilig will do for almost any
part of the midi.% :
"Well Laura, give me a short sketch of
th, sermon. /there was the text?"
"Oh, I don't know. I've forgotton—
but would you believe it! Mrs. V. wore
that hurrut bonnet of hers! I could not
keep my eyes olr of it all meeting time;
and Miss T. wore that new shawl that
must have cost fifty dollars. I wonder
that folks don't see the folly of such ex
travagance. Ard their was Miss S. with
her pelise. It's astonishing what a want
of taste same folks exhibit!"
„ Well if you've forgotten the sermon,
you have not the audience. But which
preacher do you like best? This one or
Mr. A.”
"Oh, Air. A. he's so handsome and so
graceful—what an eye and what a set of
teeth he has !"—llempecad Inquirer. I
"ONE COUNTRY, ONE CONSTITUTION, ONE DESTINY."
A. W.
HUNTINGDON, PENNSYLVANIA, WEDNESDAY, MAY 15, 1839
ARKANSAS ELOQUENCE.
We'll put the following sample of an
Arkansas lawyer's eloquence against any
thing they can bring fi tun the west. As
to the justness of his reasoning we say
nothing, but as to its conclusiveness we
defy any one to find a match. His client
was brought up fOr stealing a mule. After
the witnesses had been all sworn, and the
lawyer on the other side had given his
opinion, our orator gave the jury the fol
lowing blast:
"Gentlemen of the jury, the whole of
you, there you set. You have all heard
what those witnesses have said, and of
rouse you agree with me that my client
did'nt steal that mule. Do you 'spose, for
one second, that he would steal a mule? a
low lived mule! D—n clear of it. What
does he want of a mule, when he has got
a bang up poney, like that tied to yon tree?
(pointing to a fine looking Mustang, oppo
site the log court house.) What, I say,
in the name of G.neral Jackson, does he
want of a mule. Nothing—exactly no
thing. No, gentlemen of the jury, he ditrot
steal the mule; he would'ut be caught
stealing one. He never wanted a mule--
he never had a mule; nor he never would
have a node about hint. lie has his anti
pathies as well as any body, and you
couliVnt hire him to take a mule.
"Jurymen, that lawyer on the other side
has been trying to spread wool over your
eyes, and stuff you up with the notion
that my client walked of with the afore
said annual without asking leave; but you
aint such a pack of fools as to believe him.
Listen to me if you want to hear truth
and reason; and while you are about it,
wake up that fellow who's asleep; I want
him to hear too.
'That other lawyer says, Um, that my
client should be sent to prison. I'd like
to see you send him once. But it's get
ting towards dinner time, and 1 want a
horn bad, so I'll give you a closer and
"Now you have no idea of sending my
client to prison; I can see that tact stick
ing out. Suppose either of you were in
his place —suppo.se, for instance, I was,
and you should undertake to jug me—put
me in a log jail without fire, where the
wind was blowing in one side and out the
other, and the only thing to brag of about
the place was the pettedly free circula
tion of air—do you suppose, I say, that I
would got I'd see you d—d first, and
then I woUld'ut."
We do not know what verdict the jury
returned, as when our informant left, they
had all gone to the grocery's for liquor.
LONDON .or 1838.—We have before
spoken of this popular work as being ex
ceedingly interesting. ire conclude by
the following extracts:—
LONDON EATING 4-
-II
hile upon the Jeremy Duller subject,
it may not be amiss to mention an amu
sing circumstance which took place at an
eating house in town. A poor Frenchman
(it was in winter) entered one merely for
the purpose of warming himself at the tire;
he was in too great distress to think of any
indulgence in the good things there smo
king iD prolusion, save such as might be
inhaled by his olfactory nerve. II hile en
gaged In rubbing his halt-starved, bony
hands before a good fire, the master of the
house came up, and said—
"Mlt you take something?"
"I tank yeti sare," was the reply.
Hi hat will you take?"
"ft hat you please."
"lie have some very nice roast turkey
and sausages; will you like that?"
"I tank you, I shall like hint very much"
"Sit down here, and I mill bring it you"
The Frenchman was accordin gly ush
ered into a box, and the Turkey and fires •
sing placed before him. Of whatever he
was asked to partake he partook. He ate
bountifully and washed it down with some
good wine. Poor fellow he had not known
such a meal before for many a long day.
The prrprietor thought he had a good cus
toner; his mortification and disappoint
ment were extreme, when on presenting
his bill, the Frenchman said,
"I have no money, sare."
"Nu money?"
"No."
"Then what the devil did you come in•
to my house. and order such a dinner lion?'
"Pardon, you mistake; I came to warm
myself—you come tom and ask me if I
will take nothin; I say, I tank you;' you
say, what will you take!' I respond, `what
you please;' you bring me de turkey, de
sausage, de tart, de pudding, de cheese,
and de wine; 1 nu ask you for den►;, you
ask ate will I take, and lc to no refuse.
The master of die house, who was some
thing of a humorist, and who was also
struck with the Frenchman's gaunt, and
poverty stricken figure, sutibred him to
depart. But great was his astonishn•ent
on seeing, a short time afterwards, ano
ther Frenchman enter, who, upon being
asked what he would take, likewise repli
ed' what you please,' 'Oh, ho,' exclaim.
ed the landlord, forgave the other be
cause he was an original; but you, t Ilow,
are a mere copyist, and I shall kick you
into the street,' which he did accordingly.
It appeared that the pier premium French.
man had met an acquaintance, and told
hug of his adventure at the eating house;
the poor starved acquaintance hastened to
the spat, already feasting in imagination
on delicacies innumerable, and little drea
ming of the unpleasant denouement which
the cruel Fates had reserved for him.
From the Columbus Journal,
TILE PRESIDENCY.
In our last we promised to give an am
ple explanation of our views, and of the
course we should take, in our advocacy of
a candidate lor the Presidency, li e has
ten to redeem our pledge; but, befirre we
set out, we wish to have credit for two
things: First that we honestly and religi
ously desire the prostration of Mr. Van
Buren's administration; and, secondly,
that we are determined to be influenced
by no personal attachments in our support
of his opponent..
The whig party, at this moment is an
anomaly, even in the mental and moral
vision of its own most warm and devoted
ad hei ants. Without concert, without or
ganization, without any general plan of
action, it has essayed to aect a political
revolution, of thrice the magnitude of that
which haloed the three glorious days of
modern France. IVith a numerical force
more than equal to all with which it may
be brought in conflict, it has remained,
for years the same vigorous but dismantled
mammoth—the same brave, generous, un
disciplined, enetfective mass of mind and
muscle. This is an unpalatable truth,
perhaps, but is, nevertheless, not the less
wholesome,- Of what avail are our 'thous
and and one' victories, over which, for
the last eight years, we have gloated, when
the victors in these multifsrous triumphs
cannot be be brought to act in consort in a
common object? While the adherants of
the administration maintain themselves in
all the integrity of the Macedonian pha
lanx, all governed by one impulse, and all
moving in accordance with the dictates of
one directing policy, we, like so many
wild Arabs, have been careering upon their
flanks, charging upon them with despeta
non but w ;dint t system—routing them in
detail, but securing no advantages. In
stead of cultivating harmony of feeling
and action in our scattered ranks, we have
laboured assidiously to promo se the cause
of discord. The common enemy may
have been annoyed in his outworks, but
his centre remains unshaken. When we
have driven him from one ditch, instead of
using it as a rallying point for further of
fensive operations, we are content to quar
rel among ourselves fur the honor of the
capture.
This picture is certaialy . not a very
flattering one, but its colourings are bor
rowed front every day facts—and,.howev
much we rsgret its truth, or feernumilia
ted by its exhibition, still it is Strue pic
ture of the whig party in the United States,
as it exists at present. ‘Ve have no dis
guise. To bt, really serviceable to the
Whig party, we must
. point out its errors.
It is neither our incl ination nor our duty
to smile at its delusions or wink at its in
consistencies. Should any one honest,
reflecting whig, under whose eye these
remarks may tall, accuse us of impohey
and inconsiderate harshness in drawing
the picture we have here presented, we
shall point him, for the sake of our justifi
cation and his own political edification to
a few passing circumstances.
In the political campaign of 1830 the
whig party (or rather a majority of it, for
a fraction of it supported Mr Webster)
rallied under the flag of Genera l i llarrison.
-Ile was unsuccessful; but his defeat, if
defeat it was, had so much of triumph in
it, so much promise of future achievment
that the plain, unsophisticated whigs of
! the nation—those wings whose votes had
been felt in the recent contest—looked
' upon him as their natural and legitimate
candidats. On the -11 h of July, 1837, the
whigs of Ohio assembled in convention at
Columbus. The record of the proceed
ings of that convention designates the
number of delegates, in attendance, at one
thousand; and it asserts, further, that they
had been selected honestly and equitably,
from all parts of the state. An equality
of representation was intended, and the
record shows on its face that au ample
quota of delegates, from each section and
district of the State, were present. The
members of this convention, legally cho
sen, where invested by their construents
with full power to devise and perfct a plan
of political action by which the whig party
of Ohio were pledged to abide. They
met —they derberated, and they resolved.
‘‘That this Convention, though believ
ing that their fellow citizens throughout
this state would prefer to select ‘Villiam
Ilenry Harrison, whose public services
and qualifications of talents, experience,
magnanimity, justice and patriotism, they
know and appreciate; yet they feel con
fidence in giving the assurance that,
should another person be selected, be lie
of the South, or of the Middle, or of the
North, he will be sustair.ed, in Ohio, wi.h
all the power, zeall, and energy, that would
be employed in support of their own favor
ite fellow citizen."
This convention also recommended a
National Convention, and indicated the
second Monday of June, 1838 as a suita
ble time for its convocation—and the
whigs of all the other states of the Union
were earnestly conjured to consider of.
and respond to, this solemn and deliberate
ma nikstation of the sentiments of the
whigs of Ohio. With the exception, per
haps, of Pennsylvania and Indiana, no
other state saw proper to honor Ohio with
with even an informal notice of this con
vention, or of its decisions. We may be
mistaken, but we cannot help regarding
the resolution, which we have just quoted,
as worth of the sincere attenti6a and re
spect if every whit, no matter of what
state he may be a citizen, or however
deeply his mind had been imbued with
section dor personal predelictinns. '1" he
voice of Ohio, however, met with but a
cheerless response. The whip editors of
the state, destitute of a rallying point,
hoisted their presidential flags, as senti
ment or caprice dictated. Thscnssioes
about names, and not about doctrines,
took the place of the generous and patriot
ic enthusiasm which had marked the de
liberations of the convention of 1837.
The judicious of the party- -those wh3
know, and, knowing, leel, that politieal
union is strength—resolved to make one
more deeisive cubit to reproduce a con
centration of opinion and action; and, to
effect this, and to effect this they called
another convention of the whigs on thelast
day of Max, 1838. The convention met.
In point of numbers it was the most
im
posing assemblage convened for purely
civic and political objects, that has ever
been seen in North America. The num
ber in attendance was estimated at five
thousand! In this convention, as in that
of 1837, there was a most fair and equal
representation of Whig feelings. Atter
mature deliberation, and after the investis
gation and interchange of all compro
mises and concessions, the Convention
resolved,
"That this convention has undiminish
ed confidence in the patriotism and talents
of their distinguished fellow citizen,
William Henry Harrison, and concur with
the convention of July last, in presenting
his name to the National Convention, as a
candidate fur the Presidency; but, at the
same time, pledge their cordial support to
the nomination of that convention, should
it fall on either of the other distinguished
statesmen, H enry Clay or Daniel Webster,
whose names are proposed for that impor
tant office."
This resolution was carried by the vast
assemblage: but one solitary voice Was
heard in the negative! IVith the excel . ) ,
tion of that one solitary negative, it was
hailed pith cheers of Exultation.
Here, it was supposed, ended all the
changes ind motives for whig disunion in
Ohio. On two great and solemn occasions
the whigs had, after enjoying tho opportu
nity of a thorough interchange of opinion 4.•
give n to the important subject before them
the benefit of a calm and unhurried inves
tigation; decided that they were in favor
of a National Convention,and that though
fl illian, Henry Harrison had their mark
ed preference as the whig Presidential
candidate, they, nevertheless, were will
ing to submit his claims to the decision of
that body, under a disenetly expressed
pledge,toal;ide that decision, be it what it
might: In the eye of reason and of patri
otism, the whigs of Ohio were baund to
rally around the political flag that had
been hoisted by the conventions of 1837
and 1838. The path of duty was plain—'
it needed no illustration, it required only
consistency of principle, and energy of
action.
It is painful to remember that, after all
these exertions, after the cordial ratifica
tion oral' these pledges, and after all tho
general concessions required and admit•
ted at the great convention of 1838, there
was still a portion of the whig party of the
state, a portion of sufficient magnitude to
d istract and defeat it, that could not and
would not acquiese in all its decisions.
Several whig journals of the first respect
ability, distinguished alike for high talent
and extensive influence—journals against
whose patriotism we do nut and dare nut
allege an objection, however much me re
gret their want of political tact—these
journals saw proper to depart front the
path prescribed by the concentrated wis
dom of their party, and the result was a
signal defeat, at the annual election in
October last, in the Governor and both
houses of the Legislature. llad the whigs
of Ohio been permitted to retain the rally
ing point, prescribed in the resolution of
the convention of 1838, their success in
the last annual election would have been
certain. This is not asserted for the sake
[ VoL. IV, No 30.
of producing efre( t, nor is it spoken in
levity—it is the joint result of dispassion.
•ate reflection and an extensive compari
-.ion of opinion with the minds of high in
telligence in all divisions or the State.
ft e wpge no war against Henry Clay
or Daniel Webster—neither do we enter
the lists as the champion of V% illiam Henry
Harrison. We have but one plain, sim
ple duty to perform— it i 4 to enforce the
voice of the whigs ot Ohio, as expressed in
the resolution of the convention of 18P.
In accordance; therefore, with the spirit ot
that resolution, and loi the maintenance
of consistency & union in the whiff; party
of Ohio, we hesitate not to unfurl our
Pres;dent banner. It is IYILLIAM
HENRY HARRISON, subject to the de
cision of a NATIONAL CONVENTION.
As far as our remarks have now pro
ceeded they are mainly applicable to the
higs of Ohio. We have touched, as brief
ly as possible, upon a few important fea
tures in the history and character of the
party, in this state, an 1 we have endeav
ored, as much as in us lies to show that—
the want of concert, and not of numerical
force, has heretofore lain at the rout of our
political disasters. It we have given of:
fence to any of our political brethern--if,
in this hurried and compressed explana
tion of our views, we have rudely jostled
the sensibilities of that select few who pro
fess to 'ae wiser than the mass—if, in the
unvarnished exhibit, we have here submit
ted of that lamentable centrifugal tenden
cy which has so etten defeated the best
efforts of whigism, in this and ether states
--we can only say, and say it from the
bottom of our heart, we forget is— but we
cannot recede an inch from the per
formance of what we cenceive to be our
duty.
We go for a National Courelition—anil
we hereby pledge our sacred holfor to abide
by its decision, even though its nominee
should be the bitterest personol foe we
have on earth. His banner shall be hoist
ed on the mast head of the Ohio State
Journal, and we shall war in his cause
without question and without shrinking.
But we shall insist that this National Con
vention shall hold its session at an early
day, and that all shall come PRE9H PROM
Tile PEOPLE. Delay in its convocation,
or chicanery in the selection of its elements
cannot tend to enhance its utility or give
authority to its decisions.
As this explanation of our political
views has been carried to a much farther
extent than we anticipated at its com
mencement—and, as we are well aware of
the repugnance which most newspaper
readers entertain to long editorials—we
shall hurry to a close, by briefly adverting
to the singular and rather irrational atu
tude which our party presents at the South.
The New Orleans Bee, a paper which has
recently changed from the hands of a Van
Buren Edito r tothose of an avowed Whig,
and one which, we presume, exerts con
siderable influence in the South, has re
cently promulgated a sentiment which we
read with mingled feelings of surprise and
sorrow. Here it is:
"It is evident, we think, that the South
will name the next pi esident of the United
States. Ot the New England States the
Locofocos will remain Locofocos still, and
those which aro Whig will sustain any can
didate nominated by the convention. Bee
Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina.
Georgia, Miss ;sap; , and Laval ana
cannot be persuaded to abide the decision
of that body—they will sustain Henry
Clay, or they will be carried by the Locu
Focos."
Does the New Orleans Bee appreciate
I the fatal, the suicidal tendency of such
language as this? Is the editor a whiq, or
merely a Van Buten man in disguise? Ile
latter conjecture carries with it the great
er probability. It would seem, then, that
Virginia, Maryland, North Carolina.
Georgia, Mississsipi, and Loutsian, will
not abide the decision of the National
Con !ention, but will support Mr. Clay.
and him only, or else give the weight of
their electoral votes to the common enemy!
We have long quarreled with the Wash
ington Globe, the great head and front,
the alpha and the omega, of the Van Buren
party of this Union— but a greater than
the Globe is here. The Globe has always
been consistent. It has battled for its
party, in good and evil report. It has de
fended its iniquities, and rejoiced at the
success of its politicalaillantes. But the
Globs never has, in one instance,
raised a dagger against the throats of its
own confederates . No Van Buren jour
nal, with which we are conversant, has
ever aimed a more deadly stab at the very
vitals of whigism than has the Bee. We
have, however, one feeliog of consolation,
in reading this remarkable declaration of
the N. O. Bee. and that is, that, with the
exception of Louisiana, and, perhaps not
even all of that state, it is a public journal
of, at best, hut problitnatic authority. If,
on the contrary, the Bee should be found
to be of more consequence than we are
now disposed to consider it, we shall only
be subjected to the malancholr necessity