HUNTINGDON MIL
Iffnome No. 166.1
TERMS
OF TOE
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MESSAGE.
Fan' THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
STATES, TO THE TWO HOUSES OF CON-
IikEESS, AT THE COMMENCEMENT •OF
THZ TWENTY FIFTH COIIGRF.S3.
FELLOW CITIZENS OF TOE SENATE
AND HOUSE OF REPiIESENTATIVES.
I congratulate you on the favorable cir
cumstances in the condition of our coun
try, under which you reassemble for the
performance of your o ffi cial duties.
Ehough the anticipations of an abundant
harvest have not every where been real
ized, yet, ou the whole, the labors of the
husbandman are rewarded with a boun
tiful return; industry prospers in its va
rious channels of business and enterprise;
general health again prevails through our
vast diversity of climate; nothing threat
ens, from abroad, the continuance of ex
ternal peace; nor has any thing at home
impaired the strength of those fraternal
and domestic ties which constitute the
only guarantee to the success and per
manency of our happy Union, and which
formed an the hour of peril, have hitherto
bean honorably sustained through every
vicisitude of our national affairs. These
blessing - 9, which evince the care and ben
eficence of Providence, call for our de
vout and fervant gratitude .
We have not less to be grateful for
other bounties bestowed by the same mu
nificent hand, and more exclusively our
own.
The present year closes the first half
century of our Federal institutions, and
our system—differing from all others in
the acknowledged, practical, and unlim
ited operation which it has for so long a
period given to the sovereignity of the
people—has now been fully tested bi ex
perience.
The ;constitution devised by our fore
fathers as the frainewca and bond of that
system then. untried, has become a set-,
tied form of Government not only pre
servingland protecting the great principles
upon which it was founded but wonder.
luny promoting individual happiness and
private interests.—Though subject to
change and entire revocation, whenever
deemed inadequate to all those purposes,
yet such is the wisdom of its construction
and so stable has been the public senti
ment, that it remains unaltered, except
in matters of detail, comparatively unim
portant. It has proved ample sufficient
for the various emergencies incident to
oar condition as a nation. A forminable
foreign war; agitating collitions be
tween domestic and, in some respect,
rival soverignties; temptations to inter
fere in the intestine commotions of neigh
horing countries , the dangerous influence
that arise in periods of excessive prosper
ity; and the anti-republican tendencies of
associated wealth: these, with other trials
not less formidable, have all been en
countered, and thus far successfully re
sisted.
It was reserved from the American
Union to test the advantages of a Govern
ment eetirely dependent on the contin
ual exercise of the popular will; and our
experience has shown that ,it is as benef
icent in practice as it is just in theory.
Each successive change made in our local
institutions has contributed to extend
tho right of suffrage, has increased the di
rect influence of the mass of the commu
nity, given greater freedom to individual
exertion, and restricted more and more,
the powers of Government; yet the intel•
ligence, prudence, and patriotism of the
people have kept pace with this augmen
ted responsibility. In no country has
education been so widely diffused. Do
mestic peace has nowhere so largely reign
ed.—The close bonds of social intercourse
have in no instance prevailed with such
harmony over a space so vast. All forms
of religion have united, for the first time,
to diffuse chastity and piety, because, for
the first time in the history of nations, all
have been totally untrammelled, and ab
solutely tree. The deepest recesszs have
been penetrated—yet, instead of rudeness
in the social condition consequent upon
such adventures elsewhere, numerons
communities have sprang up, already un
rivalled in prosperity, general in
gence, internal tranquility, and the wis
dom of their political institutions. Inter
nal Improvement, the fruit of individual
enterprise, fostered kby the protection of
the States, has added new links to the
confederation, and fresh rewards to prov
ident industry. Doubtful questions of do
policy have been quietly settled by mutu
al forbearance; and agriculture, com—
merce, and manufactures, minister to
each other. 7 axation and public debt,
the burdens which bear so heavily upon
all other countries, have pressed with com
parative lightness upon us.—Without one
entangling alliance, our friendship is priz
ed by every nation; and the rights of our
citizens are known to be guarded by unik
ted, sensitive, and watchful people.
To this practicitl operation of our in
stitutions, so evident and successful, we
owe that increased attachment to them
which is among the most cheerful exhi
bitions of popular sentiment, and will
prove the best security, in time to come,
against foreign or domestic assaults.
This review of the results of our
institutions, for halt a century, without
exciting a spirit of vain exultation, should
serve to impress upon us the great prin- 1
ciples from which they have sprung; con
stant and direct supervision by the peo
ple over every public measure; strict tore
bearance on, the part of the Government
from exercising any doubtful or disputed
powers; and a cautious abstena nce from
all interference with conceurs which prop
perly belong and are best left to State
regulations and individLal enterprise.
Full information of the state of our for
eign affairs having been recently, on two
different occasions4submitted to Conga ess
I deem it necessary now to bring to your
notice only such events as have subse
quently occurred, or are of such impor
tance as to require particular attention.
The most amicable dispositions condo
ne to be exhibited by all the nations
with whom the Government and citizens
of the United States have any habitual
intercourse. At the date of my last an•
t.ual mess ge, Mexico was the only na
tion which could not be included in so
gratifying a reference to our foreign re
lations„
I am happy to be now able to inform
you that an advance has been made to
wards the adjustment of our difficuies
with that republic, and the restoration of
the customary good feeling between the
two nations. This important charge has
been effected by conciliatory negotiations
that have resulted in the conclusoion of a
treaty between the two Goverments,
which, when ratified, will refer to the ar
bitrament of a friendly power all the
subjects of controversy between us grow
ing out of injuries to individuals. There
is, at present, also, reason to believe
that an equitable settlement for all Os
puted points will be attained eithout fur
ther difficulty or unnecessary delay, and
thus authorize the free resumption of di
plomatic intercourse with our sister Re
public.
With respect to the north eastern boon
dary of the U. States, no official cures
pondence between this Government and
that of Great Britain has passed since
that communicated to Congress towards
the close of their last session. The offer
to negotiate a convention for the appoint.
went of a joint commission of survey and
exploration, I am, however, assured will
be met by her majesty's Government in
a conciliatory and friendly spirit, and in
structions to enable the British Minister
her to conclude such an arrangement will
be transmitted to him without needless
delay. It is hoped and expected it will be
of a liberal character, and that. this nego
tiation. successful, will prove to be an
important step towards the satisfactory
and final adjustment of the controversy.
Here then follows a reiteration of his
views, as respects the war in Canada, as
given in his proclamation,—with some
farther remarks, as to the interferance of
our citizens.
Russia, he says, has declined a renewal
of the articles of convention, giving our
vessel, privileges upon certain coast, the
reason assigned is, that our• traders sup,
ply the Indians with spiritous liquors &
fire arms to the injury of that nation.
The President regrets, the continuation
of the Blockade on the Mexican coast---
The convention for making the boundary
line between Texas and the United States
was concluded, and ratified—The appli•
cation of Texas for admission into the
Union is withdrawn.
"ONE COUNTRY, ONE CONSTITUTION, ONE DESTINY."
A. W. BENEDICT PUBLASTIER AND PROPRIETOR.
HUNTINGDON, PENNSYLVANIA, WEDNESDAY DECEMBER 19, 1838.
Here then follows an exposition of the
fiscal affairs of the country. and a short
history of the :conduct of one of his Sub
Treasures.
An exposition of the fiscal affairs of the
Government, and of their condition for
the past year, will be made to you by the
Secretary of the Treasury.
The available balance in the Treasury
on the Ist of January next is estimated at
$2,765,342. The receipts of the year,
from customs and lands, will probably
amount to $120,815,593. These usual
sources of revenue have been increased
by the issue of Treasury notes—of which
less than eight millions of dollars, inclu-
I interest and principle, will :vie int
stading at the end of the yeai--and ty I
the sale of one of the bsnds of the Bank
of the United states, for $2,254,871.
The aggregate of means from these and
other sources, with the balance on hand
on the first of January last, has been ap
plied to the payment of appropriations by
Congress. The whole expenditure for,
the year on their account including the
redemption of more than eight millions of
Treasury notes, constitutes an aggregate
of about forty-millions of dollars, and
will still leave in the Treasury the bal
lance before stated.
Nearly eight millions of dollars of
Treasury notes are paid during the com
ing year, in addition to the ordinary ap
propriations for the support of Govern
ment. For both these purposes, the res
sources of the Treasury will undoubtedly
be sufficient if the charges upon it are not
; increased beyond the annual estimates.
; No excess, however, is likely to exist;
nor ca■ the postponed instalment of the
surplus revenue be deposited with the
States, nor any considerable appropria
tions beyond the estimates be made, with
out causing a deficiency in the Treasury.
The great caution, advisable at all times,
of limiting appropriations to the wants of
the public, is rendered necessary at pre
sent by the prospective and reduction of
the tariff; while the vigilant jealously, ev
idently excited among the people by the
occurrences of the last few years, assures
us that they expect from their representa
tives, and will sustain them in the exer-
cise of the most rigid economy. Much
can be effected by postponing appropria
tions not immediately requ.red for the
ordinary public service, or for any pres
sing emergency; and much by reducing
the expenditures where the entire and
immediate accomplishment of the objects
in view is not indispensable.
When we call to mind the recent and
extreme embarrassments produced by ex
cessive issues cf bank paper, aggravated
by the unforeseen withdrawal of much
foreign capital, and the inevitable de
rangement arising from the distribution
of the surplus revenue among the States
as required by Congress; and consider
the heavy expenses incurred by the remo
val of the Indian tribes; by the military
operations in Florida; and on account of
the unusually large appropriations made
at the lust two annual sessions of Com
gress for other objects, we have striking
evidence, in the present efficient state of
our finances, of the abundant resources
of the country to fulfil its obligations.
Nor is it less gratifying to find that the
general business of the community, deep
ly affected as it has been, is reviving with
additional vigor, chastened by the lessons
of the past, and animated by the hopes of
the future. By the curtailment of paper
issues, by curbing the sanguins and ad
venturous spirit of speculation; and by
the honorable application of all available
means to the fulfilment of obligations,
confidence has been restored both at home
1 and abroad, and ease and facility secured
to all the operations of trade.
The agency of the Government in pro
ducing these results has been as efficient
as its powers and means permitted. By
witholding from the States the deposite of
the fourth instalment, and leaving sever
al millions at long credits with the banks,
principally in one section of the country
and inure immediately beneficial to it;
and, at the same time, aiding the banks
and commercial communities in other
sections, by postponing the payment of
bonds for duties to the amount of between
four or five millions of dollars; by an is..
sue of Treasury notes as a means to ena
ble the Government to meet the conse
quences of their indulgences; but afford
ing at the same time, facilities for remit
tance and exchange; and by steadily de
clining to employ as general depositories
of the public revenues, or receive the
notes of all Banks which refused to re
deem them with specie: by these meas
ures, aided by the favorable action of
some of the banks, and by the support and
co operation of a large portion of the'
community, we have witnessed an early
resumption of specie payments in our
great commercial capital, promptly fol
lowed in almost every part of the United
'States: This result has been alike salu
tary to the true interests of agriculture,
commerce, manufacturers; to public mor
als, respect for the laws, and that confi
dence between man and man which is so
essential in all our social relations.
The contrast between the suspension of
1814 and that of 1837 is most striking,
The short duration of the latter; the
prompt restoration of business; the evi
dent benehts resulting from an adherence
by the Government to the constitutional
standard of value, instead of sanctioning
the suspension of the receipt of irredee
mable paper; and the advantages derived
from the large amount of specie introdu
ced into the country previous to 1837,
aflbrd a valuable illustration of the true
policy of the government, in such a crisis,
nor can the comparison fail to remove the
,impressiiti that a 'rational hank is neces
-1 sari , in such emerzentlea. Not only
.
were specie payments resutiltd witZn' t
its aid, but exchanges have also Duo:
more rapidly restored than when it exis
ted; thereby showing that private capital,
enterprise and prudence are fully ade
quate to these ends. On all these points
experience seems to have confirmed the
views heretofore submitted to Congress.
We have been saved the mortification of
seeing the distresses of the community,
fur the third time, seized on to fasten
upon the country so dang erous an insti
tution; and we may also pe that the bu
siness of individuals will hereafter be re
lieved from the injurious effects of a con
tinued agitation of that disturbing sub
ject. —The limited influence cf a national
bank in at erting derangement in the ex
changes of the country, or in compelling
the resumption of specie payments, is now
not lees apparent than its tendency to in
crease the inordinate speculation by sud
den expansions and contractions, its dis
position to create panic and embarrass
ment for the promotion of its own designs,
its interference with politics, and its far
greater power for evil than for good, ei•
ther in regard to the local institutions or
the operations of Government itself.
What was, in these respects, but apple
hension or opinion when a national bank
was first established, now stands confir
med by humiliating experience. The
scenes through which we have passed,
conclusively prove how little our com
merce, agriculture, manufacturers or fi
nances require such an institution, and
what dangers are attendant on its power;
a power, I trust, never to be conferred
by American people upon their Govern.
went, and still less upon individuals not
responsible to them for its unavoidable
abuses,
My conviction of the necessity of fur
ther legislative provisions for the safekee
ping and disbursement of the public mo
neys, and my opinion in regard to the
measures best adapted to the accomplish
ment of those objects, have been already
submitted to you. These have been
strengthened by recent events. and, in the
fall conviction that time and experience
must still further demonstrate their pro
priety, I feel it my duty, with respectful
deference to the conflicting views of oth
ers, again to invite yonr attention to them.
With the exception of limited sums de
posited in the few banks still employed
under the act of 1838, the amounts re
ceived for duties, and, with very incon
siderable exceptions, those accruing from
lands also, have since the general suspen
sion of specie payments by the deposite
banks, been kept and disbursed by the
Treasurer, under his grierallegal powers
subject to the superintendence of the
Secretary of the Treasury. The proprie
ty of defining more specifically, and of
regulating by law, the exercise of this
wide scope of executive discretion, has
been already submitted to Congress.
A change in the office of collector at
one of our principal ports, has brought to
light a defalcation of the gravest charac
ter, the particulars of which will be laid
before you in a special report from the
Secretary of the Treasury. By this re
port and the accompanying documents,
it will be seen that the weekly returns of
the defaulting officer apparently exhibi
ted, throughout, a faithful administration
of the affairs entrusted to his management.
It, however, now appears that he com
menced abstracting the public moneys
shortly after his appointment, and contin
ued to do so, progressively increasing the
amount, for the term of more than seven
years, embracing a portion of the period
during which the public moneys were de
posited in the Bank of the United States,
the whole of that of the state bank depos
its system, and concluding only on his
retirement from office, after that system
had substantially failed, in consequence
of the suspension of specie payments.
The way in which the defalcation was
so long concealed, and the steps taken to
indemnify the United States, as far as
practicable, against loss, will also be pre
sented to you. The case is one which
imperatively claims the attention of Con
gress, and furnishes the strongest motives
of the establishment of a more severe and
secure system for the safekeeping and
RNAL.
disbursement of the public moneys than'
any that has heretofore existed•
It seems proper, at all events, that, by
an early enactment, similar to that of oth
er countries, the application of public
money by an officer of Government to
private uses, should be made a felony, and
visited with severe and ignominious pnn
ishment• This is already, in effect, the
law in respect to the m'nt, and has been
productive of the most salutary results.
Whatever system is adopted, such an
enactment wonld he wise as an indepen
dent measure, since much of the public
moneys must, in their collection land ul
timate disbursement, pass twice through
the hands of public officers, in whatever
manner they are intermediately kept.
The Government, it must be admitted,
has been from its commencement cern
oaratively fortunate in this respect. But
the appotinz power cannot always be
well aaV . iged in its se:Cf tiOns, and the ex
perience of every cOuntiT has shown that
public officers are not at all timesproof
against temptation, It is a duty, there.
fore, which the Government owes, as well
to the interests committed to its care as to
the officers themselves, to provide every
guard against transgressions of this char
acter that is consistent with reason and
humanity. Congress cannot be to jeal
ous of the conduct of those who are en
trusted with the public money; and 1 shall
at all times be disposed to encourage a
watchful discharge of this duty. It a
more direct co-operation on the part of
Congress, in the supervision of the con
duct of the officers entrusted with the
custody and application of the public
money is deemed desirable, it will give
me pleasure to assist in the establishment
of any judicious and constitutional plan
by which that object may be accomplish
ed. You will, in your wisdom, deter
mine upon the propriety of adopting such
a plan, and upon the measure necessary
to its effectual execution. When the late
Bulk of United States was incorporated,
and made the depository of the public
money, a right was reserved to Congress
to inspect, at its pleasure, by a commit
tee of that body, the books and the pi o
ceedings of the bank.
In one of the States whose banking in
stitutions are supposed to rank among
the first in point of stability, there are
subjected to constant examination by com
missioners appointed for that purpose, and
much of the success of its banking sys
tem is attributed to this watchful surper
vision. The same course has also, in
view, of its beneficial operation, been ad
opted by an adjoining State, favorably
known for the care it has always bestow
ed upon whatever relates to its financial
concerns. I submit to your consideration
whether a committee of Congress might
not be profitably employed in inspecting,
at such intervals as 'might be deemed
proper, the affairs and accounts of officers
entrusted with the custody of the public
money. The frequent performance of
this duty might be made obligatory on the
committee in respect to those officers who
have large sums in their possession, and
left discretionary in respect to others.
They might report to the Executive such
defalcations as were found to exist, with
a view to a prompt removal form office un
less the default was satisfactorily accoun
ted for; and report, also, to Congress, at
the commencement of each session, the
result of their examintions, and procee
dings. It does appear to me that, with a
subjection of this class of public officers
I to the general supervision of the Execu
tive, to examinations by a committee of
Congress at periods of which they should
have no previous notice, and to prosecu
tion and punishment as for felony for ev
ery breach of trust, the safekeeping of the
public money, under the system proposed,'
might be placed on a surer foundation
than it has ever occupied since the estab
lishment of the Government.
The Secretary of the Treasury, he
says will give further information on the
subject. Then follows some of the old
twaddle about "imprudent expansions of,
the bank credit"—"money power," &c.
&c., and he finally winds up, by holding
out his hand to the State Banks, in the
following friendly tone. He certainly
must have forgotten his promise to "tread
in the,' ootsteps," of the "old monster kil
-1 ler."
It will not. lam sure, be deemed out
of place for me here to remark, that the
declaration of my views in opposition to
the 'policy of employing banks as depos
itories of the Government funds, cannot
justly be construed as indicative of hos
tility. official or personal, to those iusti.
tutions, or to repeat in this form, and in
connection with this subject, opinions
which I have formerly entertained, and on
all proper occasions expressed. Though
always opposed to their creation in the
form of exclusive privileges, and as a
State magistrate aiming by appropriate
legislation to secure the consequences of
[ VOL IV, No. 10.
yet ever wished to see them protect ed i n
the exercise of rights conferred by law
their occasional mismanagement, i i a ~
and have never doubted their utility,
when properly managed, in promoting
the interest of trade and, through that
channel, the other intereets of the com
munity. To the General Government
they present themselvi a merely as State
institutions having no necessary connec
tion with its legislation or its administra
tion. Like other State establishments.
they may be used or not in conducting
the affairs of the Governinent, as public
policy and general interest of the 'Un . on
may seem to require. The only sate or
proper principle upon which their inter
course with the govetnment can be
regulated, is that which regulates trieir
intercourse withlthe private citizen--the
conferring of mutual benefits. When the
Government can accomplish a 'financial
operation better with the aid of the banks
than without, it it should be at liberty to
st , 'Ac that aid al.it would the services of a
private banker, or other capitalists or a
gents, giving .'le
preference lo those who
will serve it on the best terms. Nor can
there ever exist an interest in the officers
of the General government, as such, in
ducing them to embarrss or annoy the
State banks, any more ithan to incur the
hostility of any other class of State insti
tutions, or of private citizens . It is nil:
in the nature of things that hostility to
those institutions can spring Irmo this
source, or any opposition to thei.' kenrs6
of business, except whr n they themselvers
depart from the objects of their creation:
'and attempt to usurp powers not confer
red upon them, or to subvert the standard
of value established by the Constitution.
While opposition to their regular opera
tions cannot exist in this quarter, resir.
tance to any attemptlo make 'the Govern
ment depend upon them for the success
ful 'administration of public affairs, is a
is a matter of duty, as I trust it will ever
be of inclination, no matter from what mii
tive or consideration the attempt may or-;
iginate. ,
It is no more than just to the banks to
say, that the late emergency, most of there
firmly resisted the strongest temptation to
extend their paper issues, when apparent
ly sustained in suspension of specie pay
ments by public opinion, even though in
some cases invited by legislative enact
ments. To this honorable course, aided
by the resistance of the General Govern
' ment, acting in obedience to the COnsti
tution and laws of the U. States, to the
introduction of an irredeemable paper me
dinm, may be attributed, in a great de
gree, the speedy restoration of our cur
rency to a sound state, and the business
of the country to its wanted prosperity •
The banks have but to continue in the
same !safe course, and be content in their
appropriate sphere, to avoid al? interfe
rence from the General Government, and
to dmis.'e from it all the protection and
benetits which it bestows on other State
establishments, on the people of the
States, and on the States themselves. In
this, t h eir true position, they cannot but
secure the confidence and good will of
the people and G ivernment which they
can only lose when leaping from their
legitimate sphere, they attempt to con:
trol the legislation of the country, and
petwert the operations of the Government
to th6it ostn purptises:
the following paragraphs are of nd
great interest, or importance—The pre
emption law: tobacco trade with foreign
Countries; the necessity, for the passage
of a law to take the next census; and the
importance of some organization of the
militia on our maratine, anti inland fron
tiers, make up the whole. Then follows
an excuse for thousand depredations .
which Lave been made upon the poor
"red men." One would suppose that th
Indians were under great obligations to
the "great medicine" of the pale faces,
for humaaely providing them with "hap
py hunting grounds," this side the grave
. .Lo! the poor latlitin."
It aft rds me sincere pleasure to be
able to apprise you of the entire removal
of the Cherokee nation of Indians to their
new homes west of the Mississippi.
The measures authorized by Congress at
its last session, with a view to the long
standing controversey with them, have
had the happiest encts. By an agree=
ment concluded with toem by the com
manding general in that country, who has
performed the duties assigned to him on
the occasion with commendable energ y
and humanity, their removal has been
principally under the conduct of their
own chiefs, and they have emigrated with
out any apparent reluctance.
The successful accomplishment of this
important object; the removal also, of the,
entire Creek nation, with the exception oe
a small number of fugitives amongst the
Seminoles in Florida; the progress alreatt'