Democrat and sentinel. (Ebensburg, Pa.) 1853-1866, November 02, 1864, Image 1

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business Carbs.
DM'LAUGHLIN. Atternoy at Law,
Johnstown, Pa. Office in the Ex
Ln?e building, on the Corner of Clinton
ci Locust streew up t-tairs. Will attend
K rI! busuies connected with his profetMon.
Iec. 9. 18SS.-tf.
itorntn at ato, (Bbcnsburq,
Cambria County Penna.
Office Colouade row.
xt. 4. 18B
(YRUS L. PERSHING. Esy.. Attokkkt
J at Law, Johnstown, Cambria Co. Pa.
"iicecn Main strctt, second floor om
!".ank. ix 2
I R. T. C. S. Gardner,
PHYSICIAN AND SURGEON.
T-n.lers his professional nsrvk lo Le
e'tV.iiS of
E P. E N S P U R O .
nurrotindius vicinity.
OFFICE IN COLON A DE ROW.
29, 1864-tf
J. E. Scaalan,
ATTORNEY AT LA W ,
EBBSSBrRa, Pa.,
(STICK ON MAIN STREET, THREE
DOORS EAST or the LOGAN HOUSE,
li.-ccmler 10, 18ti8.-'y.
U. L. Jobsstok. Gto. W. Oatmak.
JOHNSTON Sr. OATIYIAN,
ATTORNEYS AT LAW.
Ehecsburg Cambria. County Penna.
OFFICE REMOVED TO LLOYD ST.,
fi West of R. L. J hrir'tr.n's Hm
i vnce. Dec. 4. 1861. ly."
JOHN FENLON, Esq. Attorney at
Law. Ebeusburtr. Cambria countv Pa.
Cf5c on Maiu btut t adjoining his dwtl-
nj!.
ix 2
1
i S. NOON,
ATTORVFT AT I.1W.
KHENSBURO, CAMBRIA CO.. PA.
"fl.ee one door East of the Post Office.
Feb. 18, 1868.-tf.
QEORGEM. REED.
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
EBENSUURG,
Cambria County, Pa.
OFFICE IN COLON A DE ROW.
March 13, 1864.
- V
AIICIIAEL HASSON, Esq. Attorney
AT Law, Ebensburg. Cambria Co. Pa.
t)ffi:ce on Main street, three doors East
e' Jnlun. ix 2
W. HICKSIAN.
U. T. HOLL.
G. W. HICKMAN 8l CO.,
Wholesale Dealers in
l,UFACTU UEU TOBACCO.
rOlUlGN AND DOMESTIC SEGARS
SNUFFS. &c.
E. COil. THIRD & MARKET STREET
PHILADELPHIA.
Auguet 13. 18S3.-ly.
IS Jauuv0 ,ei ig r.0l 'soil
'aidjv -h -oaiu
OKiavanaNv
SYO 31IUAV
m mjT3qVTOVr83HOIH
trt A .An,,,?ce on Centre Slreet,
f'XwMion pri immediately.
i i JOSEPH M'DONALD.
pnl 13, 184.
T7 BLESSINGS OP GOVERNMENT, LIKE
SPEECH OF
Hon. Jereuilali S. Black.
i At the Hall of tlic Keystone Club, In
Philadelphia, October 24, 1861.
The following is the concluding remarks
of Judge Black's great speech :
It is perfectly manifest that the princi
ples and measures of the Abolitionist are,
and must of necessity be, incompatible
with the safety of a government like ours.
They put it to a work which it was not
intended lor, and which it cannot do with
out destroying itself. If you have' a
j threshing machine and place it under the
charge or a man who uses it as a breaker
of anthracite coal, it must infallibly fly to
j pieces, feo the operations ol your political
eysteni must be confined to the purposes
j designed by ita framers, or else you must
j take the inevitable consequence of break -I
ing it up. The more exquisitely the seve-
ral parts of it are adapted to its one legiti-
mate purpose, the more certain it is to le
j utteily ruined by applying it to another,
i Nor does it make any deference whether
the new object proposed be in itself good
or b.td. Indeed, any government, how
ever constituted, is perfectly sure to wreck
those laws which are the essential parts of
j its structure, wherever it attempts to work
out the object of some 44 higher law,"
j which does not properly belong to it.
j All the pages of history are covered
with lessons which teach them this truth.
During the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries the rulers of Europe took it into
their heads that the great paramount in
terest which they must look after was the
spiritual welfare of tho people ; their
temporal prosperity was nothing compared
to their eternal salvation. They resolved,
therefore, to introduce into their govern
ment the Higher Law of true religion.
But what came of it? The Higher Law
trampled down 11 other laws, and tore the
whole framework of society into frag
ments. Rebellion, insurrection and civil
war became the universal fashion mil
lions were slaughtered ; Kranee was con
vulsed ; Germany was laid waste and al
inoct dt-populuted ; the city of Prague,
which began the thirty years' war with
two hundred thousand inhabitants, closed
it with less than four hundred human be
ings inside of her walls. All the land in
Ireland was confiscated four times over,
and for ages together generation nftcrgene
mtion ot her best and bravest men were
ruthlessly murdered.
England offered no term" of peace ex-
: cept upon ihe abandonment of tho Catho-
j lie faith, which the Higher Law pronojm
! ced to be false. But though Ireland was
I many t-ins conquered ; was trampled
j down :gnin an I again, subjugation brought
! no ponce ; it whs only civil war gone to
j S"-d. I Vac and set-wiry, mid juMice
j and order never came back until England
! slowly opened her eyes to the truth, and
j acknowledged that the whole doctrine of
j the Highor Law was a great, unmitigated,
j monstrous, bloody lie.
! We have had some experience with this
! game kind of Higher Law in our own
t country. I
Ten or twelve years ago certain
Yankee politicians, and their humble imi
j tators in other parts of the Union, form
! ing together a very powerful party, pro-
! posed the practical disfranchisement of
. Catholics and foreign-born citizeus. In
place of the Constitution they wanted the
Higher L'iw of a l'rotestar.t and exclu
sively native domination. New England
pretended to be in an agony of terror, lest
the Pope and the Catholic church would
do her some grievous harm ; every mem
ber of the Massachusetts Legislature but
one, was sworn in secret to support the
Higher Law ; a lying priest hood hounded
on the ignorant rowd, just as they are
doing now ; churches were burned; nun
neries were assaulted ; Catholics were
driven from the polls and run through
with pitchforks. If that party had got
hold of the Federal Government, as it
seemed at one time very likely to do, and
put its Higher Law in full operation, civil
war would have been as certain as it is
now.
You can easily conceive how other ap
plications of tho principle would work in
any given case. For instance : The mu
nicipal law of all our States has the pro
tection of private property for one of its
great objects; it allows the rich man to
keep what he has, and poverty is forced
to be content with its " loop'd and win
dowed raggedness." But the Higher Law
of Christian charity commands the rich
to divide with the poor. It is, besides, a
great public evil, unjust and unnatural,
that one person should be compelled to
struggle for the bare necessaries of life,
while another, no better than he, is rolling
in the luxuries of superfluous wealth. But
suppoe w were visited by an act of Con
gress, or an ExerotiTe proclamation in
THE DEWS OF HEAVEN, SHOULD BE
EBENSBTJRG, PA. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1864.
I favor of the Higher Law, backed by an
' army with banners, to enforce an equal
! division of goods and lands, can any body
; doubt that civil commotion would be the
i consequence ? The foundations of order
; would be broken up ; the rich would re-
fuse to part with the half of their proper
' ty ; the poor would think themselves li
; censed to plunder it all, and the agents of
i tho Higher Law would do as they have
'. done elsewhere, rub both classes alike,
j Apply these plain and simple principles
I to Abolitionism. In doing so let us con
j cede, that party to be (what it is not)or
I thodox on every subject but that of Afri-
i can slavery. Assume, also, that the rela-
i tion of master and servant, in the South- armed and defenseless people. He was
! ern States, is wrong, morally and religi- j taken and hanged ; but it seldom hap
i ously. Nevertheless, it is a "fixed con- j pens that the greatest benefactors of the
stittitional fact," that the United States human race receive sucli posthumous
are furnished with no legal power to in- j honors as the Abolitionists bestowed on
terfcie with it ; and any attempt by them
to do so is ijo j(tcto destruction of the
I-deral Government, for while it is en
gaged in the execution of the Higher Law-
it cannot perform the proper functions ac-
tually assigned to it by those who made
lt. e n.re there lore without a loveru
nient ; anarchy spoliation and bloodshed,
conflagration, terror and tears, come in
the place of Government and law.
Every one who reflects will admit, that
if this perversion of the Government to the
purposes uf Abolitionism, or any other
purpose inconsistent Willi its laws, hau
j taken place at a former period, or under
an earlier l'residenr, the same disastrous
consequences must have followed. The
time never was when we could run our
vessel on such a rock as that without
making it a total wreck. Nor is there a
single man, with understanding enough j
to reise him one single degree higher than
an idiot, who does not know, that if a
Democrat had been elected when 31 r.
Lincoln was. the course of (he country
would still have been onward and upward
It is clear beyond jwssiblc doubt, that i
the American people had their choice in ; than I resident Lincoln mmse.lt, because
180O between the government of their ! he preceded Mr. Lincoln with u " procla
fathers, with continued peace and pros- mation of freedom," and besides it came
perity on one hand, and on the other a , out of him without any ";mw." It
Higher Law inconsistent with the Govern- ! may be said that I am citing the words
ment accompanied by a train of devilish j and acta only of their ultra men. Take
horrors. It was blind folly to expect that j then the utterances of the most moderate
the law and the Higher Liw would reign i among them ; the carel ul, sober-minded,
together, for Higher Law will " bear no J reflective secretary of State. He has
brother near the throne." It's mission is ninny tiines avowed his devotion to the
I to tread down whatever opposes it. In j 1 Uglier Jiw, ami a speecn oi nis in jias
! every age, and in all countries, it has hem sachusetts, during the canvass of 1800,
intolerant, dogmatic, demoniac in temper, ! pledged Mr. Lincoln as a disciple of the
inexorable in its demands, reckless ot law, j
and ever ready lo car-y its ends by brute
force. It disdains all compromise it
carries no olive branch it takes both
hands to wield its merciless sword. It
i makes its anpearain-e on every theatre of j
i !ti iK'iuin n-ith i In foot of Mars. I
i " And at its Let-Is
! Llicd in like I.ouiuIj
fire, B.v..rd, and
! famine
I Crouch for employment."
Our present experience is enough, and
I more than enough lo prove all this.
; While the Federal Government was nd
j ministered according to its own laws, and
, while its existenoe was threatened with
i no serious danger of Higher Law, our
i country was prosperous beyond example.
! Her ways were ways of pleasantness, and
j all her paths were peace. When the
' Abolitionists came into power, disaster,
! disgrace and discord came with them.
Bloodshed, spoliation and anarch', de
rangement of finances, public debt and
enormous taxes, corruption and treachery,
conflagration, have followed their foot
steps ever since. By their fruits wc shall
know them.
But we ought to have known this with
out learning it in the dear school of ex
perience. Wc were sufficiently warned.
Every statesman of all parties and sec
tions who had a hand in making the Gov
ernment, told us that it would last so long,
and so long only, as it was confined to
the proper and legitimate purpose for
which they intended it. We were told,
not by the Democracy only, but by chiefs
of the great party opposed to us, that the
success of Abolitionism would be fatal to
the Union, and peace of" the nation.
Moreover, the Abolitionists themselves
did not deny that the overthrow of our
political system was their object. They
admitted that its overthrow was their de
liberate aim. Their chief priests de
clared that they could reach their purpose
only by marching over the ruins of the
Federal Government and Christian
Church. The greatest of their orators
claimed it as highest honor that be was
not only an infidel to tb$ religion, but a
traitor to the Constitution of.his country.
One of their principle newspaper organs
particularly denounced the Federal com
pact as a covenant with bell, while an
other maligned the flag of -the Union as
flauntins nbl?m of a It. Another ht-
DISTRIBUTED ALIKE, UPON-THE
ning light of the party eave a practical
exposition of its creed." He was a coarse,
low ruffian, who for years had followed
no business but that of a horse thief, and
he had committed many base and treach
erous murders in the Western country.
He went to Canada, and there, with a
few confederates, he planned a conspiracy
to overthrow the Federal Government and
conquer the States, and enterprise in
which he hoped to succeed mainly by or
ganizing among the negroes a general sys
tem for the butchery of their masters,
llo sneaked into a peaceful Virginia town,
and at midnight began to plunder the
public property and shoot down the un-
John Brown. They amounted almost to
an apotheosis. From poets and orators,
from clergymen and politicians, from sena
tors, governors and statesmen of every
class, from primary meetings and legisla-
1 live bodies, the expressions of aduiira-
tion and sympathy were boundless. Ever
since that time, the most popular muic
they have, consists of hymns to his mem
ory, aud hallelujahs to his great name.
Whence came all this ecstatic reverence
for the character of such a inau? It was
not given because he was a murdered ;
other men have have committed murders
! without being worshipped for it. It was
j not merely because he was a thief, for
i they have among them many others,
I who have stolen on a far more magnifi
cent scale than he did. No, they loved
him because he was like themselves,' a
deadly enemy to the Government, Consti
.' tution, and laws of the land ; because he
plotted to overturn them ; because he was
' the boldest apostle, and the earliest mar
: tyr of that Higher Law, which was des
- tined to work out our political ruin. In
their estimation he was a greater man
same school iici tie misuimersinnu tne
! Lctrtifti v tfn(liiiiv i,t 1 1 irlier law?
tendency
Did he mean peace and union and the
harmony of the States? No; in hi
Kochestor Speech, he told us truly
what would be the effect of his doctrine
" an irrepressible conflict between the
ojj)oswff ana cnuuring jojti-s oi tne
North and the South, which contlict of
force was to last until the Higher Law of
one section should put the legal rights of
th' other under its ll-et.
Now afti-r all the solemn warn
ings we received from all the great states
men of the "country, that Abolitionism
would be fatal to our peace, and after we
heard the admissions of their own leaders,
that it was their very purpose aud de
sign not to administer the Government,
but to destroy.it. what right have we to be
astonished at the prodigious ruin which
surrounds us I We may lament il, in
deed, but not with amazement, for it
came in the natural course and sequence
of things.
But are these calamities of so long a
life that they must have no end ? Is
there no chance of restoration ? The an
swer is that our hope depends on the
number of votes we poll for George B.
McClellan on the 8th of November. As
Ions; as the Abolitionists remain in power
they will press the Higher Law and we
can have no more order or justice. But
McClellan has said that he will make the
Constitution the guide to his path and the
lamp to his feet. If ha is elected he will
also swear to preserve, protect and defend
that sacred instrument against all oppo
sers, come from what quarter they may.
Those who know him have no shadow
of doubt that he will faithfully keep and
perform his solemn covenant with God
and tho country. He is not the man to
play fast and loose with his oath. Then
the Higher Law will give place to the
law of the land. I am as thoroughly
and profoundly convinced now, that peace
and Union will be the result of M'CIel
lan's election as I was four years ago that
disunion and civil war would be the con
sequence of Lincoln's.
But if the South, after all their rights
are conceded, should still refuse to per
form their duties, then tho coercive power
of military ' force will be legitimattly,
fairly and most effectually exerted to com
pel tbern I am not only no believer in
HIGH ATQ THE LOW, THE RICH AND
the right of secession, but I go further
than even an Abolitionist would ask me
to go. I deny what i3 called the sacred
right of revolution. I believe iu that di
vine revelation which pronounces rebel
lion under any circumstances to be as the
sin of witchcraft. No Government can
concent no constitutional ruler has a
right to consent that the empire under
his authority shall be dismembered.
Bui a war for this purpose, if war
there must be, under General M'Clellan,
would be conducted with an object, and
that object would be the simple restora
tion of the laws to their just supremacy.
Its character, as well as its object would
be changed, and the brutal atrocities
which have disgraced us in the eyes of
the civilized world, would be wholly dis
continued. Indeed, there is no subject on which
the characteristic difference between Dem
ocrats and the Abolitionists displays it
self more clearly than on this question :
44 How shall an insurrection or a rebellion
against the laws and Goverment of the
Union be dealt with ?" Both the parties
have had an opportunity to put their
views on record, and both have given an
official exposition of their respective
creeds. Perhaps I have some special
knowledge of the way it was done on our
eide.
Abolition and secession hegan to make
their mutual preparations for an irrepressi
ble conflict before the close of the last
Administration. Of course, we said to
the former that they ought to concede to
the Southern States all their legal rights,
and that peace, though possible, was not
probable on any other terms I speak
a hat I do know when I say that if the
President elect and his party Lad given
an express assurance and safe pledges to
govern according to the Constitution,
and all disputed points to be guided by
the exposition of the proper judicial,
authority, there would and could have
been no war. But tlfty refused this
flatly and defiantly, and even went so far
as to have their refusal inserted in the in
augural speech.
To the South we said that secession
wa no remedy for any evil, actual or ap
prehended that a' division of the country
was an unendurable w rong to us that
they were bound to fight out their battle
against Higher Lnv inside of the Union,
with the vantage ground of the Constitu
tion in their favor. We hold that seces
sion was a nullity, unl the Federal Go
vernment was as much bound to execute
its laws after secession as lefore. and that
if any considerable number of persons
would oppose the laws by force, the mili
tary power not only might be lawfully.
but must necessarily be used to put down
such opposition.
But we declared that the General Go
vernment was sovereign within its sphere
direelly sovereign and acted upon indi
viduals, not upon S:atc-s. In executing
the laws, State lines were no more to be
regarded th in county lines in the execu
tion of State laws. Therefore, the force
that sustained the laws, must be directed
again.-t the force that opposed them, and
the individual insurgents were personally
responsible for any insurrection not the
State in its corporate capacity. We re
pudiate utterly the whole idea that war
could be declared by the President, cr by
Congress, against a State. Wc had no
right, authority or power to put all the
people of a State into the attitude of pub
lie enemies merely because some persons
within the State had done or threatened
to do certain things inconsistent with their
Federal obligations. On the contrary,
the. innocent
people-
those who were no
way concerned
in tne rising were as
much entitled to the protection of the
Federal Government as if they lived in
any other State.
This view was not on!' faultless in
theory and unanswerable in reason and
law and no answer to it was ever at
tempted but it was practically a point of
the most transcendant importance that
ever was submitted to the judgment of any
human being. It is perfectly certain that
nine-tenths of the people of the Southern
States, take them from the Potomac to
the Gulf, were devotedly attached to the
Union. Mr. Lincoln, four months after
his inauguration, declared, in a message
to Congress, that there was not a majority
for secession in any State, except, perhaps.
South Carolina. Yet war was made on
the States and the innocent were confound
ed with the guilty the friends of the
Oiitou were compelled in self-defense, to
unite with its enemies, and now, instead
of dealing with a tenth of the poople, we
have a deadly and terrible conflict with
all of them. They are not only unani
mous against u?, but driven to desperation
and roaddened byvthe most brutal oufra
ss on thir property, ppren5 and. faro
THE POOR.
VOL. 11 NO. 43
lies. The Abolitionists said that the
South could not be kicked out of the
Union, aud, as to the majority, they wore
probably right ; but they certainly suc
ceeded in driving them out with the bayo
net, the cannon ball, and torch.
Let me illustrate this by an analogous
case, which very nearly happened in Penn
sylvania. The public authorities of Pitts
burg, and . Allegheny county borrowed a
large sum of money, amounting to millions
and gave their bonds for it, with the full
and unreserved approbation of the whola
people. After they used the money for
their purposes they were called on to" pay
an instalment of interest, which they re
fused, and announced their dc-terniinauoo
to repudiate the debt. The Commission
ers, the City Councils, and a large party
took measures to resist payment with ail
the furco at their command. This was
not only an act of gross dishonesty, but it
was flat rebellion against the laws and
Government of the State. What did the
State do? It arrested the wrong doers,
imprisoned the Commissioners and the
Councils. If a force of repudiators had
been organized to resist the legal process,
the State troops might have been called
out to meet it and quell the insurrection,
But if the Governor had made a procla
mation of war against the whole county,
ordered their crops to be destroyed, their
mills, houses and barns to be burnt, their
towns and cities to be 6acked, they would
have soon forgotten the original quarrel
all would have united in one effort for
mutual defense and even outside of the
county Democratic traitors might have
been .found base enough to sympathise
with a community so harshly and hardly
used. I defy all human ingenuity to show
me a reason, founded on law, policy or
humanity, for making a distinction be
tween rebellion against the State in a
county, and rebellion against the Govern
ment of the Union in a State.
But, my fellow-citizens, I have detained
you too long. I have but one thing to say
before I conclude. Mr. Lincoln has com
mitted two great olfenses against the
country the removal of the Constitution
and the removal of M'Clellan he retired
them both. The citizens acted under the
orders of the Constitution as the army
fought under the command of M'Clellan,
unitedly, promptly, cheerfully, with or.o
heart and one mind. Now, we sav of
the Constitution, as the army says of its
General, " Give us Lack our Old Cotnman
dir .'"' And we couple these demands to
gether, because the restoration of one will
be the restoration ot" both.
Antidoi k von Poison. Dr. J. Ed
monds, a promiuent Ixjndon physician,
writes as follows to the London Tines:
' I enclose a simple, safe, and accessible
prescription for the whole range of acid
corrosive puisous, which if. promptly used,
will almost invariably save life. Mix
two ounces of powdered chalk or magne
sia, or one ounce of washing soda, with
a pint of milk and swallow atone draught,
then tickle the back of the throat with a
feather or finger, so as to produce vomit
ing. Afierwards drink freely of hot
milk s;nd water, and repeat the vomiting
so us to thoroughly wash out the stom
ach. Any quantity of chalk or magne
sia may be taken with safety, but soda in
large quantities is injurious. I may add
that the narcotics excepted, milk is an
antidote for almost all the poisons, and
especially if followed by vomiting."
General M'Clellan. writing to Gen.
Halieck. said to him, " Please say a kind
word to my soldirrs." Mr. Lincoln,
riding over the blood -stained field of An
tietam, called for a negro song, to drown
the sighs of the living and the groans of
the dying. The former is a Christian
centk-inan the latter a vulvar jester.
Which of the two will the American peo
ple choose to control the destinies of the
republic for the next four years ?
C.T A sensible "down east" femahs
is decidedly opposed lo the interference of
women with polities She pointedly asks,
"If men can't do the voting and take
care of the country, what is the us of
them."
S3" " Mamma," faid a little girl, "can
a door speak ?"
" Certainly not, my love."
Then why did you tell Ann to answer
the door this morning ?"
fty A man who had brutally assaulted
his w ife, -was brought before Justice CoI,
of Albany, and had a pood deal to say
about "getting justice."
" Justice T" replied Cole, "jou can't
get it here. This court has no power to
hang you."
jr Be firm in difilculties.