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Scaalan, ATTORNEY AT LA W , EBBSSBrRa, Pa., (STICK ON MAIN STREET, THREE DOORS EAST or the LOGAN HOUSE, li.-ccmler 10, 18ti8.-'y. U. L. Jobsstok. Gto. W. Oatmak. JOHNSTON Sr. OATIYIAN, ATTORNEYS AT LAW. Ehecsburg Cambria. County Penna. OFFICE REMOVED TO LLOYD ST., fi West of R. L. J hrir'tr.n's Hm i vnce. Dec. 4. 1861. ly." JOHN FENLON, Esq. Attorney at Law. Ebeusburtr. Cambria countv Pa. Cf5c on Maiu btut t adjoining his dwtl- nj!. ix 2 1 i S. NOON, ATTORVFT AT I.1W. KHENSBURO, CAMBRIA CO.. PA. "fl.ee one door East of the Post Office. Feb. 18, 1868.-tf. QEORGEM. REED. ATTORNEY AT LAW, EBENSUURG, Cambria County, Pa. OFFICE IN COLON A DE ROW. March 13, 1864. - V AIICIIAEL HASSON, Esq. Attorney AT Law, Ebensburg. Cambria Co. Pa. t)ffi:ce on Main street, three doors East e' Jnlun. ix 2 W. HICKSIAN. U. T. HOLL. G. W. HICKMAN 8l CO., Wholesale Dealers in l,UFACTU UEU TOBACCO. rOlUlGN AND DOMESTIC SEGARS SNUFFS. &c. E. COil. THIRD & MARKET STREET PHILADELPHIA. Auguet 13. 18S3.-ly. IS Jauuv0 ,ei ig r.0l 'soil 'aidjv -h -oaiu OKiavanaNv SYO 31IUAV m mjT3qVTOVr83HOIH trt A .An,,,?ce on Centre Slreet, f'XwMion pri immediately. i i JOSEPH M'DONALD. pnl 13, 184. T7 BLESSINGS OP GOVERNMENT, LIKE SPEECH OF Hon. Jereuilali S. Black. i At the Hall of tlic Keystone Club, In Philadelphia, October 24, 1861. The following is the concluding remarks of Judge Black's great speech : It is perfectly manifest that the princi ples and measures of the Abolitionist are, and must of necessity be, incompatible with the safety of a government like ours. They put it to a work which it was not intended lor, and which it cannot do with out destroying itself. If you have' a j threshing machine and place it under the charge or a man who uses it as a breaker of anthracite coal, it must infallibly fly to j pieces, feo the operations ol your political eysteni must be confined to the purposes j designed by ita framers, or else you must j take the inevitable consequence of break -I ing it up. The more exquisitely the seve- ral parts of it are adapted to its one legiti- mate purpose, the more certain it is to le j utteily ruined by applying it to another, i Nor does it make any deference whether the new object proposed be in itself good or b.td. Indeed, any government, how ever constituted, is perfectly sure to wreck those laws which are the essential parts of j its structure, wherever it attempts to work out the object of some 44 higher law," j which does not properly belong to it. j All the pages of history are covered with lessons which teach them this truth. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the rulers of Europe took it into their heads that the great paramount in terest which they must look after was the spiritual welfare of tho people ; their temporal prosperity was nothing compared to their eternal salvation. They resolved, therefore, to introduce into their govern ment the Higher Law of true religion. But what came of it? The Higher Law trampled down 11 other laws, and tore the whole framework of society into frag ments. Rebellion, insurrection and civil war became the universal fashion mil lions were slaughtered ; Kranee was con vulsed ; Germany was laid waste and al inoct dt-populuted ; the city of Prague, which began the thirty years' war with two hundred thousand inhabitants, closed it with less than four hundred human be ings inside of her walls. All the land in Ireland was confiscated four times over, and for ages together generation nftcrgene mtion ot her best and bravest men were ruthlessly murdered. England offered no term" of peace ex- : cept upon ihe abandonment of tho Catho- j lie faith, which the Higher Law pronojm ! ced to be false. But though Ireland was I many t-ins conquered ; was trampled j down :gnin an I again, subjugation brought ! no ponce ; it whs only civil war gone to j S"-d. I Vac and set-wiry, mid juMice j and order never came back until England ! slowly opened her eyes to the truth, and j acknowledged that the whole doctrine of j the Highor Law was a great, unmitigated, j monstrous, bloody lie. ! We have had some experience with this ! game kind of Higher Law in our own t country. I Ten or twelve years ago certain Yankee politicians, and their humble imi j tators in other parts of the Union, form ! ing together a very powerful party, pro- ! posed the practical disfranchisement of . Catholics and foreign-born citizeus. In place of the Constitution they wanted the Higher L'iw of a l'rotestar.t and exclu sively native domination. New England pretended to be in an agony of terror, lest the Pope and the Catholic church would do her some grievous harm ; every mem ber of the Massachusetts Legislature but one, was sworn in secret to support the Higher Law ; a lying priest hood hounded on the ignorant rowd, just as they are doing now ; churches were burned; nun neries were assaulted ; Catholics were driven from the polls and run through with pitchforks. If that party had got hold of the Federal Government, as it seemed at one time very likely to do, and put its Higher Law in full operation, civil war would have been as certain as it is now. You can easily conceive how other ap plications of tho principle would work in any given case. For instance : The mu nicipal law of all our States has the pro tection of private property for one of its great objects; it allows the rich man to keep what he has, and poverty is forced to be content with its " loop'd and win dowed raggedness." But the Higher Law of Christian charity commands the rich to divide with the poor. It is, besides, a great public evil, unjust and unnatural, that one person should be compelled to struggle for the bare necessaries of life, while another, no better than he, is rolling in the luxuries of superfluous wealth. But suppoe w were visited by an act of Con gress, or an ExerotiTe proclamation in THE DEWS OF HEAVEN, SHOULD BE EBENSBTJRG, PA. WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 1864. I favor of the Higher Law, backed by an ' army with banners, to enforce an equal ! division of goods and lands, can any body ; doubt that civil commotion would be the i consequence ? The foundations of order ; would be broken up ; the rich would re- fuse to part with the half of their proper ' ty ; the poor would think themselves li ; censed to plunder it all, and the agents of i tho Higher Law would do as they have '. done elsewhere, rub both classes alike, j Apply these plain and simple principles I to Abolitionism. In doing so let us con j cede, that party to be (what it is not)or I thodox on every subject but that of Afri- i can slavery. Assume, also, that the rela- i tion of master and servant, in the South- armed and defenseless people. He was ! ern States, is wrong, morally and religi- j taken and hanged ; but it seldom hap i ously. Nevertheless, it is a "fixed con- j pens that the greatest benefactors of the stittitional fact," that the United States human race receive sucli posthumous are furnished with no legal power to in- j honors as the Abolitionists bestowed on terfcie with it ; and any attempt by them to do so is ijo j(tcto destruction of the I-deral Government, for while it is en gaged in the execution of the Higher Law- it cannot perform the proper functions ac- tually assigned to it by those who made lt. e n.re there lore without a loveru nient ; anarchy spoliation and bloodshed, conflagration, terror and tears, come in the place of Government and law. Every one who reflects will admit, that if this perversion of the Government to the purposes uf Abolitionism, or any other purpose inconsistent Willi its laws, hau j taken place at a former period, or under an earlier l'residenr, the same disastrous consequences must have followed. The time never was when we could run our vessel on such a rock as that without making it a total wreck. Nor is there a single man, with understanding enough j to reise him one single degree higher than an idiot, who does not know, that if a Democrat had been elected when 31 r. Lincoln was. the course of (he country would still have been onward and upward It is clear beyond jwssiblc doubt, that i the American people had their choice in ; than I resident Lincoln mmse.lt, because 180O between the government of their ! he preceded Mr. Lincoln with u " procla fathers, with continued peace and pros- mation of freedom," and besides it came perity on one hand, and on the other a , out of him without any ";mw." It Higher Law inconsistent with the Govern- ! may be said that I am citing the words ment accompanied by a train of devilish j and acta only of their ultra men. Take horrors. It was blind folly to expect that j then the utterances of the most moderate the law and the Higher Liw would reign i among them ; the carel ul, sober-minded, together, for Higher Law will " bear no J reflective secretary of State. He has brother near the throne." It's mission is ninny tiines avowed his devotion to the I to tread down whatever opposes it. In j 1 Uglier Jiw, ami a speecn oi nis in jias ! every age, and in all countries, it has hem sachusetts, during the canvass of 1800, intolerant, dogmatic, demoniac in temper, ! pledged Mr. Lincoln as a disciple of the inexorable in its demands, reckless ot law, j and ever ready lo car-y its ends by brute force. It disdains all compromise it carries no olive branch it takes both hands to wield its merciless sword. It i makes its anpearain-e on every theatre of j i !ti iK'iuin n-ith i In foot of Mars. I i " And at its Let-Is ! Llicd in like I.ouiuIj fire, B.v..rd, and ! famine I Crouch for employment." Our present experience is enough, and I more than enough lo prove all this. ; While the Federal Government was nd j ministered according to its own laws, and , while its existenoe was threatened with i no serious danger of Higher Law, our i country was prosperous beyond example. ! Her ways were ways of pleasantness, and j all her paths were peace. When the ' Abolitionists came into power, disaster, ! disgrace and discord came with them. Bloodshed, spoliation and anarch', de rangement of finances, public debt and enormous taxes, corruption and treachery, conflagration, have followed their foot steps ever since. By their fruits wc shall know them. But we ought to have known this with out learning it in the dear school of ex perience. Wc were sufficiently warned. Every statesman of all parties and sec tions who had a hand in making the Gov ernment, told us that it would last so long, and so long only, as it was confined to the proper and legitimate purpose for which they intended it. We were told, not by the Democracy only, but by chiefs of the great party opposed to us, that the success of Abolitionism would be fatal to the Union, and peace of" the nation. Moreover, the Abolitionists themselves did not deny that the overthrow of our political system was their object. They admitted that its overthrow was their de liberate aim. Their chief priests de clared that they could reach their purpose only by marching over the ruins of the Federal Government and Christian Church. The greatest of their orators claimed it as highest honor that be was not only an infidel to tb$ religion, but a traitor to the Constitution of.his country. One of their principle newspaper organs particularly denounced the Federal com pact as a covenant with bell, while an other maligned the flag of -the Union as flauntins nbl?m of a It. Another ht- DISTRIBUTED ALIKE, UPON-THE ning light of the party eave a practical exposition of its creed." He was a coarse, low ruffian, who for years had followed no business but that of a horse thief, and he had committed many base and treach erous murders in the Western country. He went to Canada, and there, with a few confederates, he planned a conspiracy to overthrow the Federal Government and conquer the States, and enterprise in which he hoped to succeed mainly by or ganizing among the negroes a general sys tem for the butchery of their masters, llo sneaked into a peaceful Virginia town, and at midnight began to plunder the public property and shoot down the un- John Brown. They amounted almost to an apotheosis. From poets and orators, from clergymen and politicians, from sena tors, governors and statesmen of every class, from primary meetings and legisla- 1 live bodies, the expressions of aduiira- tion and sympathy were boundless. Ever since that time, the most popular muic they have, consists of hymns to his mem ory, aud hallelujahs to his great name. Whence came all this ecstatic reverence for the character of such a inau? It was not given because he was a murdered ; other men have have committed murders ! without being worshipped for it. It was j not merely because he was a thief, for i they have among them many others, I who have stolen on a far more magnifi cent scale than he did. No, they loved him because he was like themselves,' a deadly enemy to the Government, Consti .' tution, and laws of the land ; because he plotted to overturn them ; because he was ' the boldest apostle, and the earliest mar : tyr of that Higher Law, which was des - tined to work out our political ruin. In their estimation he was a greater man same school iici tie misuimersinnu tne ! Lctrtifti v tfn(liiiiv i,t 1 1 irlier law? tendency Did he mean peace and union and the harmony of the States? No; in hi Kochestor Speech, he told us truly what would be the effect of his doctrine " an irrepressible conflict between the ojj)oswff ana cnuuring jojti-s oi tne North and the South, which contlict of force was to last until the Higher Law of one section should put the legal rights of th' other under its ll-et. Now afti-r all the solemn warn ings we received from all the great states men of the "country, that Abolitionism would be fatal to our peace, and after we heard the admissions of their own leaders, that it was their very purpose aud de sign not to administer the Government, but to destroy.it. what right have we to be astonished at the prodigious ruin which surrounds us I We may lament il, in deed, but not with amazement, for it came in the natural course and sequence of things. But are these calamities of so long a life that they must have no end ? Is there no chance of restoration ? The an swer is that our hope depends on the number of votes we poll for George B. McClellan on the 8th of November. As Ions; as the Abolitionists remain in power they will press the Higher Law and we can have no more order or justice. But McClellan has said that he will make the Constitution the guide to his path and the lamp to his feet. If ha is elected he will also swear to preserve, protect and defend that sacred instrument against all oppo sers, come from what quarter they may. Those who know him have no shadow of doubt that he will faithfully keep and perform his solemn covenant with God and tho country. He is not the man to play fast and loose with his oath. Then the Higher Law will give place to the law of the land. I am as thoroughly and profoundly convinced now, that peace and Union will be the result of M'CIel lan's election as I was four years ago that disunion and civil war would be the con sequence of Lincoln's. But if the South, after all their rights are conceded, should still refuse to per form their duties, then tho coercive power of military ' force will be legitimattly, fairly and most effectually exerted to com pel tbern I am not only no believer in HIGH ATQ THE LOW, THE RICH AND the right of secession, but I go further than even an Abolitionist would ask me to go. I deny what i3 called the sacred right of revolution. I believe iu that di vine revelation which pronounces rebel lion under any circumstances to be as the sin of witchcraft. No Government can concent no constitutional ruler has a right to consent that the empire under his authority shall be dismembered. Bui a war for this purpose, if war there must be, under General M'Clellan, would be conducted with an object, and that object would be the simple restora tion of the laws to their just supremacy. Its character, as well as its object would be changed, and the brutal atrocities which have disgraced us in the eyes of the civilized world, would be wholly dis continued. Indeed, there is no subject on which the characteristic difference between Dem ocrats and the Abolitionists displays it self more clearly than on this question : 44 How shall an insurrection or a rebellion against the laws and Goverment of the Union be dealt with ?" Both the parties have had an opportunity to put their views on record, and both have given an official exposition of their respective creeds. Perhaps I have some special knowledge of the way it was done on our eide. Abolition and secession hegan to make their mutual preparations for an irrepressi ble conflict before the close of the last Administration. Of course, we said to the former that they ought to concede to the Southern States all their legal rights, and that peace, though possible, was not probable on any other terms I speak a hat I do know when I say that if the President elect and his party Lad given an express assurance and safe pledges to govern according to the Constitution, and all disputed points to be guided by the exposition of the proper judicial, authority, there would and could have been no war. But tlfty refused this flatly and defiantly, and even went so far as to have their refusal inserted in the in augural speech. To the South we said that secession wa no remedy for any evil, actual or ap prehended that a' division of the country was an unendurable w rong to us that they were bound to fight out their battle against Higher Lnv inside of the Union, with the vantage ground of the Constitu tion in their favor. We hold that seces sion was a nullity, unl the Federal Go vernment was as much bound to execute its laws after secession as lefore. and that if any considerable number of persons would oppose the laws by force, the mili tary power not only might be lawfully. but must necessarily be used to put down such opposition. But we declared that the General Go vernment was sovereign within its sphere direelly sovereign and acted upon indi viduals, not upon S:atc-s. In executing the laws, State lines were no more to be regarded th in county lines in the execu tion of State laws. Therefore, the force that sustained the laws, must be directed again.-t the force that opposed them, and the individual insurgents were personally responsible for any insurrection not the State in its corporate capacity. We re pudiate utterly the whole idea that war could be declared by the President, cr by Congress, against a State. Wc had no right, authority or power to put all the people of a State into the attitude of pub lie enemies merely because some persons within the State had done or threatened to do certain things inconsistent with their Federal obligations. On the contrary, the. innocent people- those who were no way concerned in tne rising were as much entitled to the protection of the Federal Government as if they lived in any other State. This view was not on!' faultless in theory and unanswerable in reason and law and no answer to it was ever at tempted but it was practically a point of the most transcendant importance that ever was submitted to the judgment of any human being. It is perfectly certain that nine-tenths of the people of the Southern States, take them from the Potomac to the Gulf, were devotedly attached to the Union. Mr. Lincoln, four months after his inauguration, declared, in a message to Congress, that there was not a majority for secession in any State, except, perhaps. South Carolina. Yet war was made on the States and the innocent were confound ed with the guilty the friends of the Oiitou were compelled in self-defense, to unite with its enemies, and now, instead of dealing with a tenth of the poople, we have a deadly and terrible conflict with all of them. They are not only unani mous against u?, but driven to desperation and roaddened byvthe most brutal oufra ss on thir property, ppren5 and. faro THE POOR. VOL. 11 NO. 43 lies. The Abolitionists said that the South could not be kicked out of the Union, aud, as to the majority, they wore probably right ; but they certainly suc ceeded in driving them out with the bayo net, the cannon ball, and torch. Let me illustrate this by an analogous case, which very nearly happened in Penn sylvania. The public authorities of Pitts burg, and . Allegheny county borrowed a large sum of money, amounting to millions and gave their bonds for it, with the full and unreserved approbation of the whola people. After they used the money for their purposes they were called on to" pay an instalment of interest, which they re fused, and announced their dc-terniinauoo to repudiate the debt. The Commission ers, the City Councils, and a large party took measures to resist payment with ail the furco at their command. This was not only an act of gross dishonesty, but it was flat rebellion against the laws and Government of the State. What did the State do? It arrested the wrong doers, imprisoned the Commissioners and the Councils. If a force of repudiators had been organized to resist the legal process, the State troops might have been called out to meet it and quell the insurrection, But if the Governor had made a procla mation of war against the whole county, ordered their crops to be destroyed, their mills, houses and barns to be burnt, their towns and cities to be 6acked, they would have soon forgotten the original quarrel all would have united in one effort for mutual defense and even outside of the county Democratic traitors might have been .found base enough to sympathise with a community so harshly and hardly used. I defy all human ingenuity to show me a reason, founded on law, policy or humanity, for making a distinction be tween rebellion against the State in a county, and rebellion against the Govern ment of the Union in a State. But, my fellow-citizens, I have detained you too long. I have but one thing to say before I conclude. Mr. Lincoln has com mitted two great olfenses against the country the removal of the Constitution and the removal of M'Clellan he retired them both. The citizens acted under the orders of the Constitution as the army fought under the command of M'Clellan, unitedly, promptly, cheerfully, with or.o heart and one mind. Now, we sav of the Constitution, as the army says of its General, " Give us Lack our Old Cotnman dir .'"' And we couple these demands to gether, because the restoration of one will be the restoration ot" both. Antidoi k von Poison. Dr. J. Ed monds, a promiuent Ixjndon physician, writes as follows to the London Tines: ' I enclose a simple, safe, and accessible prescription for the whole range of acid corrosive puisous, which if. promptly used, will almost invariably save life. Mix two ounces of powdered chalk or magne sia, or one ounce of washing soda, with a pint of milk and swallow atone draught, then tickle the back of the throat with a feather or finger, so as to produce vomit ing. Afierwards drink freely of hot milk s;nd water, and repeat the vomiting so us to thoroughly wash out the stom ach. Any quantity of chalk or magne sia may be taken with safety, but soda in large quantities is injurious. I may add that the narcotics excepted, milk is an antidote for almost all the poisons, and especially if followed by vomiting." General M'Clellan. writing to Gen. Halieck. said to him, " Please say a kind word to my soldirrs." Mr. Lincoln, riding over the blood -stained field of An tietam, called for a negro song, to drown the sighs of the living and the groans of the dying. The former is a Christian centk-inan the latter a vulvar jester. Which of the two will the American peo ple choose to control the destinies of the republic for the next four years ? C.T A sensible "down east" femahs is decidedly opposed lo the interference of women with polities She pointedly asks, "If men can't do the voting and take care of the country, what is the us of them." S3" " Mamma," faid a little girl, "can a door speak ?" " Certainly not, my love." Then why did you tell Ann to answer the door this morning ?" fty A man who had brutally assaulted his w ife, -was brought before Justice CoI, of Albany, and had a pood deal to say about "getting justice." " Justice T" replied Cole, "jou can't get it here. This court has no power to hang you." jr Be firm in difilculties.