r
1
r 3 la a ' a I v
3 3 III i?3 K
1 1
rrvl
NEW SERIES.
WEMOCIlAT ct- SEXT1XEL
r U published every Wednesday
31 .irnins. at One Pollar and Fifty Cents
Kr:mnimi, payable in advance ; Oxk Dol
Iuiaxu Ssve.ntt Five Cents, if not paid
T, six months ; and Two Dollar if
L t juid until the termination of the year.
No subscription will be received for a
sorter period than sit months, and no
..istrihor will be at liberty to discontinue
;iht until all arrearages are paid, ex
,vj.t;it the option of the editor. Any pers
v!i uhscriling fur six months wil be char-
,! Onb Dollar, unless the money
i. in advance.
Atlvertlslugr Iliites.
One inserfn. Two do. TJiree do
I-ire, 12 linesj $ 50 $ 75 $1,00
: pares 24 lines 1 00 1 00 2 00
' -i!:.m's, 3o liiifs 1 50 2 00 3 00
3 months. 6 do. 12 do
:;.;. .r less $1 50
:,.iu:ir.-, I 12 lines I 2 50
.pirns, 2 lines 4 00
..;n. Li-.-s. (':; lie.es t; 00
h.i ;i o-'hiian, 10 00
$3 00
4 50
7 00
0 00
12 00
22 00
$5 00
9 00
12 00
M 00
20 0C
35 Ot
I c
man.
15 00
S I K C C Jl
o v
CEO. W. WOODWARD,
a r mi:
Mi M llrcrmlxr 13tl, 1 'CO, lit ludr
jiruilitice SiHat, I'll I lr clr I jilt la.
meeting was called by the Mayor
A :iif city, at the request of the Select
i. ! Cutamon Council?, and was held at
i. Thursday, loth December, 1SG0
; i 1 . ! i !i l nee Spiare. Mayor Henry
! o'k'i! to preside, and a large munlier
i i il' "i' ii officiated as Vice 1 'resident.-?
1 -i t:iries. The meeting was opened
w it'a pe,. r by Bishop 1 'otter. The ad-
A -;'. U:.; Mayor followed. The reso
( i:. n- wvv . r-ad by Jo!m 15. Myers.
Uk" .-;va!.r; .-elected by a Committee of
('uuu.-i,'-, ii'.'. u addressed llie vast con-((Mir-.:
ji n.hK.l in tho Spiare, in the
t.Ml-PAi'i-,...!.!: Hon. Jos. It. Ingei-soll,
V. W oodward, Charles K. Lex,
II lI i," Culler and I.-sao HazlehursLj
Ve have ass.-nib!rd, h llow-citizen?, in
i'"1 '''"- of the proclamation of the
'i i.ve!. lh.it we may "counsel to''cl!n-r to
'Oi'l the d:ii"er wliieli 1 ! .l-e-i iei i our
1 !M " 1 hat I:tnfiiT is not recent or
I ;i I.Ui..,.,. A...1 ..... ,...,t
lh:il : we imit obi.-iin a clear
v v 1. 1 n.. aetiial stale of the crisis, be-
we c;m e;w- or receive intelligent
it was announced a few years ago that
;" coi'ih. i wliich had sprung up in this
:.n:ry between free and slave labor was
-iii'ivs.-ihle ; that a house divided again.-t
- li' could not .-land ; that all the States
': ilii.s I nil n must become lreo or tlave
S: lies.
'' liK'.ining of this was, and is, that
1 ' iv to become free Slates, for the .soil
1 clnnaie of a majority of the States
"MK-li that it never can become the in-
1 ' "t ot the superior race to maintain
a.rv i them. Kveryliody knows this,
' ' ihelelePie the altfrnale form of the
r ;"'Mlioi was only to give it an npcar
"I th.i faiine.ss and a little more
r!' "ri.-.d elfect .
lviil seooe and meaning iC the :m-
" 1'"', :"'iit are, then, that citizens of the
1 1 'i Stales are to be totally divestetl of
' iii','"i"'1'ty they now hold in four or live
vii, oi slaves, ot the aggregate value
"ll i:y liiindred millions of dollars, and
; t'"1- habits and dome.-tie condition of
"" l"'"!'!'- their commercial relations,
' ' ijieir M.Iiiical rights, in so far as
, interests are connected with the in
'' !.,i,!w of slavery, are to underiro a rovo-
r w as this prediction the voice of an
J; nrL ati unhonore'd proihet, but of si
whom ti. H,j,l0 0f tie iVee States
'L ,1'ist di.-itinguished, in a single man
.; l,.v cuhfeniiijr on hiui the highest
A u.ey iui lo givo. jn go far as their
. v are to be considereil its respoisive to
uinounecnu nt, they are a loud amen
"in answer, so let it be.
Jlis v.,ted for the lWnlent fleet with
X, ws, and did not intend a distinct
'r " nt of his favorite proiosition,
' ,l the record is made up, the pro
' ;'i d the prophet f-Luid approved by
l "'. ""y of the jieophiof the free States.
' ' --xi ii-ullo cxelusioii of slave proerty
(;,".' """"'oh territories, which the
""" '"l lujl,ls 111 tru"'t lur tllc Il'lc
,l the States, is a natural and direct
1'i'Avu.riL il10 j.r;uij rc-ultof cxtinguLh
it! ?VC I'ri'i'crly altogether, and was one
!e "'Wfl iboues of the Lite election
rMMuiammmimmn,mwm ueifs ,m smvL0 BEmu m UPjy rne
lias policy must be considercd as ap
proved also. Not that ei-cni man who
voien mr me suecesslul nominees meant
atlirm, that a trustee for several co-cqual
parties has a right, "in law or reason, to
exclude the property of some and admit
mat ot others ot the parties for whom he
noius but so is the record. And whilst
it is not to be taken as cxpressin" the
universal sense of the voters, it does un
doubtedly, imply that vast masses of
Northern people do heartily approve, both
of the proixjsition to make all the States
iree, and of beginning by excluding slavery
from the territories.
The South seems inclined so to accept
the judgment. She holds the property
that is to be shut out of the territories,
thai is to be restricted, cribbed, and con
fined, more and more, until it is finally
extinguished. Everywhere in the South
the poople are bejiiiininir to look out for
, the means of self-defence. Could it be
exacted that they would be indifferent to
such events as have occurred That they
would stand idle and see measures con
certed and carried forward for the anni
hilation, sooner or later, of her property
in slaves ? Such expectations, if indulged,
were not ro.-isonable. The law of self
defence includes right of property as well
as of 77-t;; ; and it apears to me, that
there must be a time, in the progress of
this conllict, if it bi indeed irr. pressible,
w hen slaveholders may lawfully tail back
on their natural rights, and emplov, in
defence of their properly whatever means
of protection they possess or can com
mand.' 1 do not agree with them that
the time has arrived yet ; but it would be
well for those who puh on this conllict,
in whatever form, to consider that they
are hastening on that time, and that they
have convinced one or more Southern
States that it has already come.
Several States propose to retire from the
Confederacy, and that justly alarms us.
We come together to consider what may
b. done to prevent it, ami we are bound,
in fidelity to ourselves and others,, to take
the measure of the whole magnitude of
the danger.
This im pressible conflict has grown out
ot the Anglo-Saxon love of freedom.
What that passion is, and how it was of
fended by the introduction of negro slaves,
may be read in the chronicles of the
American l'roviuces, and especially in the
earnest, the eloquent, and repeated re
monstrances addressed by the Colony of
Virginia to the Crown and 1'ailiament of
Cleat Jiritaiu against their introduction.
li.it if lit j Anglo-Saxon loves liberty
aboe all other nu n, he is not indifferent
to gain and lhrift, and is remarkable for
his capacity of adaptation, whereby he
takes advantage of any circumstance in
which he finds himself placed. And, ac
coidingly, by the time the Colonies were
prepared to. throw of the lhitish yoke,
and assume among the jkjwcts of the
earth the separate and equal station to
which the laws of nature and of nature's
Cod ciiiille them, it had been discovered
that the unwelcome workers, against
whoso introduction such earnest protests
had been made, could be turned to profi
table account in the Southern States that
the African constitution was well adapted
to labor in latitudes which alone could
produce some of the greatest staples of life
and that the North, which could not
employ them profitably, would be bene
fitted by such employment as the South
could afford. Considerations of humanity,
also, as well as the rights of private pro
jxrty, entered into the discussions of that
day. What was best for an inferior race
thrust unwillingly upon a superior?
That both should le free, or that the in
ferior should serv e the superior, and the
siqK-rior be bound by the law of the rela
tion to protect the inferior 1
If best for both races that the existing
slavery should continue, then what was to
be . its relation to the General Govern-1
nient .' How should it be represented in
the Councils of the Nation.' I low far
protected or discouraged by ihe power of
the new Government f Should jurisdic
tion to abolish it be granted to the Go
vernment, or lescrvcd to the States ami
the jM-ople of the States ? These were
great question's, and, like all the questions
of that day, were wisely settled.
The Northern States abolished their
slavery, ami so gratify tlte'u innate love of
fivedom but they did it gradually, and
so did not wound their love of gain. They
sold out slavery to the South, and they
received a full equivalent, not only in the
price paid down, but in the manufactur
ing and commercial prosperity which
grew up from tlte productions of slave
labor.
Whcu the Constitution came to be
formed, some of the Northern States still
held slaves, but several .had alxdished the
institution, mid it inust have been appa
EBENSBURG, PA. WEDNESDAY, JULY 15,
rent that natural causes would force it
ultimately altogether upon the South.
The love of liberty was as intense as ever,
and as strong at the South as at the
North, and the love of gain was coinmoH
also to x$h sections. Here were two
master- passions to be adjusted under
cumstanees of the greatest delicacy. Thev
were adjusted and the great questions of
me nine were settled, in the only manner
possible. Concession and compromise
consideration for each others feelings and
interests, sacrifices of prejudices, forbear
ance and moderation these were the
means by which the "more perfect Union"
was formed.
And what a work it was! If the
Union had never brought us a single bless
ing, the Constitution of the United States
would still have been a magnificent monu
ment to the unselfish patriotism of its
founders. Not an alliance merely, but a
close and perfect union between people
equally ambitious, equally devoted to
freedom, equally bent on bettering their
condition ; but separated by State lines,
and jealous of State right.s one. section
set-king its prosperity under institutions
w hich were to make every man a free
man the other under institutions which
tolerated negro slavery.
Had the Constitution failed to work
out the benifieent results intended, here
was an instance of human etlort to do
good an effort to restrain and rcurulate
two natural passions, and to comjel them
to co-operate in blessing mankind which
would ferever have challenged the admi
ration of all good and thoughtful men.
lint it did not fail, thank God : it has
made us a srreat ami nro.-ierous nation
l A
md the admiration of the world, for the
mottrca of the lbunders is swallowed in
wonder at the success of their work.
Lut all this the " irrepressible conllict
ignores. llie passion lor liberty, snurn-
. . .
ing the restraints imposed, has burned
out all memories of the compromise and
ompact in thoe Northern communi
ties, which, under the false name of Lib
erty 1 Jills, obstruct the execution of the
bargain. What part of the purposes of
the founders are the underground railroads
intended to promote? Whence come
these excessive sensibilities that cannot
U-ar a few slaves in a remote territory
until the white people establish a Consti
tution What does that editor or
preacher know of the Union, and of the
men who made it, who habitually reviles
and misrepresents the Southrcn jeople,
and excites the ignorant and the thought
less in our midst to hate and persecute
them ? What has become of our glad
and willing olie.dicncc to the Supreme
Court as the final exositor of the .com
pact i
Ue not deceived. Let me not prophesy
smooth tilings, and cry peace when there
is no peace. Iet the truth be spoken, be
heard, be pondered, if we mean to save
the Union. The conflict boasts that it is
irrepressible. It allies itself with equal
readiness to religion and intidelity. It
enlists ail our passions, good and bad. It
makes common cause with the champions
of freedom the world over, and with the
promoters of insurrection, riot and dis
cord at home. With Freedom inscribed
on the banner it bear, it tramples under
loot the guarantees of freedom contained
in the Constitution and laws.
How is it to be repressed ? Govermen
tal administration cannot subdue it.
That has been tried for several successive
jK-riods, and the conflict has waxed hot
ter. Will the , next Administration be
more successful ? Hoping for the best it
can do, what right have you or I to an
ticipate that the honest man who has
been elected will prove recreant to the
maxims that made him President ?
trade and commerce subdue it? Lk llt
the votes of lJoston, Hiiladelphia :in,l
Pittsburg. The manufacturers and mer
chants are the governing classes in these
cities. They are intelligent and quick
to discover their interests. They have
weighed and measured the Southern trade,
and then voted against the Southern peo
ple. But what if they had not what if
like the city of New York, they had
voted against the conflict, only lo be
overruled by the country counties ? Com
mercial cities cannot repress the conflict,
if the people of the interior lend it their
symp:Uhics. No, no, there is reason in
the boast that the States shall all become
five. There is good ground to apprehend
the extinction of property in slaves. All
new Kngland has decreed it. The great
States of New York and Ohio have re
peated, again and again, the decree.
Pennsylvania seems to have sanctioned it.
The Northwestern States stand for the
present committed to it.
What hojK5 is left for the Union ? Is
there a man in tbis assembly who deem3
that this conllict can go on and the
Union last? If there be, that man is be
side himself; he has lost his wits. I will
reason with such man. Bur, though few
may believe that the Union can lorn en
dure the shock of the conflict, yet many
people tfiink that freedom absolute, un-
cir-ieonditiohal, universal freedom is
so
great a boon, and negro slavery so great
a reproacn ana evil, that the whole in
fluence of a good man's life and conduct
should be directed to promote the one
and suppress the other even though, as
a consequence, the slave States should be
driven out of the Union. This is the
prevalent distemper of the public mind.
' Who can minister to a mind diseased ?"
Fellow-citizens, I profess no ability in
this regard, but my mouth is open, and I
will utter some of the thoughts that press
up from the heart to the lips.
When under the articles of confedera
tion, which carried us through our Kevo
lulionary war, Suites had grown jealous,
unfraternal, disobedient; and the General
Government had proved itself too weak
to supress conflicts that were arising, the
people took the remedy into their own
hands, called a Convention, and formed a
stronger government, The call of the
Convention, the election of deputies, the
State Conventions which followed, all
served to engage the public mind, and to
direct it to the common dantrer. and the
possible remedy. Thus the popular mind
prepared itself to receive with approbation
'.he Constitution that was formed, und
impending dangers were averted.
History is said to be philosophy teach
ing by examples. Ix.-t us be instructed
by this example. As we, Pcnnsylva
uians, were the first to abolish slavery,
let us be the lirst to move for the salva
tion of the Union. Under the amenda
tory clause of the Constitution, Congress
is bound to call a general convention on
appnation of the J legislatures of two
thigls of (he States. Our Legislature
wiH assemble next month. Let us peti
tion them- to demand the convention.
Good examples, like bail ones, are con
tagious. Perhaps one and another of the
Northern and Southern States may do the
like until the requisite number have con
curred, and then we will have a National
Convention to consider the evils and dan
gers of the day, and to devise remedies
which, it may be hoped, shall prove as
salutary as those of 1787. And now, as
then, the progress of these measures will
awaken inquiry and thoughtfulncss in the
masses, will call of their minds from the
petty clitics of the pay, anil from the
mischievous agitation of slavery questions,
to the grand problem of how we can ren
der this glorious L'nion perpetual.
In what form and to what extent the
lowcr oi the icnernl Government should
le increased is not for rim to indicate, but
with the confessions of President Bu
chanan and Attorney-General Black be-
r . i j. .i
loie us, iiiat me Government, as now
constituted, is unable to prevent or pun
ish secession, or to suppress the proud
conllict that disturbs our peace and boasts
itself irrepressible, have I not a right to
assume that the Government needs to be
strengthened ' Have I not a right to say
that a Government which was all ulli
cier.t for the country fifty years ago, when
soil and climate, and State sovereignty
could be trusted to regulate the shread of
slavery, is insutlieient to-day when every
upstart polititition can stir the people to
mutiny against the domestic institutions of
our Southern neighbors when the ribald
jests of sedicious editors, like Greely and
Beecher, can sway legislatures and pop
ular votes against the handiwork of
Washington and Madison when the
scurrilous libels of such a book as
Helper's become a favorite campaign
document, and are accepted by thou
sands a4 law and gospel both when
jealousy and hate have killed out all our
fraternal feelings for those who were born
our brethern, and who have done us no
harm I The traditions of the elders lin
gered in the generations which immedi
ately succeeded the adoption of the Con
stitution, and their passion for freedom,
just as strong as ours, was chastened into
loyalty to the Union, and veneration for
the rights of the States. The Constitu
tion, which was strong enough, to govern
such men, is too weak to restrain us who
have outgrown the grave and moderate
wisdom that excited no irrepressible con
llict between brethren, "but taught them to
dwell together in unity. I would make
it strong enough to restrain the madness
of our day.
And let the people consider the mo
tives for preserving the Union. They
would be brought directly to these by the
debates of. the conventions and by the
antecedent and subsequent debates. I
can suggest only &ome of them.
First, our nmiic, and place, and owcr,
as one of the nations of the earth. Are
utoll As rue u,,r. rue ,aen
18G3.
these not worth preserving ? In ci-jhty
years we have matched the greatness "that
Koine. and England were centuries in at
taining. What may be done in the next
eighty !
I heard a sairaeious statesman sav.
about three years ago, that in twenty
years from that time, if we kept together,
we" would drive England froiu all the
markets of the world as a firt class tra
der. They were words of cheer, but
there was the inevitable '. In what
markets Ave should rival England, or even
the pettiest kingdom of the' earth, after
dissolution of the Union, that statesman
and no other has ventured to predict.
See what "prosperity would come to us
of the North in the process of the grand
rivalry predicted by that statesman.
Manufactures and navigation have built
up the greatness of England, and they
would do the same for us as a nation, and
and for our section of the nation. Manu
facturing has already made us jireat. In
iio one respect are the rise and progress of
our country so remarkable as in its manu
factures. The narrow-minded English
statesman, who would not have us manu
facture even a "hob nail," cvu'.d he be
carried alive through the factories of
Philadelphia, Pittsburg or I-owell, would,
to be consistent with himself, curse the
false gods who had inspired his unreason
able wish, and hasten to die airain. Hr;
shall never need to depend ayain on ami 'or-
aim nation jora Jabnc that can be made of
cotton, iron or icootl. Thus far, at least,
we have come. And what cities, and
.towns, and railroads, and canals have we
uuiit up in our- progress ' How much
personal wealth and social happiness have
we created what additions to our popu
lation what accretions in the value of
our farms and minerals what industry
nave we stimulated and rewarded what
commerce have we won I Think of these
things, fellow-countrymen eon them over
one by one dissect and analyze each fact
- j
truce its connections :unl consequences:
i . t - -
ami then, when you combine them all in
one glow ing picture of national nrosnei-itv.
reuiember that cotton, the prod net f
autre labor, has been one of the indispen
sable elements ol all our future prosperity.
i say it must he. Ihe world cannot and
will not live without cotton. There is nof
a matron in all the Union that can clothe
her family or herself wiihonf. t
can England do without our cotton. Her
mills and ours would rot, and her opera
tives and ours would starve, if the negroes
did not raise cotton. Manumit them and
they will never raise another crop. They
need the authority of a master and the
eye of an overseer to compel and direct
them to the duties to the cotton plant
which must be rendered at the right sea
son precisely, or the crop is lost.
And tiius it ballpens, that the Provi
dence of that Good Being w ho has watch
ed over us from the beginning, and saved
us irom external iocs, has so ordered our
internal relations as to make nero slavery
an incalculable blessing to us"and to the
people of Great Britain." I say to us ; for
I do not enter into the question whether
the institution be an evil to the people of
the Southern States'. That is their con
cern, not ours. We l:ae nothing to tlo
with it. And to obtiide our opinions
upon the people of sovereign States con
cerning their domestic institutions, would
be sheer imjiertinence. But do you not
see and feel how good it was for us to
hand over our slaves to our friends of the
South how good it was for us that they
have employed them in raising a staple
ior our mnnulaetnrers how wise it was
t.j so adjust the compromises of the Con
stitution that we could live in union with
them and reap the signal advantages to
which I have adverted ? We ctnisi -:i
them to no heathen thrall, but to Chris
tian men, professing the same faith with
us speaking the same language reading
the golden rule, in one-sided and distorted
shape, but as it is recorded, a rule to
slaves as well as masters.
This allusion to the golden rule reminds
me of an objection which will be urged
to much that I have advanced. It will
be said that slavery is a sin against God,
and, therefore, that all reasons drawn
from our material interessf, for favoring
or abetting it must go for nothing.
If it be a sin, 1 agree there is an end to
my argument, but what right has the
Abolitionist to pronounce it a sin ? I say
Abolitionist, because the pastor of the
First Presbyterian Church of Brooklyn,
in a sermon preached within a week, de
fined an Alxjlitiotiist to le one who holds
that slavery is a sin. I accept the defini
tion, and according to it many of our !-st
Chriti.t!i jic-ople. must be accounted Abo
litionists ; for it is astonishing how ex
tensively the religious mind of the North
has admitted into itself the nuspicion, not
to say conviction, that shtvcholdinu is a
s0 rlm
VOL. 10--NO. -32.
sin. If a sin, then it is a violation of
some Divine law, for sin is the trans'ies
sion of the law. c
Now, I deny that any such law has ever
been revealed. The burden of showing it
is on him who alleges, iuid when it is
shown, I agree it shall rule out all tRat
has been sai.l or ean be said for a L'nion
founded on slavery. I bind myself never
to raise my voice again in behalf of siicl
a Lmon. But," so far from any such hwvv
being found plainly written for our in
struction, whoever w ill study the Patri
archal and Ixvitical institutions, will see
the principle of human bonda-e, and of
property in man, divinely sanctioned, if
not divinely ordained ; and in all the iiy
mgs of our Saviour, we hear no injunc
tion for the suppression of a'slavery which
existed under his eyes, while lie delivered
many maxims and principles, which, like
the golden rule, enter right into and regu
late the relation. So do the wrifmof
Paul abound with regulations af the rc!a-
uiii liui wiui me injunctions for its.
suprcssion. If we go to the most accred
ited commentators, or consult divines
really wise and good in our midst ; or
what is better, study and search the.
Scriptures for ourselves, we shall fail to
inul a law which, fairly interpreted and
applied, justities any man in asscrtin-', ;
or out of the pulpit, that the negro slavery
of the United States is sinful. What
right, then, I ask again, has the AMi
tionist to cheat tender consciences into
hostility to an institution on which our
Union is founded in part ? Good j-oplo
say we do not wish to disturb slavery
where it exists by load law, but believin
it to be smful and inexpedient, we will not
submit to its extension, nor assist to re
store the fugitive to his master. Such
IH-ople soon come to- con-.-eive that the
more unfriendly they can feel toward
slavery the more harsh speeches they
make about slaveholders, the more they
help on the irrepressible conflict, the bet
ter will they recommend themselves tv
God. In SOllie rlmn-hna nut:...!
U. Huii-.-uivLTv sen-
timcnts have become essential to good
standing. According to some ecclesiasti
cal councils, it would seem that the reat
duty of the American Christian is to" war
with his neighbor's probity ; and, if oi
portumty presents, to help steal and hide
it.
Alas! alas! fur the times upon which
we have fallen.
We must arouse ourselves and re-as
sert the rights of the slavenolder, and add
such guarantees to our Constitution as
will protect his probi ty from the spolia
tion of religious bigotry and persecution,
or else we must give up our Constitution
and I nion. Events are placing the al
ternative plainly before v.t Constitutional
l irron, d Lla-ty according to American
law ; or dse extinction of slave prop, rti,
i-C'ji-o freedom, dissolution of tltc Union
and aiiarcJiy and confusion. ' '
Can any man, even though his min.l
has been poisoned by the sophisms of in-hd.-ls
and Abolitionists, seriously con
template the alternative with cotnj)osure
and indifference ? "We hear it said, let
South Carolina go out of the Union
lcacebly. I say let her go ieaccably, if
she go at all, but why should South
Carolina, lie driven out of the Un
ion by an irrepressible conflict about sla
very I Other States will be suns to fol
low, sooner or later. I he work of dis
integration, once fairly established, will
not end with South Carolina, nor even
with all the slave States. Already we
see it announced, on the floor of Congress
that the city of New Yirk, tired of her
connections with Puritan New England,
and the fanatical' interior of her own 1
State, will improve the opjiort unity to set
up lbr herself, and throw open her ni.-i"-niticcnt
iKjrt to the unrestricted -commerce
of the world.
Let us be wise in time. Our resolu-
tions.are soothing and entvura'-in-their
tone, and this vast assembla-'
symtomatic of returning health in
public mind : but noou!
in
is
tl
iC
and
fair-spoken resolutions are not 'oin
ng to
save the I r.ion Irom destruction,
people must act, and act promptly
The
t
and
elhcieiit.y. ix-t them show the SoutI
that the heart of the great State
.f
1 ennsylvama is sound still. It is
said
that the late elections do not commit
Pennsylvania, unalterably, to the mis
chievous conflict. I am unwilling to be
lieve it. I hope it is so. I hoie the
events of the winter and our future clec
tioirs will prove it. Then let Pennsyl
vania apju al to the South to stand by us
a little longer, till wC have proved, not by
fair words, but by deeds, that we will
arre.-t the irrepressible conflict ; that we
are not ready to give up constitutional
lilierty for licentious liberty ; that we will
not saeriliee all the memorios of the past,
and all the hopes of the future, for ucro
Pi
I
irfr
3