EDcmocmt & 0cntmcl.
m. J. Ml'HRAT, Kdltor Had Publisher.
" EBEN8BURQ."
WEDNESDAY MORNIKG::::::.:;;:::7:7mAY 5.
DEMOCRATIC STATE TICKET.
JC8TICH OP SCPKEMB COCKT.
WILLIAM A. PORTER.
Of Philadelphia.
CAVAL COHMiBSIONBK.
WESLEY FROST.
Of Fayette County.
"JW"OTlCE-ALL TEllSOXS KNOWING
JLl themselves indebted to the "Democrat &
Sentinel" for Subscription, Aertlslbg, &c,
ara notified that the books are now in my hands
for collection. Costa w ill bo saved by attending
to this notice in time. Address Box 101.
H. C. DEVIN'K.
Sbensburg, Feb. 24, If 58.
W The Editor is absent this week in
Pittsburg, which accounts for the ''small as
sortment" of editorial articles in the present
number.
THE PRESIDENT SUSTAINED.
Passage, of Mr. English's Bill.
The bill reported by the Committee of Con
ference for the admission of Kansas into the
Ud ion under the Lecompton Constitution,
passed both Houses of Congress last Friday.
This is a brilliant triumph for the Democracy
oyer the pitbald opposition now arrayed
against it. The National administration has
beeu triumphantly sustained, and John W.
Forney & Co. may now Lang their harps on
the willows. We sincerely hope there will
now be a truce to the shouts of the freedom
shriekers for bleeding Kansas. The result
of the vote last Friday scaled the fate of the
Black Republican party. Deprived of its
stock in trade, it cannot possibly hold to
gether until 18G0. We always felt confident
that the Democratic members of Congress
would sustain Mr. Buchanan, and we have
uot been disappointed. Wo will, next week,
lay Mr. English's Bill beforo our readers.
Tho French Emigration Scheme.
The official correspondence, as recentlv
published, shows that France is serisuf in her
efforts to supply her West India colonies with
Africans under a new form, and by means of
emigration. Mr. Mason, the American
Minister at Paris, distinctly slates that in an
interview with Count Walewski. the French
Minister for Foreign Affairs, the latter said
very frankly that the French colonies, partic
ularly in the West Indies, were languishing
for waut of labor ; that negro labor alone was
adapted for tropical productions; that the
French Government had devised a system for
the introduction from Africa of laborers un
der guards, and that to supply these laborers
tbey LOOKKD MAIXLT TO PRISONER TAKEN" BY
THE TRIBES IN TIlKIK INTESTINE WARS, who
would, if not so disposed of, according to the
barbarous custom of the country, be put to
deak.b The gist of the whole matter may be
Kummed up thus : France has discovered that
her West India colonies are going behind
ha.nd, for want of laborers Slave would be
preferred, but these cannot be obtained under
the existing treaty arrangements between
Great Britain, France, and the the United
States. But, in order to secure the result,
and at the same time avoid the violation of
treaties, a new device, as above described, has
been resorted to. It amounts to little less
than slavery in a new form, and the fact that
these laborers are to consist of prisoners taken
by the tribes in their intestine wars, is only
calcul-itcd to show the lengths to which a na
tion will sometimes go, in order to accomplish
its selfish objects. If the native tribes could
not mII their prisoners there would bo little
inducement for them to continue their fra
tricidal conflicts. But, now that France
comes forward, and holds out a premiuai for
each prisoner thus taken, the wars will be
renewed with tenfold fury, and the awful
spectacle will be presented to the world, of a
civilized, and Christian people absolutely fo
menting sanguinary contests among barbari
ans and savages, and all with a mercenary
object. The most remarkable part of the
statement of Count Walewski is, that in which
he said that "there had been some communi
cation between the English and French Gov
ernments, and the former would not object
to the French scheme, while the wants of the
British colonies were being supplied by the
Coolie Trade." We are to infer from all this
therefore, that despite the affected horror of
slavery, which hag been a standing topic in
Great Britain for years, much of it amounted
to a mere mockery and that two of the most
liberal and enlightened nations of Europe
have absolutely agreed to revive the odicus
traffic, but to disgui, it under a new form
and a new name. Mr. Mason pithily ob
serves, after recapitulating the remarks of
Count Walewski, that "he feels quite eonfi.
dent that in future we will see the denunci
fjons of American alaverv tnnAtA :e
TH' .iU Frn' nd perbaj in Errand."
froj,, horu-ThTlidlior.
The Pacific Railroad.
There is still a hope that the Bill for the
construction of this mighty work will pass
Congress during the present session. And
why should it not ? Instead of wasting time
and temper in fruitless wrangles, it would be
much wiser, and more in accordance with tho
true dignity of Senators and Congressmen to
discuss measures and pass laws tending to the
general welfare and increasing prosperity of
our country. The question of a railroad con
nection with our Pacific coast commends its
self, by its importance in the present, as well
as by its unavoidable necessity in the future.
The Pacific coast is fast being settled ;
commerce with it is rapidly increasing, and
every day discloses more and more the in
conveniences, the utter inadequacy of the ex
isting routes to meet tho absolute require
ment of the timee. The trade with China
is already very considerable ; but it will be
incalculable in extent and value when the old
wall of ignorance and delusiveness shall be
broken down. The time will soon be here,
when the hitherto hidden wealth of Chiocso
commerce shall bo exposed to our grasp.-
Shall we be prepared to take advantage of it?
In addition to the proximity to our western
coast, there are many Chinamen in Califor
nia who will naturally point their countrymen
to the advantages of American intercourse.
If a direct way could be opened by which
China could reach the interior of our coun
try, and the Atlantic coast with comparative
ly little inconvenience and expense, there
can be no doubt but she would speedily and
eagerly rush in, and we might have almost
a monopoly of her trade. The rich islands
of the Pacifie would also contribute much to
the general prosperity.
The effect of such a road upon our western
territory would be almost marvellous; itwo'd
act like an enchanter's wand, waking towns
and cities from their invisible existence in
the forests and prairies, and decking the hills
and plains with waving grain and flowers,
and fruits? No extravagane of language
could surpass the reality of prosperity and
wealth which must inevitably follow upon a
completion of this road to the Pacific, and
thereby developing all the unknown beauty
and riches of the west.
Another potential reason for the construc
tion of a railroad to the Pacific is furnished
us by the Mormon rebellion and the difficul
ties in quelling it The bold defiance of the
general government displayed by that fanati
cal people, and the delay and expense in ad
ministering deserved punishment, have caus
ed us indignation and chagrin. The gorgon
head of rebellion should not be permitted to
show itself before the sword of power was
raised to cut it off. A delay of chastisement
makes those deserving it bolder and more in
solent. Had we a railroad over the Plains,
the army could have rushed down on the reb
els like an avalanche, and crushed there in
the incipiency of their treason .
As a postal route, also, it is much needed.
The circuitous and tardy transit of the mails
is exceedingly annoying and detrimental to
prosperity. So that, for tho purposes of com
merce with Asia, for the development of our
own country, for protection of our western
frontier, for preventing and punishing inter
nal rebellion, and for conveying the mail,
there are an hundred sufficient reasons to jus
tify the prompt and energetic commencement
of this great enterprise.
The cost to the United States, under the
bill proposed, would bo inconsiderable. The
Utah war will cost more than it would take
to complete the entire road. The expense of
mail service is immense, and the amount re
quired for protection against the Indian dep
redations and foreign foes, is vastly more
than would be required if the road were com
pleted. Add to this, the increase of trade,
in itself worth more than it would cost to se
cure it, and the development of our wonder
ous agricultural and mineral wealth, the in
creased glory and greatness of our country,
until all other-nations shall bow in reverence
before her splendor, and her children shall
exult with virtuous pride hi a mighty ami in
dissoluble Union, and who can refuse to aid
in this consummation so devoutly to be wish
ed ? We hope to record the passage of the
bill during the present session. U,i ion.
X3T The Scientific American, alluding to
the success of Rarey, the horse-tamer, at
tributes it to the use of herbs and drugs, and
gives the following recipe for others to pro
cure the same results : "Procure some fine
ly grated horse castor, and oils of cumin and
rhodium, and keep the three separate in air
tight vesselb. Rub a little of the oil of cu
min upon your hand, and approach the horse
on the windward side, so that he can smell
the odor of the cumin. The horse will then
suffer you to approach him without any trou
ble. Immediately rub your Land on the
horse's nose, getting a little of the oif on it,
nd you can lead him anywhere. Give him
little of the castor on any substance for
which he has a taste, and in the most suita
ble manner manage to get eight drops of the
oil of rhodium upon his tongue, and he will
at once become obedient to the most exacting
commands with which horses are capable of
complying. Be tind and gentJe tQ
jour permanent supremacy will be establish
ed, no matter what may have been his pre
viously wild and vidoii, .!,.,,.,... vtr.
derstand that Mr. Rarey has been challen
ged by D. Sullivan. CrrmnA r i,
- - vo -jvu vi IMC UCit?-
i.ia.eu "flumvan the Whisperer') t.i a tri- :
al of hh jxnrfrs i o,lc. Trvlan'.l - i
1
The Letter of Secretary Caaa to Lord Napier.
Secretary Cass diplomatic note to Lord
Napier, in reply to the reiterated complaints
made by the British government of the in
crease of the slave trade, and their sugges
tions of more stringent measures for its sup
pression, is the ablest state document that
ever was penned on this interesting subject.
We regret sincerely that the press of matter
did not permit us to copy it in full. It sheds
a flood of light upon this vexatious question,
completely and mercilessly exposing the hol
low pretensions and grossly selfish objects of
the British negro policy. In regard to the
eystem of a joint blockade of the African
coast, the Secretary remarks that "the benefit
it has produced, bears no reasonable propor
tion to the expenditure of life and treasure it
has cost." But this failure need not discour
age the hopes of Christendom, for there was
another method of proceeding, less difficult
and more efficacious. If slaves could not be
sold, they would not be exported. To shut
the ports of Cuba to their entrance, would be
shutting the ports of Africa to their departure,
Cuba was the only country where the slave
trade was carried on extensively. England
exorcised great political influence over Spain
and might employ it in this cause. This is a
very severe home-thrust, for jealous as En
gland is of blave labor, she would not now
urge a measure calculated to injure the pro
ductive capacity of Cuba. The immense
Spanish debt is owned by Englishmen princi
pally, and the diminution of the Cuban reven
ues would utterly depreciate all claims against
Spain. Amongst the oauses now operating
to render the blockade of the coast of Africa
still more useless, the Secretary mentions the
marked effect upon public opinion in-Europe,
produced by the lamentable condition of the
once flourishing colonies of England and
France, the deficiency of labor there,- the in
dolence and distress of the emancipated ne
groes, all of which were matters of grave
reflection for the statesman and philantropist.
Means, had been resorted to remedy these
evils. England herself had set the example,
and was supplying her colonies with coolies,
and French following her lead, . was furnish
ing her Islands with Africaas, which was but
another form of slavo trading. Official re
ports from the American Squadron on the
African coast confirmed this opinion ; also
the last message of the President of Liberia,
etc. This state of things, while offering no
'JUStlflcaCluutf the elave trade, . indicated a
relaxation of public opinion in regard to its
suppression, which impeded the efficacy of
the blockading policy. But independently of
the obstructions, physical, and political, which
stood in the way of the successful operations
of that policy, there wero important consider
ations intimately connected with national ri
ghts, which offered still graver subjects for
the consideration of this Government. Tha
Secretary discusses then with eminent ability
and great force, the important question of the
right of search, against which he remonstrates
as a dangerous pretension, aud a breach of
the law of nations, as practised by Great Brit
ain. To permit a foreign officer to board a
vessel of another power, to assume command
in her, to call for and examine her papers, to
pass judgment upon her character, to decide
the broad inquiry, whether she is navigated
according to law ana to tena her in at pleas
ure for trial, could not be submitted to by any
independent tialivu -nithout injury aud dis
honor. No such right was recognized by the
law of nations. The United States denied
the right of the cruisers of any other Power
whatever, for any purpose whatever, to enter
their vessels by force. They had no disposi
tion to surrender the police of the ocean to
Great Britain, and would never falter in their
determination to enforce their own laws in
their own vessels, and by their own power,
and to oppose the pretensions of every other
nation to board them by force in time of
peace. The Secretary proves by numerous
quotations that the principles of international
law involved in this question has been admit
ted by the most eminent statesmen of Great
Britain. He explodes completely the distinc
tion made by British diplomatists between
the right of visit and the right of search,
showing that both are equally illegal as ap
plied to vessels of foreign Powers It ap
pears that Lord Napier communicated to the
State Department a list . of. vessels, 6aid to
have been American, and to havo been en
gaged in the slave trade. To this the Sec
retary replies that he had no means of verify
ing the list, but the statement, "even if ac
curate," only showed that the laws of the
United States might be evaded as well as those
of other nations. The prosecution of the
slave trade, being stimulated by extraordin
ary profit, additional capital and enterprise
had embarked in it. There was a class of
ships built in the United States famed for
their speed, and these were eagerly sought
and purchased by foreigners for the slave
trade, but the people disposing of them could
not be held answerable for the purposes for
which such vessels were afterwards employed.
The laws of the United States provided severe
punishment for fitting out of slavers, but it
was often impossible to prove an illegitimate
object, and so some slavers might escape.
Vessels, English built and English owned,
had also been employed in the slaye trade.
A case of this kind had but just been brought
before the Courts in London. Human cupi
dity was not confined to our nation only, and
a cursory perusal of the proceedings of En
glish tribunals would probably reveal a good
many similar cases.
Lord Napier further complained, in the
name of his Government, of the United States
not having had at all times the number of ves
sels as stipulated by treaty, on the African
coast. General Cass proves that' Great Brit
ain required similar forbearance, she having
been repeatedly guilty of the samftin of om
ission. The view next represented by the
Secretary is of great importance. The United
States, he savs, had a legitimate trade with
Africa, which was annually increasing in val
ue. The exports of the United States were
exchanged for palm oil, ivory, hides, dye
woods, ect. Vessels lawfully engaged in this
commerce, and approaching the suspected
latitudes, became themselves suspected, and
were liable to vexations interruptions so long
as the practice of orcibly boarding and exam
ming them continued. Unless it was abolish
ed, it would operate injuriously, ind -cause
the ruin of this branch of American com
merce. The Secretary shows, from official
statements, that the most colossal abuses are
practiced by the officers of the British Afri
can squadron, for their pecuniary benefit and
that of their government, under the assumed 1
right of search. The penalty of the 'Ameri
can law for tradingJu slavca'being death, the
officers of English cruisers, when boarding an
American slaver, persuade the captain to des
troy the papers which bear evidence of the
nationality of his vessel, to escape being sur
rendered to the American authorities. This
done, the British seize the vessel and all its
contents as a prize to be divided between the
capturera and their government, and the
slaves are sent to the British African Colon
ies, under the pretence of liberating and pro
tecting them. Thus the grand philanthropic
movement against the slave trade has virtu
ally degenerated into the most corrupt of all
systems of levying black-mail. General Cass'
bold and manly treatment of this vexatious
question, will open the eyes of a great many
well-meaning but deluded people, and go far
to extinguish the torch of abolitionism in the
hands of unscrupulous, demagogical agitators.
The Secretary concludes his masterly letter
by informing Lord Napier that, while the
President is determined to execute tliA front v
of 1842 with fidelity and efficiency, he is not
prepared, under existing ciircu instances, to
enter into' any new stipulations on the subject
of the African Slave "Trade.
Letter of Got. Robinson of Kansas.
The leader of the Frte State tnen admits
that Kan sat cill gain by immediate admit'
lion, thus acknowledging that the Kantat pol
icy of President Buchanan it calculated for
the reel fart of the people of that Territory!
Charles Robinson, the Topeka Free State
Governor of Kansas, and, since the com
mencement of the slavery agitation in that
Territory, the model patriot of the country in
tho yes of the Abolitionists, has written a
letter to his friend, Safford, of Massachusetts
in which he emphatically declares that there
will be no disturbance in Kansas, should Con
gress pass the Lecompton bill and that should
Mr. Calhoun give certificates of election to
the Free State candidates, . (which he has
done) no trouble could arise, "as the Free
State party will have the government in their
hands, and, of course, will have no opposi
tion of cousequence." We give the letter en
tire, as originally published in the Fitchlurg
(Mass,) Reveille. It runs as follows :
Washington, April 3, 1858.
Kansas is at a dead lock in Congress, aud
no one can predict the result. Should both
bouses remain firm, and Kansas not be ad
mitted, I shall visit Fitchburg, I thick, next
week: but should either housi vield T lmll
. --. , -- j - -- -
return immediately to Kansas, without going
to Massachusetts
Let the result in Congress be as it may,
none who 'are contemplating going to Kansas
this season need delay or hesitate from fear
of disturbance ; for. should Kansas be ad
mitted under the Laccomnton constitution nrl
Mr. Calhoun give certificates of election, as
he has indicated.no trouble can arise, as the
free-State party will have the government in
their hands,' and of course will have no oppo
position of consequence, The people of Kan
sas have been schooled sufficiently to know
how to rid themselves of the Lecompton or
any other objectionable constitution, should
they desire it, without strife or bloodshed, if
the power shall be in the hands of the major
ity. Of course if we have the government,
we can do as the good of the State shall re
quire, with "none to molest or make us
afraid." Hence you sco the reason why I
have urged our people to vote for State offi
cers under that constitution, in order that we
might not be left at the mercy of Congress or
any other power. I noticed some time since
that friend Piper, of the Reveille, criticized
our voting policy somewhat severely, and
among other things, if I remember rightly,
said "it was inconsistent for us to vote for
State officers on the same day that we voted
against the constitution." But how could we
know that a majority of the people would vote
against it ? or, if they did, how could we
know how Congress would regard that vote ?
All must admit there was a possibility, if
not a probability, of our bciug admitted into
the Union under that constitution, even tho
a majority of votes should be cast against it
on the 4th of January; and such bciug the
case, why not put the government under it in
the hands of our friends, so that, should there
be any necessity for a change, or revolution,
even, it could be effected peaceably ? Hav
ing done this, should Lecompton be admitted
we should at once organize the government,
and take such action as should best subserve
the interest of the State. Indeed, were there
no question as to who would receive certifi
cates of election, lam not ctrtainhut Kansas
icould be the gainer by being admitted under
any conceivable constitution, if the agitation
could thus be ended, rather than to be left in
confusion with three State constitutions and
governnnuts. besides a territorial govern
ment, for another year. Kansas has had her
share of political agitations, and her impov
erished citizens are anxious for a return of
honorable peace and prosperity.
As I desire my old friends in Fitchburg to
understand the reasons for my course in Kan
sas, you can hand this to friend Piper, if you
think proper, for publication. I intended to
have written hiin some time since upon his
strictures on the policy of voting.
Yours, respectfully,
U. R. Safford, Esq. C. Robinson.
What answer will the Abolitionists make
to this ? How will they meet the declaration
of the leader of the Free State men in Kan
sas, when he says that "Kansas has had her
thare of political agitation, and her impov
erished citizens are anxious fur a return of
honorable peace and prosjerity ?" How dire
they, in the face of this testimony, persist in
their attempts to prolong those "political agi
tations? I(ov can they (when their own par
tisans.as Governor Robinson in this instance,
rise up to bear witness that the people of
Kansas want peace) adhere to their purpose
of keeping Kansas out of the Union, leaving
her in her helpless territorial condition, still
to be clogged and retarded in her prosperity
by tile quarrels and couflicts of contending
factions, still to be rent with political agita
tionspreparatory to another trial for admis
sion into the Union ? If thev are honest
, , , -
they can not do it. Knave and demagogues
alone are equal to such a hypocritical task.
JSedJord Uaeette,
favorable reparts ars received
i um u vjuariurs OI J.xas tu UlOSt 1
in rearJ. to
iixe propped ot tne coming crcp
A Proposition to Assassinate.
It has been aunounced that apian has been
concocted by certain political fanatics in New
York, for. the assassination of Louis Napoleon.
Indeed the following recently appeared in the
Pioneer, a journal published in that city:
T the notice of the friends of Revolution:
A young American, who has for several
years pursued the studies of mechanics and
chemistry, engages to.liberate the world of a
tyrant, if his travelling expenses are provided,
and he is placed in a position to live two
months decently in the head quarters of the
Bandit. It is a matter of course impossible
for him at present to give his name, but two
of tn mot respectable Germans in this city,
who have known him for three years, will
guarantee his integrity. As the affair docs
not allow along delay, or lengthy communi
cations, it is desirable that from those places
where only small contributions can be expec
ted .collections should b made and announ
ced in the columns of the Pioneer, with an
add ress attached. Further information will
then be given.
Another journal gave the following.
From the Criminal Zeilung, April 21, 1858.
The stock enterprise for the assassination
of Louis Ncpolcon, to which we referred in
our last number,' enjoys the. best of success.
Three hundred dollars are already promised,
of which one Mr. W., of IloVoken, alone,
has placed two-tLirds at immediate disposal.
The only surprising feature in the affair is
that several who are ready to contribute a
considerable amount for the execution of this
praiseworthy enterprise have asked for some
preliminary explanations that is to say, they
went to be informed of ail particulars before
sending the money. It is to be regretted that
notwithstanding the high literary reputation
of Mr Ileinzen, notwithstanding his enviable
social position, his proverbial honesty, some
suspicion exists that, behind his offer to be
come an avenger of the enslaved people, and
to acquire, though the assassination of Louis
Napoleon, the crown of martyrdom, there yet
lurks an ordinary industrial coup tFctot, and
that Mr. Ileinzen, perhaps, would not go at
all to the head-quarters of the Bandit if he
were furnished with the means for the jour
ncj. In one letter wfiich came for transmis
sion to our hands, containing the proof of a
contribution, this suspicion was expressed
more plainly. To the offer of a box of Hun
garian wine, a condition is attached that Mr.
Ilciiizen shall not be allowed to drink the
i nm ucivru uv uas coimmucj me murder c
the tyrant; and the writer requests us distin
wine betoro he has committed the murder of
ctly not to accept the word of honor of Ilein-
zeo loruiejust iuiniimcnt ol the said pro
mise. But the wine is to be forwarded to a
reliable person in Paris, where Mr. Ileinzen
can obtain it after he has liberated the world.
It seems, however, according to the follow
ing article, that Mr. II. disclaims the desper
ate honor :
Nkw Yobk, Monday. April 26, 1S"S.
To the Editor of the Xetc l'ork Timet.
Sir: Under the heading -News of the
Day." April 2G. j-ou inform your readers iu
a 6hort articlo that the undersigned, editor of
the Pioneer, has undertaken to assassinate
Lor is Napolkox, provided his expenses are
paid, &.c , &c ,
I must confess that it would cost no sacri
fice of feeling on my part to fre the world
from this monster, hxd I an orp'-rtunity.
But since this is not the case, and f-ince I
have not even xcith a siinle icord proposed my
self for such an undertaking as you reported,
I consider it an unwarrantable misusage of
your position to accuse mc thus of such ridic
ulous boasting.
You perceive from this incident to what
misunderstandings people will arrive, who,
in mere pride of nativity, find the justifica
tion to judc-e those men who are unknown to
them, and whose papers neither are nor can
be read. Further, you say the undersigned
has "long disgusted the sensible portion of
the German population by his fierce tirades
in the Pioneer," Ac, &o This also is an
insult without foundat'tn, not only to myself,
but also to my readers.
Every sensible and truthful German will
tell you that the Pioneer counts among its
readers the best educated and moiit respecta
ble class of Germans that could be found by
any paper in America and that it could not be
placed in a catogery with those trashy papers
to which the Criminal Zeituug belongs, from
which you quoted, and whose editor is more
at home in the field of detective policy than in
the German lanffuaffe.
If you do not wish to misuse the Press, by
stating what ia dircctlv uniust and nntrno
you will give this explanatiou a place in your
next paper. K. ITeimzex.
Editor and Publisher of the Pioneer.
Pulling Down the Platform.
The Washington Union remarks, that it
was well for Colonel Fremont that he got off
to California as he did, for the New York
Times, before he was fairlv nut r,f G;i, e
land, set to work to pull down tho platform
. fnjf tue neausoi inose lie left in
charge of it. The Times is not altogether
lucid in the explanations whiob it offers for
its work It is convinced, for instance, that
such structures are of no practical account,
and that the Republicans, in the next can
vass, will fight each on his own hook. The
great idea of "no more slave State' is giren
up ; and the Times walks quietly on to the
Cincinnati platform, and endorses popular
sovereignty" as the basis of future action in
relation to the government of the Territories.
The Times has a new project an entirely
new project tnat of organizine a party with
out any creed au army without officers a
garden without seed -r aud it hopes to unite
in its enterpise the American rump, the rene
gade Democrats, and the Republicans, minus
their auti-slavcry. We do not object to the
arrangement; but it is desirable that wc
should be informed what you intend to do
with the new negro Constitution at Leaven
worth ? What will you do with Mr. Wade,
who will vote for "the admiss'on of no more
slave States ?" What will you do with Mr
Seward's great controversy between free and
slave labor ? What will you do with the Ab
olitioniits, without whose votes your con cern
U ? TU L 0 J -
wouiu u uj-uiownana maggoty in a single
i uuui j uo ii um is, lug uemocracv has re
ally suffered from the effects of your "dissol
rmtr political viavs " .nJ : .u 4
o i --- ---"" uu aio suxiuua mat
you should settle down and becom respeota
1b.le.Bhow ,60me "Ability, charaeter. and re-
. . " , " jou intend to give up an ex
I elusive Northern re;jnn6 M Hi tr. VA
gitive law? Is that n,A... .
in the general amnesty ? T, ,e ,llc!iJ
to be given up and absolution B
upon J udge Loring ? We iDsi8t
me; nor do we ouestion tk- -.. rna
thing is on foot by which a system
Tor
It was a treat rnnwiwn .
the Republicans made. whn in U. ' !'" U
atPenticost. where three thousand
-""niiu iu a uiogie aay a V I
thousand aud more Reruhi;.
up to the support of the Lecompton f
tion with slaverv : and . f V5
whole familv announce! tli;, .n . 5
the Christian doctrines of popular so?
ty. Democracy is a principle. nJ :!
not refuse the hand of fellowship to" 1
n uiscipies, jew or Uentile. Coffie J 1
. .,w. iiuis ouu iu wnatever &rVv ,
please. When you leave off the mLJ
vour lifi Kv ti.f i..n 1 '
X ., J "'6U nc ADOW ton.,
hail r.n n a K-,n1. -11 vu:
, - ucis. xi jOU Will BPfc,.
ngut under the Rpnnhl
ranks of the Democracy. 7. Ar
burned to death in n1TL?"eB
clothes took fire in consequ,nce Qf'
w k
a
OKPIIAXS' CUlRT vn.
BY VIRTUE OF AX ALIAS OKDFPrf Tn
Orphau' Cuurt ol Cambria ct-untv' 'i
rcted, theri will be exposal to i.uVli, -the
hotel of Jamw M. Kittle, in tc ill
Summitville, on SATURDAY, the.M jS
MAT next, at one o'clock P. JJ. the'f.ll 7 '
real e.tate of which Thomas Jackson'?
UUir county, died seized viz : '
A certain piece or parcel of laud ,:,,. :
W asbingtou township. Cambria ountv i J!
mg the borough of Summit viHe) W- pVT
the John Haines, Jamrs Kinuear and Ui?
Kiunear tracts IVginning at a lVpLi l'
south 70 deg. east 100 i. to a i oi !l ,!
east comer of the John llaTinss tract, tL?f
James Kiunear north TO iltg. eu,st P'. , n
wliitn lw. ....... I. ... i - 1". Vj i
? ..w.i-. n. -i m v ueg. east ay t. .
the Turnnike. thence bv tho Tn-,,. . V "'
degwest 10 ps., thence south tt 1
j.s., thence north de-. wi,t 1'3 j. u jj ' '
theuce Lv said allev mhiiIi ii ..... ... "'
a post, thence south to l-g. west SS i,s. t0 ,
... v r. vai i ps. io a post tLlT
t-.nl .1.... 1 . . t'-rl'
oum uv3 uci;. Hoi .hi pS. io tJie place of Uf
niug, containing ISO acres and 51 perches aJ
CO acres of which are l.-nrf "
A certain other nir r.r nm.i .r i i .
. - m. i lauu Silui'
m the townshin uforii.i f,.. ,1 ... . -,,
.... i ' tiiv fcJUtf ti.-M
cughj being part of the James Kinuear trirJ
imunig i, it ocecn. me south-west orntr
the tract: thence south Trt 1tr -,. .... '
a black shittem. thence north '20 deg. eat 1;
lis iua wiiue ouk, thence north 70 tle. west:
pj. io a wnue oaK, thence south 70 cleg,
the place of beginning, containing 315 acreit
93 perches.
A certain other i ,;.-. ..r
V WVh fcUV 11LC MINI II II i 1 Cf
!
.la
(101
i
pic
I
pci
fell
we
timber 1.uk r.tuate in tl.e toKil.iu afore
t o.wu uwuugiy m )ng part of the Willi
Kinnear tract beginning at the old A. Y I!
thence by land of John V. Geary north 20 lr
east 40 ph. thence north 70 ties', wt-t -14 tl
"oumi iv ut-j;. vjM p6.,ti.ence S"utU
.1 . 1 W. . I .
. O ---- - - .HV I'MIC t
containing 80 acres and 24 verclics,
IEKMS OtT SALK One third olttepurtWi
iuoiivj io uv- .;uu on connrmation ol wlr; it
other third in one year thereafter with intern:
to be secured j the judgment U-nds n.l iror
gages of the purchasers.; aud the otLer tLird
remain a lien on the premises lcal interest n
1. .. : l i - i . . , . 1.
'UCM' c-uiu io ue p:uu niALBa JacKUHl. Wide
of Thomas Jackson doe'd., annually, hy the pu
.ii.i.ci, noiii mc uaie o: onnrmatiufi fMft
during her lifetime aud t! principal, utatK
cease, io i ne r.eirs anu jc-ai nprc.vutamu
said Thomas Jackson.
W.M. KITrr.I.L, Trut.
May 5, 18t.8:25::Jt
RKMOVAL TIIK Sl'BSCKIBKlt VlS!i
es to announce to his frien.ls arid tie put
lie. that he Las removed his WIIOI.KSALK L
QUOR and G'KOCKRY STORE to tUluiU
corner ol Canal anI Clinton trevt. .pjwi-
Arcade, which lie Las refitted in a Lan)
style and replenished with a choice stCKlofut
best brands .f imported Wines. Brandies, 6.
Gmlial, etc. Irish and Scotch Malt WhiAij.
Old Monongahela Rye and Rectified Whisk'-.
Dr. J. I lost t t ter celebrated Stomach Hitters ii
Wolfl's Aromatic St-hridam Sonaprs. T'
GfTtw, Sugars, Molasses, Spices, Ruvii, 1
Fish, Slt. Glass. Iron & Nails, ToVvcco A &
gars, etc. &c. The very liberal patronage
tofore extended ine is duly appreciated, am! Ite
to assure you that vour further ordv-r willc-'
with prompt attention.
JITTER MASTKRSOS.
Johnstown, Mar 5. 1858 25
LIST OF CAUSES
For 1st week of Juno Court.
Fitch vs Shaffer
J I Parrish for use vs Ilenrv Llovi
Hutchinson vs Given
Maxwell vb McGonigle
J. McPoXALD, Trot'
April 28. 1858.
THE MORMOXS DkTr BATED
r LOTI11 NG KMPORI UM.-WE PEG le"
I i - :f r: 1 . 1 .1 mhlir in ceo-
m luiurui cur .ricnus auw f"- . -
eral that we have received from the cfra "TJ
ies a large and well selected THivrrf
containing Spring aud Summer ChOTHlv t .
all kinds and onalitv for men and boys. AIW ;
A fine and larje stock of CU-ths Cttsimer.
Tweeds. Trimmings, Ac. Ac llandkercl.
Storks. CrTt ilotcnf ll Viuds descrp
tion. Umbercllas and Suspenders, OothintrnW
toorderatthe shortest notio. rica ,n'
... vr i ..,,.,. sbtw
.-t no ihcut: on niKf n juiv... .
else, as we can guarantee that we will a ' , .
in nualitv and l.w t.rires bv anv estai'""r
in the State. Terms Cash or Country
EVANS JtUlonu
Ebensbnrg, April 'JS 185S.
7t rRS. MARGaIiET'TODD re?rtfllI1-r
JJXforms the public that she has just rtc
and is now opening at her store room ob - I
street rihensburg nearlv opposite me sw- - ,
ci.. v.. - i ,j .i-.i;,i ossnrtm'"1
Fancy Dry Goodt, Bonnets,
and bnncbes. Trlruinlnsrs. BVrms
Ac. BOXXETS, &c. Made- to order,
CASH.
April 21st No 23.
c e to thITtubug-J1;
"HT Oi l
1 Tnblie. notifisd that
UAi UAKh of Fettr meiser, unci-- -
mare Peter Smelwr bought of John Stevens ,
so a red and whita COW of John Stcecs, i
leaTe paid mare and cow with John 'JprnS
rirs my pl-aaure. TVEKDEL I- u 1
Lpreti.,. April Z1 1?6S 23
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! far donth you will go What aboat the fu
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