1,
K
1 A , i . -. i " 5 - ...... t
. flV III 111 -
5
THE BLESSINGS OF GOVERNMENT, LIKE THE DEWS OF HEAVEN, SHOULD BE DISTRIBUTED ALIKE UPON THE HIGH AND THE LOW, THE RICH AND THE POOR.
EBENSBURG, OCTOBER 1, 1856.
VOL. 3. NO. 49.
JEW SERIES.
t:
Lf
1'
TriB DEMOCIiAT & SENTINEL, is publish
ed every Wednesday morning, in Ebensburg,
Cambria Co., Pa;, at $1 M per annum, if iaii
IS ADViycr.. if not $2 will be charged.
ADVEHTISEMENTS will be conspicuously in-
sorted at tbe following rates, viz :
1 nqun.ru 3 insertions,
Every subsequent insertion,
1 square' 8 months,
(i
. - i year,
$1 00
25
t 00
$ 00
12 00
SO 00
15 00
5 00
coVu 1 year.
' -EBusiness Cards.
, Twelve lines cnutituti a square.
G III: IT CXCITEJIGXT ! !
Tin nPTTfimi i i i
III
'J
HIE subcriber would rcspccttiilly miorm tne
. Vood citizens of Ebensburg jiud tho adjoin-
In vieinify that he has returned Jrom 1 luladel-
rvi. with the largest and most varied assort
, im.-nt f UltOL'EUIKS ever offered. The stock
consists as follows :
. Cirocerles: iloliissri. Sugars. Teas, Uiee.
Ctudlcs.Soapri, Fish, Salt, Haeon & ll.ims. Flour.
Oat Meal. Com Meal. Tobacco, Peaches, Pried
Apples. Saleratus, Making Soda, Dried Herrings,
Darker V Baking Powder. Sardines. Mustard, Spi
;en, llolloways Worm Confection. Vinegar,
i 'oiifectlcurlen :
Candin,
OrAnge,
l.fmuii?,
Citro'iK,
l'ruiits.
S';j;rs.
iviiits, !
Fit:, i
Nuts of all kinds. j
UfUOr : Cherry Brandy, Black lrry Bran- I
dv. Uaspberry Brandy. French Brandy, Port!
Wine. Old Bye Whiskey. j
ItriiMheM, &.C., : Horse .Sweeping. Pus- i
'ting. Scrub and White Wash Brushes, Bed Cords, j
Twine, Corn brooms. Baskets of all kinds. Tubs i
and IVuckets of all kinds, ash Hoards, Butter
Bow ls, Nails. Lamp Cilolw-s, Curry Combs, Carjet
Hummer.; and Tacks, Wt-ulow Glass of all kind.,
Arnold's Ink, Hover's Ink, Steel Pens Station
ary of all kinds.
Togeter with a large assrrtinent of other arti--rlrs
not enumerated, whicli will be sold s cheap
'if not cheaper than any establishment in the
countr. ' KlCirAjil) TUDOII.
Ebcusburg. Jul SO. -4 0.
arc tni) hot k iZ, "
IIP.NKV FOSfKlt, PKOPBlETOIi.
Th ulscriler would resieclfully inform the
'citizens of Cimbria comity :id the travelling
public generally, that he has leased for a numler
of years the aU o Hotel, and furnished it in a
manner equal, if not superior, to many Hotels in
"WrMfc'rn Prnn-ivdvania. aid it Ixmig situated in
oiM n' the most business streets in 'Johnstown,
makes it a d'siralU stopping place for business
men. j h I Jar win no inxnisiu-ii witn tne iHst
Johnstown. Sq.t. S, lsri-tf
KEWARRIYAL!
jUUuljlULd. UUUuliUlUU UllUUUilliiU
H'ART & BR0., would respectfully inform j
their old customers as well ss many new ores j
"lhat they have rcreive I a l.ire quantity of (Jro- (
ceries, which for quality and cheapness cannot be
t,.-1!.I l- tin v .-.iiiiil.ir est. ililivlinii'iit vit nf tlm !
AlUu'hc-nv" iiioimfains. We aic determined to
lower than the low est
We have also, fin
bund
20,000 CIGARS
'winch w will dispoh .f wholesale or retail.
HART vt BKO.
Julv 9,-lS.Vu
Illlf AUB ilMCIII!
THE 8ubs..-riler has tlie pleasure ol announcing
to the citizens of Tunnel 'Hill and G:dlitzin,
uiid the pul lie generally, that he has received
from the Eastern cities, a new ami splcn l 1 stock
of
Spring sml Summer Sry o1k,
"t'. whi-'h h lxrgs leave to call tin- .tentiou of all
who arc desirous of purchasing .no let quality.
And most fashionable styles at the lowest prices.
His stock of
ltUtOV-31 tDi: CLOTIIIVG
i larjxe and well assorted, and will be sold at a
m:ill per centage over cost. He? has a large sup
' ply of
Groceries, Hoots & Shoe.",
Hardware. Drugs & Medicines,
Quccnswarc, Wall Haper,
4ilas?ware, liooks Sc Stationarj,
Tinware, Trimmings,
IlatsA Caps, Notions, &c,
Also, & good assortment of
llonnelK ami Millinery Good.
Th one price system which has proved sosat-nnf.u-tory
to hU cuntomers and himself will be
-trictlv adhered to.
DANIEL M'LAI'GHLIN.
Tunnel Hill, May 14, 150. lit.
'TO THE STOCK HOLDERS OF THE JEFFER
SON V KIIKXSBL'UU PLANK ROAD Oj;
You are hereby notified to meet at the Cambria
House, in Jefferson, on Saturday the tiOth day of
tScpteuil)er next, at 10 o'clock, A. M. A general
-attendance is requested. The propriety of in
croasing the tolls will be cousiderol, and other
'business of importance.
By order of the Board of Directors.
Win. R. HUGHES, Sec'y.
Aug. 2-5, 18-3C.
Valuable Properly for Sale.
The subscriber offers his farm at private sale,
containing one hundred and eight acres, situated
in Pine township, Indiana county, Pa., about
four miles north of Strongstown. The land is in
-a. good state of cultivation; with uixty acres
cleared, and under fence. There is also erected
on tho property a two story frame dwelling
llouoa and an excellent Saw Mill, enpable of
cuttiii 2000 feet of lam Win twelve hours.
The property will be Bold exceedingly low, as the
subscriber wishes to go West.
JACOB GLASS.
Sept n, l-?
Hiqurs the Pmladelphia ( ustom Louse can atf-rd. j Hh Un, .Jr.M Geor'e Orris
Attaclied is a Urjc and cnimn.Mn.iis baloo,, ,n j .,.u,u.s M'Closk cy, (Jeorc Walters,
the b ise.nnt st..,y, where every . ohc.y will Ik.- j Wi:iian. Lake. Christian Smay.
served up. h.-cry attention will 1'-?, I KgcKsi RiAN pkrfohman ks.
crt. iiuui i vol nth.
Arrival of ilie Trains at lVlImorc
Station. .
The Fast Line resumeil its regular trip on
Monday May 19th. The following is the sc hedule
of the trains passing East ana est;
Express West,
Mail
Local Freight
Mail Train East
Fast Line
10 o'clock, 12 mm.
8 4'2 "
A. M.
P. M.
P. M.
A. M.
P. M.
A. M.
11 13 '
6 62 '
6 So
Local Freight
Hacks leave this station immediately after the
departure o the trains for Ebensbnrg.
Cambria County Agricultrral Fair.
.... . . THIEF- MA ltsnAl-S. ' - ...
Dr. Clensey Emerson, llobt. A. McCoy,
Albert Cant well, . , John Fenlon. . .
rOLICF. COMMriTEK. -
Enos M'Mullen, M. S. Harr,
Johu liurk::
RKCF.PTIOX OF ARTICLES. .
E. Shoemaker, Jr., 1L. M. Jones,
Thomas P. Fenlon, J. Alexander Moore,
Howard J. lloberts, Philip S. Noon,
David Jones, Johu Collins.
COMStlTTEK ON' PRINTING. '
II. C. Dcvine, . ltobert Litzinger,
John Lloyd, John B. Dougherty.
PROVISIONS FOR AXIMALS.
John D.'IIughes, Kichard Jones, (S.
IIORSKS ANU MILES.
Dr. Yeajrley, Johnston M orc,
James Morlev, M. M. Adams,
James M. Ki'ftle, - William D. Pryce,
CATTLE ANI OXEN.
Alexander M'Vickcr, William eakfand,
H'tnry (Mass, Jeremiah M'Gonigle,
James Burk, Michael Maguire.
FAT CATTLE.
Emanuel Young, Auusiin Durbin,
Morris Peat. Kichard B. Davis,
G'eo. C. K. Z dim. William Palmer,
MlEHI ANU liniis.
John Evans, (Smith,) John (iriflith, .
James Duncan, (icorge Scttlemycr,
James Conrad, John I lead rick.
:raix Asn ;hass seek.
James J. Kaylor,
K. J. Proudfoot,
; Vin.1l. Canan,
-'Michael Leavv.
Cover,
Isaac Sill,
Geo. J. Rodgers,
Gideon Marlett,
Alex. M. White,
poult uv.
' Franc is Lytle.
John S. Buchanan,
(Juorge Itiddle.
vk0ktaiu.es.
Dr. R. M.S. Jacksm James D. Hamilton,
Wiliiam Kittell, 1 David Lyde,
Abraham Kopelin,
Francis Lberl,
FRC1T.
Charles Ellis;
(Jortlon Sinclair
Win. A. Durbin,
James l'eamer,
James Carroll,
John B. Brookbanfc.
l'RODLHTS OK THE HAIUV.
W iiliam Murray. (S(mr) William Lit.ingcr
William II. Ga'rdner. E. Hughes,,
Henry Saylor.
t A N l"FXrj'VUEl A RTI Ll.
ltobrrt B. Gageby, ' George W. Easly,
Jioiiert ijaibraith, & iiliam Callms,
Peter J. Little, l RoU rt McCoiubie,
Dr. Walters, Chairman. Win. K. Piner.
M.D. Magehan. Abel Lloyd,
Charles Ziminerman.
J I O I s K 1 1 0 L 1 M A N l' F A CT t ' It KS.
Mrs. P. N.Kin. Mrs. James Pott,
Mrs. S. Hull S-"ith. Mrs. Jas Kiftlc,
Mrs. W. II. Ciardner.
Ml LI. INERT AX1 NEEKI.KW OI'.E.
Mrs. Dr. Letnmon. Mrs. James Yinger,
Mrs. Alex M. White, Mrs. E. Hughes,
' JIrs- James. Morell,
Mrs. Geo. N. Smith.
FLOWERS.
I Miss Harriet Bhry, Miss A. Foekler.
j Miss 1 Vickroy, Miss Gadd.
j - lllsCEI.LAXKoUS ARTICLES.
Dr. Ijowman, Harry Boggs,
P. ShiHs. Louis Liu khardt,
Win. W. Harris. p. F. Gibbons.
KXECXTOU'S XOTICE.
LETTERS Testamentary on the estate of Rees
Morgan late of Cambria township, Cambria
County dee'd, have l en granted to the subscri
ber by tlir- Begister of said county, and lie hereby
notifies ail persons knowing themselves to lie in
debted to sai.l estate to make immediate payment
and tiiose having cl aims against said estate, to
present them duly authenticated for settlement.
EVAN R. MORCiAN, Executor.
Aug. i7,
Han Auuyii
Irom thesubcriber in A Weghaney Township,
August ltl A Boy named Nathaniel Ben
Uori aged nlx.ut 15 years. 1 caution any persons
to harbor or trust said Bov on mv account.
"JOHN B. MYERS.
Lorctto, Ansust, C, 185G.
THE I.O.GI,OOKEI)KOU HAS COME AT
CLOTH IXC; STORK! !
The largett, lest, and cheapest assortment of
tx.oTiuxr.; !
S, Bert:ei wodd respectfully inform tie citi
zens of ElKMisbmg andsurrounc'ing country, that
he has just ojenel out at his new establishment,
near the Coin . House, one of the largest, most va
ried, elegant and then pest assortment of Clothing
ever brought to tliis or any other place.
His stock is umf'iestionabiy the richest and ra
rest ever importedto the top of the Alleghenies,
and embraces everything that can be enumerated
or conceived in the Clothing line, consisting of
Overcoats of all sizts and qualities from $3,00 to
$20,00, .
rnt " 4. " $1,00 to $20,00.
r.auts " ' " $0,75 to $8,00, ,
est
&C, vVc
It is useless to attempt to give anything like a
general enumeration, as the task would be a dif
ficult one, but in lieu of this, the public arc most
cordially invited to call and examine if they wih
the liest of bargains.
Ebensbnrg, July 30. 85C.-40-ly.
G
OLD Kings nnd Ii-eastiin Combs Port.
monies, nd Toys, it J M'Dermit's
CATHOLIC Praver Bo,ks. Catechisms, Rosa
lias and Crannies, J. M'PERlfIXf
' " ' . - - I w " " . .v,tiun vulsella, LI y tlSSeni II r
s. rfSiio ? T'TTv111 :'f kt"hicf!, that the South have encroached ou the right's
S,rt North. They have pertinaciously!
l i:i I I .in ini I .. i 1 1 ... ... i iii'i r i 1 1 i n n. inn notin . .
v..-, . .vc-, vvhuui i.i oiiiirs. iravciuns: ia-'s.
ADDRESS
TO TUE
PEOPLE OF PENNSYLVANIA.
Fellow Citizens : Tbe Central Commit
tee appointed by. the Democratic State Con
vention, have thought proper to address you
on the questions which you must decide at the
next election. In doing so, vre shall be can
did, frank, and fair. Apart from the princi
ple which should bind all men to tlie truth in
political discussions and in every thing else,;
we are well aware that anyattempt to. mis
lead you would injure our cause. It is yet
nearly three months before the election, .and
there is no reason to believe - that the public
mind will not use the intermediate time in cal
mly considering the great issue before it. We
are - perfectly willing that whatever we may
Bay, which is not justified by fact and reason,
shall be set down as so much against us, against
our party, and against our candidates. :
The time has passed for the discussion of
Bank and Tariff questions. We hear no pro
posals to enact a .Bankrupt law, no word of op
position to the Independent Treasury. All
these questions are settled agreeably to the
Democratic . opinions upon them. The vise,
the prosperity, and the fall cf the great Whig
party, are themes for the historian, and full of
instructive lessons ; but we will not dwell up
on them now.
It U the present duty of the Democratic
party to stand over the Constitution, and
"shield it aud save it, or perish there, too."
It is our task in this campaign to beat its en
emies, separate or combined, just as they choose
to meet us, to conquer them witli an overthrow
which will be a warning to them many a year.
And it must be done, or else this Union is not
safe for a day
We know very well how easy it is to sneer
at any suggestion of danger to the Union
Hut ys know also that the federal relations of
this Government ae so delicately constructed
that they may be ruptured at any time by a
serious error of the people in choosing a Chf
Magistrate The States of the Union are not
held together by physical force like the depen
dencies of a Kingdom, nor even by political
power, like different parts of the same State.
They are independent sovereignties, united by
the gentler law of mutual attraction.. This
law, operating on their own free . will, made
the Union ; and when it ceases to iterate the
Union will be unmade. Let a President of
the United States be elected exclusively by the
votes of onn section, and on a principle of a
vowed hostility to the men, the measures, the
domestic institutions, the feelings and the in
terests, real or supposed, of the other section,
and what must to the consequecce ? We do
not say that it would certainly or necessarily
dissolve the Union? Perhaps the good genius
of the Republic. which has brought us through
so many perils, might save us again. But
that man must be intellectually blind who does
not seo that it would put us in fearful danger.
For this reason the election of a sectional can
didate must be regarded in itself a great and
public misfortune. The party that avows op
position and hatrMl towards n. nrrt.iiF !iaa nf
j the States as its motive and rule of action, ig
entitled to no aid or comfort from cy man
who loves his country, or desires to be faith
ful to its government
The greatest, the wisest and the best men
the country ever produced, have warned us
that the Union could not last under the con
trol of a geographical party Need we refer
i you to Washiugtou's Farewell Address? Need
we remind you of the admonition which Jef
ferson and Jackson have given ? If the sol
emn voices which come from the tomb at
ount Vernon, from the sepulchre at Monti
cellc, and from the grave at the Hermitage,
have ceased to be regarded, then we are lost
indeed.
The most illustrious statesmen of later times
felt the same fears for the Union, and assign
ed, for those fears, the same reasons. Clay
and Webster, and their great compatriots
overlooked all other considerations in the ef
forts the- made to avoid this one portentious
calamity. Even Mr. Fillmore, the Know
Nothing (but Abolition) candidate, has not
hesitated to say that the Union cannot stand
in case an Abolition President, like Fremont,
be chosen ; and he lets it be very plainly un"
derstood, that, in such a case, he would think
a dissolution of it perfectly justifiable. When
you consider these things in connection w'rfh
the fact that tho ultra-Abolitionists, most of
whom are acting with the so-called Republi
can party, openly profess their desire to break
up the Union and to trample on the Constitu
tion, how can you doubt that Fremont's eh-
tion. or even the casting of a onsiderable vote
for him would prove to be a fatal mistake 1
Yet we are no alarmists. We trust confi
dently in; the perpetuity of our present Gov
ernment. But that confidence is based in the
conviction that the people will take the advice
of Washington, and frown indignantly on the
first dawnings.
The safety of this Union must depend on
the triumph of better principles than those of
G iddings and Sumncr.and Garrison, and Hale,
and Seward ; and upon the e'ection of a bet
ter President than John C. Fiemont
These men attempt to justify the miserable
crusade which they are preaching against a
clared that in all controversies on the subject
oi oiavery we ot the .North have been over
come by the superior energy and boldness of
those who favor that institution. "The
Slaveoeracy," "the lash of tho Slave drivers,"
' ' the eggrcssions of the Slave power, these
are the phrases with which they describe the
influence of the South in our National Coun
cils. Northern men who do not join them in
their clamorous abuse of tho South, are char
ged with cowardice and are liabitually called
Dou-hfacs." Thwhan beca repeated bo
continually and so impudently that many per
sons have at length been impressed by it.
There are men among us that actually think
that the North has been the victim of griev
ous wrongs, to which ws have been submit
ting with a disgraceful tameness of jpirit.
This is an artful appe&l to a point of Iioaeron
which all men sensitive, sad it ii coi won
derful that those who re wexk encash ta be
deceived by it should also be weak euo-agh to
break out into uenuacictiori of the South, as a
cfieap and safe way of showing their cqur
age. ; .
. Candor requires us to say that if there is
truth in this the Democracy ooght to be dc
feed. If .that partj; has ever eoancelleJ
submission "to iwrong, oppression, and injury,
it i not worthy .your confidence and support.
If we have ever yielded to ear Southern breth
ren a right which the Constitution, in its letter
or spirit, did not give them if we hae made
any concession to them in the way of compro
mise, which was not required by z fiir and
manly sense of justice then we admit tatt
Abolitionism has tbe right side of thla argu
ment. But we totally deny the truth of this impu
dent accusation. It is false in the aggregate
and false in detail ; fulse in the sum Utal, cud
false in every one of its items. We pronouuee
it a libel on both sections of - the Union. It
could be invented only in a spirit cf rb.3er
mendacity; it can be believed only by goss
ignorance or childish credulity. - " -
The fact that the Democratic party in the
North has behaved with honorable magna
nimity and fairness to the weaker station
their brethren in the South this is our crime
this is the wroug which we and our fathers
have been heaping on our own beaut; for three
quarters of a century. This is the offence
which the Abolitionists would punish by
bringing our Government to a violent end,
and by covering our whole country with siiame
and ruin. -
Before the formation of the Constitution it
was feared that the iuterests. opinions and
feelings of the different States, were so vari
ous and so much opposed, that no general
government could possibly be established
Such was tho viev of the subject taken by
Washington himself. But the effort was made
It o??d its success simply to the fact that the
right of each State to manage its own domes
tic concerns in its own way, was fully conce
ded. It was easily foreseen that great difference
of opini-fc. and feeling would exist between
the people of the several States, in regard to
the treatment that ought to be bestowed upon
the b'ack race, who were among us, but not of
us who were on our soil, and yet not a p;rt
of the people, nor qualified in any way to be
our equals. This r:ce was then held in sla
very, or involuntary servitude, by the laws of
all the States except one. But in the North
their numbers were few, and the climate un
suited to them, while in the South it was just
the reverse. It was utterly cut of the ques
tion to expect unanimity on a subject like this.
It could be managed in one way only; and
that by agreeing that each State should dc
termine the whole matter for itself, and on its
own responsibility It was tbeu solamnly
agreed that the Federal Government should
not interfere with Slavery; and that nc State
should interfere with it in any oiuer Slate,
either directly or indirectly. Aud all the
people said amen ! If the solemn assurances
of mutual forbearance then given and sworn
to r.o often since, have been belied and viola
ted, it has not been done with the consent of
the Democracy.
The question of-'nvoluntary servitude had
engaged the earnest attention of the sages of
the revolution. There can be no doubt that
if they cou'd have provided for its ameliora
tion and gradual emancipation, would have
done so; they found it, however, incorporated
in the social system of all the States but one,
and they dealt with it according to the exigen
cies of the times in which they lired. We ail
know that even at that early day it was a sub
ject of mutual irritation and excitement; ad
although the wouderful uses to which the cot
ton plant has been applied, on account of the
subsequent discoveries in the manufactory of
machinery, were then scarcely anticipated, it
is enough to say that th republican fathers
could net dispose of this slavery question un
til they agreed upon the basis which led to t!.e
formation of the Constitution; ihe recognition
of the domestic institutions of the Sotith, in"
the ratio of representation and iu the provision
for the restitution of fugitives from labor.
Twelve of the thirteen State3 that formed tha
Constitution, held slaves at the time that in
strument was adopted, and by the quiet oper
ation of the popular etclusivc sovereignty sis
of these States have since become iiee.
Throughout all the action of the framers of
the Constitution, tbe idea which prevailed
was that which regarded the negro as inferi
or to the white, and until abolitionism S able
to convince the present generation that this
idea is illogical or untrue, (and to do this they
must agree to the doctrine of a perfect equal
ity between the races,) all permanent legis
lation on the subject of the negro race must
and will be controlled by the same sentiment.
In the free States, at the present dy, the ne
gro is subject to a moral, and in many res
pects to a physical servitude, quite as injuri
ous to his condition as the most fabejous pic
tures of Southern slavery represent his broth
ers' condition in the South to be. We do
not call the Northern negro a slave, but in
what. frft Statp is ha eoual to the white? In
. - - - '- -1 . 1
some States he is prevented trom voting, mi
others he votes upon a property quaiia-auon,
even in Massachusetts certain disqualification
are thrown iu the way by those Utopian phi
losophers, who constantly prate of the equali
ty of races; in others still he is met by a stat
ute that excludes him altogether from entrance
upon their soil, and notrherc is he recognized
on the same level with the white The white
who intermarries with the black is everywhere
regarded as a degraded being; and in schools
tnd cburchce thr is almost a anivarssl bar
between the two races, so that the rules of so-
ciety and tho laws of the States, even in the
communities ot the non-slavcholuing region,
are inexorably opposed to the negro. Why
is it that Abolitionism does not begiu at home
and reform these things ?
But again, there is no poster which can
prevent any State from passing whatever laws
it ies please under the Federal Constitution,
for its own comfort and protection, and the
very same theory which iuduces us to respect
and to recognize the great doctrine of State
rigiits in tbe couth, under which it holds its
o .vn slaves compels us also to recognize those
laws to which we have referred in the North,
io.-fp-gard la tbe freeldacks Xhe North, j-eg-uU.lcs
it3 colored population as it pleases, aud
is protected in doing so by the Constitution
of tb 3 United States, All the negroes of the
North are represented in the ratio of federal
representation, aud yet nearly all are disfran
chised and alienated by the laws of the North.
The South doea as it pleases with its colored
population, siive and free, and is protected
under the Federal Constitution, but its slaves
ar5 only represented in the ratio of three-fifths
in the federal representation.
In a moral point of view, it seems at least
inconsistent thz.t these abolitionists, who are
entirely silent in reference to the negroes in
the free States, should be co extremely vitu
perative wheu tucy come to treat of the con
dition of the negroes of the slave States. Both
belong to the same inferior class, both are so
regarded in all the States. The t-'outh found
a legacy in slavery, transmitted to it by its
English ancestors, and the Constitution res
pected the institution as it existed when that
instrument was framed. The North, while
it has rid itself of slavery, (so far as the name
is concerned,) still retains the right to protect
itself against contact with a race which is
stamped as iufericr by all classes of whites
wherever they are found.
The Northern StJ.tes in the exercise of their
undoubted constitutional right, consulted what
they deemed their own true interest, and one
after another, in their own time and their own
way abolished slavery. Againrt these pro
ceedings in the North the South uttered not
a word cf complaint. But the views aud opiu
ronj cf the Southern States were wholly averse
to abol'tion. They believed it to be utterly
impossible, without the greatest danger, not
to their prosperity only but to their very ex
istence. This was au opinion to which they
had as good a right as the North had to the
opposite one. But the3 were not suffered to
enjey and to act upon it in quietness and
pece. At the very first Congress after the
government was organized, a petition from
the North ttss presented, praying for the ab
olition of slavery by Congress. Treacherous
attcmpla to deprive the South of her undoubt
ed rights to manage Ler own affairs, have been
constantly mtile. The framers of the Consti
tution declared in its preamble, that one of
their great objects in adoptiug it was " to in
sure domestic tranquility." But the do
mestic tranquility" of the South has been as
sailed by Northern Abolitionists, who knew
very -well that they hjjd no business whatever
in tb2 matter.
A majority of the old States made the ne
groes free without cpposltiou from abroad.
That It vas ,zg for the North to do so all
agreed ; t'jit it wes just ?.ud proper in the
South to make no complaint is equally true
Now let us blo whether the South has gained
any aivant;ges, or committed any aggressions
with refeience to tho new States
Maine and Vermont were admilted as free
States, and nobody asked them to put slave
ry into their constitutions. This was a mat
ter of course, and so treated all around.
But with refereuce to the Western States,
their exemption from slavery was not a matter
of course. The South might have prevented
it if she had seen proper. The whole of the
territory north and west of the Ohio, and cast
01 the Mississippi, belonged to the State of
Virginia. She owned the l?.nd, aud had the
porcr to control the settlemeut of every acre.
What did she do ? She magnanimously gave
up not only her political jurisdiction, but also
her proprietary right to the Federal Govern
ment, allowing the voters of the North to set
tb its destiny and all its proceeds to go into
the general coffers. Connecticut had a Fpu
rious claim to a part of it a claim precisely
like that which she set up to a part of Penn
sylvania, ar.d which was decided against her.
But her claim to the Western Keserve was
conceded to her she kept it, sold it, and put
tbe proceeds into her own treasury. Virgiuia
did not protest e7en when the Ordinance of
1787 was passed, abolishing slavery within
the Territory, which she had thus generously
given away. Was there auy aggression in all
this? If there was encroachment" on either
side, who committed it ? If there was unwise
concession,
iroill niiuui miki in n"uv
f 1 .J.I . . aA... 1
The Territory of Louisiana, including what
is now Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska,
Kansas, and the unoccupied wilderness beyond
was purchased from France in 1803 It was
all slave Territory. We took it with a French
law upon it legalizing slavery. It could not
bo mada free without repealing that law.
Missouri bad ben settled long before by per
sons who had owued daves and who had held
them there upon the faith ot the law. They
were not disturbed during her whole existence
o5 an organized territory. When she propo
sed to come into the Uuion as a State, her poo-
pie, in the exercise of as plain a right as any j
ncODle ever possessed, made a constitution for J
themselves, in wnicn, witu auuosi euurc una
nimity, they recognized the rights cf the slave
holders to retain tke property acquired under
previous laws. Then arose the wildest yells
of fanaticism. Large masses of the people in
the North, and especially in New England, led
on and exeited by inflammatory appeals of
their loaders, grew almost frantic with rage.
The sole cause of thi3 outcry was that the peo
ple of Missouri bad made thwr own constitu
tion to suit their own views, and had not per-
' r . ... . . 1 ..
nil ttCa It lO Oe IWHUe llr nnrio o a.in-i.ia.v. ,
residing ia tfc Northern fcvate.
Tk
j was the head and front of their offending.
J Nothing else was charged against them. Yet
every Southern niembtr of Congress who ex
pressed his opinion that Missouri bad a right
to make her own constitution was called an
aggressor, a slave driver and a tyrant, wbil
every Northern man who assented to the same
simple proposition was den du need and abused
as a coward, a dough-faec, and a a recreant
to his own section. So fiercely did this storm
of calumny blow that the whole government
reeled to it. There seemed no way left to a
void a civil war but to crmpromise. . And
such a compromise ! It consisted, in an sgree
meut that Missouri might exercise her un
doubted right, and have her own constitution
if Congress would abolish the law legalizing
sbyery in' all the territory outside of that
State and lying north of a certain line. That
Congress had any power to do this is now al
most univt rsally doubted, and by a large ma
jority of the people it i totally denied that
slavery can be forced, either in or out of the
territory, by the legislation of the Ge&eral
Government. Thus, by mere clamor and a
buse, the North got au unconstitutional ad
vantage, in return for yielding to a Southern
State a privilege which no fair man cau deny
was plainly her own. But eveu this did not
satisfy tho Abolitionists They continued to
insult the South for not giving up everything,
and vented their abusive and slanderous epi
thets upon tbe North because it had 1 insis
ted on more. Wt s this Northern or Southcru
aggression t
In 1S50. this cry of Southern aggression
ou Northern rights acrain rose to a pitch which
seemed to putthe Union in extreme danger.
Again the trouble was allayed by a compro
mise The ua'ure, character and term f
the Compromise will show how much aggres
sion had been committed then.
There were five measures included init,
1 The admission of California as a free State.
2. The territorial organization of New Mexi
co on the principle of non-intervention, whicli
is known would exclude slavery, Z. Tho
purchase of a large portion of Texas, taking
it away from the jurisdiction of a Slave State.
4. The abolition of the slave trade in the
District of Columbia. 5. Tbe fugitive slavo
!aw. The first four of these measures wero
anti-slavery, and were demanded by th
North. The fifth one (the fugitive slave law)
was a concession, net to the South, but to tbe
Constitution. It was required by its plain
and unequivocal mandate, and h; d leen ad
mitted by every President and every Congress,
from the foundation of the Government, to
be an imperative Constitutional obligation.
For this, the same infamous assaults wero
again made on the eminent men who suppor
ted it. The only measure which the South
got was opposed and resisted, even after its
enactment, and in many places its execution
was wholly prevented We demand again,
where was the aggression ?
It is on these facts we base the assertion
that iu every contest where the rights of tho
North have been entrusted to Democratic pro
tection. thc3' have been guarded faithfully and
well. We have not resisted any just claim
which the South ever made; we have meant to
treat them fairl-, and to carry out in good
faith the obligatio s imposed upon us by the
Constitution. But if there has been any in
stance iu which the South has got more than
its due, the history of the transaction has es
caped our notice On the contrary, we sub
mit to you, fellow citizens, w hether the South
has not got the scantiest measure of justice
that could be possibly dealt out to her. Has
net the North had all the preponderance? Has
not our section had tbe advantage of all tbt
important concessions that were ever made?
The States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Mich
igan and Wisconsin were slave territory. Tbej
were presented to us by Virginia as a gracious
gift, and we excluded slavery. The State of
Iowa, the territories of Minnesota and Ne
braska, were slave territory under the law of
Louisiana. We took thorn because we wero
stronsr, and we made thorn Free Soil. Slavery
onec covered the whole Union. lt Represen
tatives in the National Government arc now
in a minority Could anything but the gross
est malice, the most stupid folly, or the most
unmitigated knavery have suggested the idea
that slavery was encroaching upon us whilo
these blessings were going on?
Our limited space will not permit us to re
count the many unjustifiable injuries which tho
Abolitionists have perpetrated and attempted
to perpetrate upon the people of the. South,
upon those in the North who do not unite w ith
them and upon nil the institutions of the coun
try. They have sought every occasion and
taken advautage of every event which could
give them an excus, for pouring out their
venomous slanders upon the fathers of tho
Constitution, upon the Constitution itself, and
j.upou all who suppoitit.
i mi - a . Tl a
i nis agitation oegan 111 lngiand among
persons whose gross ignorance of America
was the only excuse for their insane hostility
to our Union. They sent over to this coun
try one Thompson, a member tf the British
Parliament, a man of ability; but reckle.-s
like his employers. Under his influence and
direction, societies, modelled after the oil
British form, were established in New Kng
ltind. The avowed object of these societies
was to excite insurrection among the Southern
negroes ror this
among the necrocs
purpose they distributed
1
ty every
means iu thir
power, pictures representing t
violence, murder and arson, tl
the scenes of
h which
the slaves, if they would ndort them, might
be free. These things were accompanied by
promises of aid :ndsupro;t from British and
American leader. Long snbsequeut to the
time we speak of, Joshua I!. Giddings, a mem
ber of Congress, and now the leading friend
of Col. Fremont admitted th aeconpah
meu of this object, (a servile insurrection led
by British officers,) to be the dearest wiih of
Iiis heart. No doubt be hpokc the general
sentimeuts of hi.- parly.
Think, ft-llow-citizenv of th situation in
waif this mutt hare U4 ta SnfBt
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