u
if I Tl ill 1 iMf Tafxrt if
IB Hi MX 9 8
THE BLES3HTGS OF GOVEENHEIfT, LIKE TZH DEWS OF HEAVES", SHOULD BE DISTRIBUTED ALTKE UPOK THE HIGH AND THE LOW, THE HIGH AND THE TOOK
iEW. SERIES.
EBENSBURG, FEBRUARY 6, 1856.
VOL. 3. 10. 16,
T B R M 8 :
TilS DEMOCIiAT & SENTINEL, is publish-
0 1 every Wednesday morning, in Kbenslmrg,
CnJria C., I'a;, at $1 50 per annum, if taid
iv ABi'iXfE, if not $2 will bo charged.
ADVEii L'lSiMEN Ti will be conspicuously in
serted at the following rate.?, viz:
1 square 3 insertions, $1 00
Kvory subsequent insertion, 2
1 square 3 months, 3 00
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44 " 1 year, 12 00
"col'n 1 vear, SO 00
J 44 " 15 00
i:isiness CtnU, a 00
Twelve lines constitute a square.
From the Pennsylvania!!.
XLENOtTHCIXG BLACK HE PUBLICAN IS tl.
We call the special attention of cur readers
to the following able, eloquent and logical
letter of Gfcuc.e A. Coitey, Esq., to the
President cf the Republican Convention of
Pennsylvania. Mr. Coffey is a young man
office abilities, end has for several j'ears prist
been considered the most eloquent Orator in
the II publican party of Pennsylvania. Since
the p tssage of the Nebraska act, Lis phllisoph
ieal miud has been busily engaged iu determi
ning bow far bis own views upen the suHeet
of Government would square with the prin
ciples of that wholesome law of Cotgress
Gradually, be discovered that its provisions
accorded with the theory which he had long
entertained, aud like an honest man and a
patriotic citizen, he openly avowed the fact.
The late meeting of the Republican Conven
tion in Philadelphia, found him on the floor,
during a stormy debate, logically sustaining
the principles cf the Nebraska bill, aud elo
quently depicting the consequences of the wild
schemes of the Abolitiouists. Mr. Cojtky
has now severed all connection with the Re
publicans, and in exposing their errors, also
takes occasion to pour liquid fire upon the
be: d e.f Know-lNolhingisin. To a mind likj
lii.-s, action is necessary to its development,
jiud wo feel satisfied that he will henceforth
prove an able champion of the individual
rights of the States, and of their equality un
der the. Constitution. lie has always opposed
the prescriptive tenets of the Secret Order,
and will wage war against no man on account
of his religious opinions. There is another
-eloquent gentleman who was conspicuous in j
the hist Republican Convention, who should
publicly renounce his connection with that or
ganization, as wc know that his views in rela
tion to State rights arc in direct opposition to
those entertained by the Abolitionists. Will
be have the courage to come out from among
them, now that Mr. Coffey has set the exam
ple. Let every Democrat read the letter of
Mr. Coffky. It will repay perusal.
No. 50 South Sixth sr., Piiila , ")
2Gth January, 1856. j
Otis K. A. Hutch litsnn, Esq., President cf
the Ptpullican City Convention :
My Dear Sir : I beg that I may be al
lowed to assign my reasons for resigning my
place as a delegate in the Convention, over
which you preside. I do this with the kind
est feelings towards every member of the Re
publican party. My intercourse with all of
them has been most pleasant to myself. They
have all treated me with flattering courtesy.
I bear cordial witness to their personal integ
rity their honest patriotism, and their demo
tion to Liberty.
Put it is my humble opinion, that m oppo
sing the admission into the Union of any more
slave - holding States, they fly in the face of
the Aational Constitution. Aud here arc my
reasons for so thinking :
Some cases may not be reached by the ex
press b-tter cf a law. which are nevertheless
governed by it, because they are, as the law
yers say, "within its equity." Such cases,
though not mentioned in terms, arc et with
in the mischief to be remedied, or the good to
bo effected, by the law, or within its intent
and scope its reason and spirit. No one
hesitates in applying the law to such cases.
Now, the Constitution is not a " dead letter "
It is more than a string of " shalls," 44 shall
nots," aud "mays." It has intentions and
purposes written upon its front a pervading
spirit reasons for every clause and word ; it
has 4 its equities."
Let it be granted, then, that if Congress
refuse an applying Territory admission into
the Union, such refusal cannot be appealed
from, reversed, or redressed under the Con
stitution by any other power than Congress
itself. Grant that such a Territory must stay
.out till Congress does admit it. Grant that
Congress has a certain discretion in the prem
ises, for the Constitution svs 44 new States
may be admitted." But itis just as true,
ihai this discretion may be exercised in a
spirit regardless of the Constitution, or hostile
4,0 it or parts of it.
A refusal to admita new State is constitu
tional or unconstitutional, according to the
reasons on which it proceeds as it advances
r obstructs the purposes and intent of the
-Constitution, and harmonises or is discordant
with its spirit and 14 equities." To refuse a
jijonarchical State would bo an express duty.
If a community situate far away from us, se
parated by the seas, differing from us in color,
race and species, heathen, barbarous, and un
used, to practical republicanism, consisting of
Africans, Chinese, Tartars, or Malays, should
t-uangely apply tor admission, Congreea could
eU refuse, vindicated by obvious Constitu
tional proprieties. For such an admission
might endanger 44 domestic tranquility," and
would form a less 44 perfect Union."
Put if Congress refuse to admit a 44 cew
State" for the simple reason that she allows
domestic Negro slavery, this is against the
whole scope and spirit, and all the analogies
and equities of that august Instrument which
binds the Union, and gives 4' form and pres
sure" to the nation.
Congress has no power whatever to inter
fere with slavery in the States. Slavery, in
each State, is under its sole and exclusive con
trol. Philanthropy may shed her tears over
the sorrows of the slave Eloquence and Lit
erature may expostulate with the master but
slavery itself is entrenched and hidden behind
State sovereignty. It is beyond the sphere
and scope of national action and policy. This
Union, although most benign, fruitful, and
perpetual, is yet not o Unien to -all-inter ta
aud purposes. It is a limited partnership.
It relates to common interests, common dau-
"cry. common institutions, and merely nation-
;d matters. It has no jurisdiction over and
! cognizance of what is mere local and pceu -
j iaVm
! Now the General Government is prohibited
from touching the subjects of slavery in the
States, for obvious reasons. Every one of It may be suggested, mat congress uas
thocc reasons apply cith equal force to in- power to 44 make all needful rules aud regu
choate 11 new States.'' This prohibition, or ; bitions" respecting the Territory of the United
rather disability, is a notable self-illustration ! States. Put this docs not refer to the au-
aud example of that habitual self-government,
and sclf-developcment, and centrifugal anti
centializaticn, which amount to a characteris
tic instinct in the Anglo-Saxon race, and
make the political religion of our individual
izing Americans. And if this idea of unre
strained local self-government is the philoso
phy aid rationale of the relations between
the Union and the States, why not also of the
relations between the Union and inchoate
States?
Slavery in the States is essentially a 44 pe
culiar institution." That is, it exists, and
cau exist there, not by virtue of the law of
God, or cf Nature, or of Nations, or of Com
mon Law, or of National Constitution, or of
any law of the Union, or of any other State,
but only by virtue of the local law of the
particular State. Put slavery is just as pe
culiar to any Territory, or inchoate State that
permits it. God did not ordain there, nor
does the National Constitution carry it there ;
nor is it established there by any Natural,
International, Nation 1 or Common Law; ia
legal and political contemplation, it is the
mere creature, and tenant at will of the local
law. As Congress cannot interfere with sla
very iu a State, because slavery is so peculiar
to that State, so, therefore, by a parity of
reasoning, Congress uwjld not to interfere
with this same peculiarity in a " new State."
Po slavery fair or foul, it is in fact best man
aged, and disposed of by those who bear its
responsibilities and its burdens, and who will
have to undergo its obscure future. Any
foreign, central, or external intermeddling
with it, from even the best motives, is always
delicate, impolite, dangerous, and cxaspcra
tiug. Is not this equally so with regard to
a new State ? She may be small and few in
numbers, but her domestic institutions are
also in embryo, and just a3 subject to her
control as those of older and .more indurated
States. She is just as keen-tyed to her own
interests, and just as jealous of any interfe
rence. The refusal to admit any new slave-holding J
ites draws an invidious distinction between j
St
the sovereign and equal States of the Union.
It implies or rather expresses a national judg
ment of condemnation upon slavery, aud a
ceusure upon the States that tolerate it. It
pours contempt upon their opinions and insti
tutions, segregates them amid their sisters,
and brands a shame upon their sunny brows. !
It shapes and directs the policy and power of j
tho nation, as such, in favor of the peculiar
ities of some States, and against the peculiar
itics of ethers, who are sovereign peers And
this, although these peculiarities are allowed,
implied, and recognised in the compact that
constitutes the nation.
Now, the alleged badncs3 of slavery docs
not give the right to do all this. In the
present regard, here is no question touching
the moral character of slavery, or the evil of
its extension. Our nation, for the purposes
of this argument, exists only iu and by virtue
cf its written Constitution Individuals,
may, on their own responsibility, obey 44 high
er law." Put our collective Nation, as such,
cannot recognize a 44 higher" rule than its own
organic law, without ijso facto lapng into
revolution or anarchy. As a political entity,
it cannot have any higher conscience than
devotion to its own Constitution.
Our nation, therefore, on no account, has
any right to sectionalize itself. It has no
right to pry into the States, inspect their di
verse social systems, and pronounce that some
should be copied and others avoided. Much
less, can it enter the lists, and use its force
and policy to extend or restrict these systems;
especially such as are known to the Constitu
tion and were taken, at the first, into the arms
of the Union. In fact, to express the matter iu
its elements, stronger States, even if they do
forbid slavery themselves, have no right to bay
hold on national agencies and appliauces, and
make tkeui the means of confining and repress
ing tho social systems of the weaker ones.
The Nation should never reduce itself to a
discordant assemblage of struggling States.
All this would be a sharp and astute perver
sion of the original partnership ; it would be
unfair to the States whoso peculiarities were
assailed and restricted. That Government
which is the creature of all the States, forgets
its place, when it frowns upon some of them,
and says to them. 44 There shall be no more
of such as you !"
The slave-holding States, being by the con
sent of all parties, integral, equal and sover
eign partners in the Union, &re fully entitled
as joint-owners to all its fair and natural
chances and resources for promoting their
own interests ; and by tne whole theory of
the Constitution, they are the sole and su
preme judges, saving. the rights of others, of
what their own inteiests are. Now all those
States believe, aud give their reasons for it,
that to prevent them from emigrating West
ward with their servants, and to confin sla
very within their own limits, will be injurious
to them, and, perhaps, ruinous. They con
sider it not only an interest, but a necessity,
to allow their peculiar institution to shift into
some of the Territory of the Union. As
that Territory belongs to, and is for the use
and benefit of all the States, indiscriminately,
the Southern States, in Constitutional fair
ness, cannot be deprived of their unprejudi
ced access to it.
Congress cannot do indirectly, what it can
not do directly. If an authority be not
granted iu the Constitution, it cannot be com
passed by any dodging methods. Abe tno
mcut 3tttte is in the Uuioc,-tbcis expressly
protected from Congressional intermeduling
Congress, therefore, has no right, to dictate
her institutions, by any officious anticipation ;
j by throttling her, at the threshold of the
j Union, and saying, 44 You may do as you
please, an instant after thh, when you are
in, but now that you are just going in, you
j must do as ice please "
thority of Congress ia relation to 44 new
Stales," passing from the Territorial condi
tion, into the Union. And only "needful"
rules can be made. A rule not 44 needful"
is not constitutional. The question is not
what Congress can do, by stubborn force, or
stubborn refusals, but what ought it to do.
This slavery test is not 44 needful" in the
sense of the Constitution ; therefore, it is not
allowable.
A refusal to admit a 44 new State," on ac
count of Slavery, would effect nothing. Such
a State allows that system of labor, either
because it already exists there, or because
she is fully determined to introduce it. Let
her admission be refused in either case, and
the characteristic habit of local self-government,
would fix the applicant in her prefer
ences, and drive her to resist such central
dictation. She would be strengthened by
the certain sympathy and aid of every other
slave-holding Stato and Territory. Then
the alternative Mould be, not Slave Labor or
Free Labor, but only a sovereign slave-holding
State, or an angry, threatening, slave
holding Territory. The action of Congress
would merely merge all other public topics
into a fearful controversy respecting the
status of an organized slave-holding commu
nity. As might be inferred from all that is ad
vanccd, the proposed test of admission is
utterly unprecedented, and against precedent.
The very origin of this Union teas an admis
sion cf &ljec States'. The Free States form
ed a national partnership with their slave
labor-sisters, without a trace of objection ;
nay, with heartiness aud affection. No State
was catechised about her private affairs Nay,
the very existence of this Union, as an actu
al, historical fact, rendered the admission of
Slave States necessary ; for it required the
ratification of nine States to 44 establiah" the
Constitution ; and at that time, there were not
nine Free States. The Fatheis that framed and
ratified the Constitution, with such wisdom
and purity, did, in fact, under it, admit new
slave-holding States, such as Kentucky and
Tennessee. This novel test never occuncd
to them Have their sons the right to invent
it now ? Can any current circumstances re
peal or alter the supreme law of the land,
impair its authority, or soften the granite
basis of the Union into the wind-swept sands
of popular opinion ? Will any misconduct
of the mariucr justify us in cutting " loose
from the anchor that has steadied the ship for
seven ty years ?
Tl ere may be local exasperations; the
North or the South may not have kept full
faith ; our fervent sisters may sometimes for
get their proverbial courtesy; their dauntless
ncss may, now and then, lapse into 44 brus
qerie," or swell into haughtiness ; 2Northern
citizens and Southern citizens may have said
aud done what is very censurable ; Poston
"fanaticism," Porder "ruffianism," or Charles
ton " Nullification," may have raised most
disproportionate flurries ; but all this does not
justify unconstitutional retaliations. Hate
slavery, if you feel like it denounce it till
you unpack your heart with words call it
the foulest curse ?nd wrong, and its diffusion
an evil and a peril, 3'et all this does not give
Congress a power which the Constitution nev
er granted, or allow the creature of that
Constitution to slight its letter or its equity.
That Constitution is the fairest offspring cf
the gravest wisdom of all time ; it is the most
concentrated aud expressed essence of patri
otism, knowledge and judgement ; it is iu it
self the maturest policy. No citizen can go
far astray who keeps his eye on it, as his
Polar Star Any party will in the ;vent be
politic, and American, and Democratic, and
victorious, that subordinates all prejudices
and impulses to its calm restraints, and sub
mits every sentiment and measure to the day
light of its lucid provisions.
I have said nothing of danger of tho Un
ion. Heedlessness and excitement may ap
parently imperil it fur a moment, but I have
a faith that 44 the stars fight for it in their
courses." It will be safe while the Alleghe- !
nies and ttie liocky Mountains stretch their
summits along the Continent; while the Mi
ami and the Arkansas, the Ohio and the Mis
souri unite and fraternize in the mighty Mis
sissippi ; while our vallies and prairies spread j
their fertile and flowery expanse from Lake
Superior to the Gulf, and are alike steeped,
hero with northern showers, and there with
southern suns; while common institutions,
common laws, common civilization, common
interests, common language, common reli
gion, common ancestry and blood, and com
mon! memories, concur to mould and blend
us into one ; while iron rails and resonant en
gines are annihilating distance, and putting
the cotton fields of Carolina, and the cotton
factories of-Massachusetts, within a few hours
of each other. " This Union is protected
by the common sense and eager patriotism of
the American people. Millions of swords
are ever ready to flash upwards iu its defence;
millions of votes, to fall like snow-Sakes, into
the ballot-box, for its peaceful support. As
incident to popular institutions, there may be
excitements, differences, heart-burnings, re
criminations, threats, and fears ; but as before,
so again, sectionalism will expand into na
tionalism,, impulsive sentiment will chasten
itself by serene lessons from the past ; disu
nion will be whipped back into its Ckhy- re
treat; Americana will join brotherly hands
around the grave of Washington, and the
majesti proportions of their national Coustl-
j lotion Jdn9 hallow! tUokir'T!' frwv'
to be, what patriotic foresight eagerly, con
jectures, a parenaial source of peace, great
ness and liberty to all.
Put, sir, let me now advert to another fopic.
I had hoped that the Convention would take
position, plainly, and squarely, against what
is commonly called Knoic-2othlngism. It is
not so easy to define this thing, precisely, for
it is a setret organization," bound by secret
oblisiiions and oaths, and working in the
dark; And this secresy itself is a fatal ob
jection to any association for political purpo
ses Such secrecy indicates a want of prin
ciples, or very bad principles. Such secresy
may have suited Pyzantine despotism, Vene
tian Oligarchy, or the Jacobinism of the
Reign of Terror. It is monstrous in our
land of free speech, free presses, public meet
ings, avowed principles, and universal suf
frage Such secresy is the resort of knavish
demagogues and defeated tricksters. It im
plies a distrust of popular government. It
degenerates our Democratic Institutions into
the mere tools of cabal, elections into a cow
ardly Guerrilla skirmish, and polities into
conspiracy. It aspires to rule us by hidden
powers; and they cf course will be irresponsi
ble and therefore despotic.
The Constitution of the Know-Nothing
Order is, as far as is known, essentially oli
garchic. Central Juntas, sitting with closed
doors, and excluding the mass of their con
federates, by secret signs and mysterious
watch-words, concoct principles to be swal
lowed, and set forth candidates to bo voted
for, dupe the devoted with sonorous pronun
ciamentos, and hector the rebellious with the
terrors of excommuuication.
This secrecy has amounted to deceit. - The
faithful have heretofore been instructed to de
ny the very existence of the Order, and in
the guise of Whigs or Democrats, to sacrifice
the parties with which they professed to act
to the demands of their veiled mistress. Avow
ing opposition to Jesuit j?m. they have orga
nized icuter treacheries than were ever attri
buted to the followers of Loyola.
Tho Know-Nothing party let us know that
thi y seek to alter the present Naturalization
Laws. - They would either refuse Naturaliza
tion entirely, or largely protract the period of
probation for it. Kither proposal is most un
wise. In no event will immigration cease.
The currents of destiny, and the necessities of
the raw, drive the old world myriads hither.
No narrow or exclusive policy can stop the
march cf historical events, or the multitudi
nous tread of the human race. To refuse cit
izenship to the strangers will not drive them
back. It will simply create and increase, in
our midst, a sullen, revolutionary, festering
crowd of alien enemies. To adopt them as
fellow-citizens, is obviously to attach them to
us and our Institutions. For men will love
aud defend what protects and exalts them.
Nor is there any reason why naturalization
should le long withheld. An accidentally
born 44 Native" cannot vote till he is twenty
cne years of age. During two-thirds of his
minority he was a baby or a boy. To place
an adult foreigner in the situation of a child,
and give such talismanic virtue to arbitra
ry number, is itself most childish.
The Constitutution makes it a power of
Congress to pass laws for naturalization ; that
is, to settle a policy cf naturalization, and ob
viously a policy of encouragemeut. Our fath
ers, few in numbers, confined in territory,
limited in resources, and justj entering upon
the experiment of self-government, initiated
a liberal and invijing policy towards immi
grants. With that policy onr free institutions
havo strengthened, expanded and improved ;
the experiment is a realized fact ; and all his
tory is outstripped by our progress, our pros
perity,1 and our grandeur. Shall twenty mil
lions of sturdy freemen now chafe or tremble
at the poor pilgrims that seek homes with us ?
The vast immigration may be attended, here
or there, now and then, with turbulence, or
pauperism, or crime; but in the main it is
peaceful, industrious, honest and loyal. The
stran grs are not royalists or oligarchs. They
are not slaves or heathen?. They come, in
deed, from the bogs and huts of Ireland
the dark factories and mines of Pritain the
crowded and smoky hamlets of Prussia or Pa
varia; from the poverty, filth, injustice, op
pression and despair of Europe ; but they are
attracted hither by the light, the ideas, and
the visions that pour from us to them ; they
are lured over the waters by hopes of plenty,
justice and freedom. Tbey are all worship
ers of Washington ; they all teach his name
to their children. They may be strange to
our language, or our manners, or the detailed
workings of our institutions ; but they are
the devotees of liberty and cqualit3r. The
poorest of them and the most ignorant arc
possessed with that divine thought of Democ
racy which once enshrined in the heart,
44 shines' to the perfect day." Why the Irish
are generally semi-fanatical in their devotion
to the American flag, and the Germans in
their devotion to Democratic freedom.
Let ragged Pat come, and ruby haired San
dy, and square John Pull, and solid Hans,
and tripping Monsieur. They will not crowd
Of jostle us. There is room, and work, and
plenty for all of them. There i3 a force jn
our institutions, and our ideas, and our char
acter, and our enlarged surroundings, that
will illuminate their iguoran.ee, tone aud ex
alt them to the level of our Democracy, sober
and shape their dim and enthusiastic ideals
into energetic, prudent and self-reliant Amer
icanism. Our gigantic Union will fold them
to her bosom, broad as tho Continent, feed
them with the abundance of her forests, l.ouu
tains, lakes, and plains, and share with them
all her liberties and all her greatuess.
A foreigner never can be President. In
the active competition for place, but few of
such, can ever resell the loftiest and most im
portant offices. Therefore, to organize a great
party for the purpose of keeping adopted citi
zens out of all offices, even petty municipal
ones, is tossing ocean into tempest to drown
flies ; it is a giant giving gratuitous exhibitions
of idrocj .- "-"' " - n . - -
Put thcrcus another fatal objection to Know-
rolhingism, andv that is, its. religious intoler
ance. It would exclude from office every Ro
man Catholic citizen . .This is grossly un
constitutional. No law can be passed refu
sing office to a citizen on account of his reli
gion. And why? Pccause the mere estab
lishment of the test is abhorrent to , enlighten
ment and liberty. To render any- right or
privilege dependent on religious opinion, is
in itself an inequality, and a despotism. It
is just as unconstitutional in spirit and effect,
to set up such a test by inderection.-by parti
zan organization and obligation If we can
not proscribe by law,' can we proscribe with
out law ?
It is mournful that Americans should shut
their eyes to the liberalism and historic science,
and benign ideas of the nineteenth century.
It is mouruful that they should gravely and
eagerly revert to the fogy Toryism that oppo
sed Catholic Emancipation in Great Pritain
and Ireland, to the pitiful grannyism of the
Titus Oates panic to the owlish bigotry of
exploded ages. Suppose the lloman Catholic
religion to I e ever so false let old Pius be
the Scarlet Woman in proper person let Cath
olics believe in his infallibility and his author
ity ever so devoutly yet all this is no reason"
or excuse for foul and paltry intolerance.
Let Mrs. Partington insist that every 44 Pa
pist" is an allegiant vassal of an Italian Bish
op men cf sense know that Gaston, Taney,
Meagher, Chandler and Carroll, are as good
Republicans as ever tied a white cravat or
sung a psalm. Irish ecclesiastics may have
said and done a few absurd things so may
over-zealous converts but should this fright
en our big Nation from its propriety from its
sense and justice ? We have not survived so
many perils, and 44 grown so great" to be cap
tured aud tied up by this terrible gentleman
John Hughes.
Put it i to be hoped that this insane fit of
intolerance is rapidly subsiding into that broad
aud liberal sense which is so 44 native" iu the
American people. Meanwhile, it is the duty
of all who comprehend our liberty and our
Constitution, to bear explicit testimony against
a rampant bigotry. For one, I cannot feel sat
isfied to remain with any party that hesif-itos
or fears to denounce it Py the blood of
Montgomery, and the spotless heroism of La
fayette, and the sacred memory of Carroll, I
pretest against Kuow-Nothingism, or any al
liance with it
Repeating my assurances of regard I re
main yours, respectfully,
Geokge A. Coffey.
A Sad Scene Motiiku and Child Frozen
to Death A Bate Dying in its Dead Mo
theu's Arms. We learn from John Brooks,
Esq., a Deputy Sheriff of this county, living
in the town of Broome, that on the Sth Jan
uary, Mr. Joseph Thompson, of that town,
having occasion to go to a mill about four
miles distant from his house, leff home for
that purpose. IIt3 wife informed him on lea
ving that she was going to a quilting at a Mr.
Reed's, about three quarters of a mile fioai
their residence. Her husband told her to re
main there until his return, and he would
call for her. She went, taking with her three
children one boy about seven years old, an
infant about nine months eld and her sister's
child, about twelve 3-ears old. About five
o'clock, P. M., Reed came te his house intox
icated, having a jug of liquor with him. He
began to insult the women present, and laid
bis hand on Mrs. Thompson, when she slap
ped him In the face, at which he threw her on
the fire. A son cf Reed, a young man, in
terfered to protect the woman, when a scuffie
ensued between them ia which the young man
had his leg broken. Mrs. Thompson now
left the house, it being about six o'clock, fear
ing to remain longer, and directed her way
cross iots for her home. The night was in
tensely" cold, and when about half way from
her house the little boy became so cold as to
be unable to go farther, and lay down in the
snow. The mother, with her babe, crouched
down behind him, and told the little girl to
lay down with her. The girl did so, and
they all lay there till morning. Mr. Thomr
son, on arriving home, took a lantern, and
went in search of his wife and children. The
girl, who survived, said she saw a light in
tho night at some distance from them, but
she dared not make a noise, for fc:ar Reed
would come and kill them. At daylight this
girl was still able to walk, and wandered off
till she got within sight of Justus Ilagadom's
house, when s!i3 was discovered, and was
brought into the hou?.?. When able to sp?ak,
she informed the family where and how .he
had passed the night Mrs. Thompson and
the little boy were fouud frozen to death
The infant, when found, was not frozen, but
dead. The little girl will survive, with the
loss of two of her toes on each of her feet.
Schoharie (A". 1'.) Patriot.
JZT The tavern keepers of Amherst, Nova
Scotia, having beeu refused, by the Court of
Sessions, licenses to sell liquor, retaliated by
refusing to 44 entertain" the Justices. Grand
Jurors, and others whom business or pleasure,
or ennui bad brougat about the Court of Ses
sions. It is said that before the first day clo
sed, there were a great many hungry, aud :
some thirsty men in Amherst.
Roger Sherman.
One of the members of the American Con
gress fur Connecticut, who sigued the Declar
ation of Independence, bad originally been a
shoemaker. When his livelihood ia Ibis hum
ble occupation, he happened to have A lawsuit
with one of bis neighbors; and on going to
consult a lawyer cu the subject, he presented
Lira with a written statement of tuo case,
which he had drawn up himself. The lawyer
was a tbrewd man, aud at once discovered,
on reading ihe ttatt-mciit, tho shoemaker's
fate which, he told him was not to make,
shoes, but to deal with matters of law. - Mr.
Sherman took the bint, and, having studied
law, became in time not only one of the first
lawyers, bat one of the niott eminent patriot -und
statesmen of Lis country. During tho
war of independence he happened to be the
chairman of a committee of Congress, ap
pointed to investigate certain charges of pec
ulation in the commissariat department; and,
in presenting the report of the committee, he
stated that it would be observe, ia persuing,
it, that lie had dwelt particularly ou the arti
cle of shoes; the reason of this was Mm ply,
that, having been bred .1 shoemaker himself,
it was the subject" with which he might be
supposed to be best acquainted. He had no
idea of being ashamed of Hie gentle craft.
A Remarkable Railroad Incident
A correspondent of the Philadelphia led
ger, under date of Hamburg, Perks co.. Pa.,
Nov. 20, gives an account of the death of
Mr. Jeremiah Jacoby, who while walking
upon the track of the Reading railroad, sud
denly changed from track to avoid a train of
cars, but was struck by the Philadelphia ex
press train, upon the other, and instantly kil
led.. A friend, named Philip D. Miller,
helped to arrange the corpse and then pro
ceeded to town, where he gave an account of
the accident, charging the deceased with
carelessness, and stating that no such accident
could befal him as he exercised a proper pre
caution. We give the remainder of the sto
ry in the words of the correspondent :
44 Mr Miller having finished his business
ia town, and proceeded homewards with his
horse aud wagon, and w hen arriving at tho
house of the unfortunate Jacoby, a number
of individuals, (who were collected together
on account of tho accident,) beckoned and
hallowed to him not to cross the railroad
track ; but he moved forward and gained thq
other side, when his borse backed Lis wagon
on the track, he was caught by the cow-catcher,
and was so much mutilated that bo died
shortly after."
Casting ok iue House fo.ji tub Washing-,
ton Monument. The Loadou Builder civea
the following account of the casting of tho
bronze horse at Munich, Pavaria, for tho
Washington Monument :
44 Fifteen tons of bronze had to be kept in
a state of fluidity. For several days and
nights previously a large fire was "kept at
these huge masses, which required to be stir
red at times. When the bronze was liquified,
au iutiniate assay was made in 'a suall trial
cast, and to heighten the color some more cop
per was added. Successively all the cham
bers through which the metal had to flow in,
the form were cleared of the coal with which
they had been kept warm, and the master
examined all the air spiracles and issues of
.the metal; the props of the tubes were then
placed, and every man bad his duty and place
assigned to him. Finally, the master, av.iid
the intense expectation of' the many art ama
teurs present, pronounced the words, 44 In the
name of God," and then three mighty strokes
opened the fiery gulf, out of which the glowing
metal flowed in a circuit to the large form.
The sight was magnificent, and in tho littlo
sea of fire stood themaster, and gave his con--mands
about the successive cpeu:ng of tho
pre ps. Hot vapor poured from the air spira
cles ; in the canduits the metal boiled in waves ;
still no decision yet, as tie influx of the bronze
in the very veins of the figure could be but
slow. At once flaming showers jumped out
of the air conduits, and tho master proclaimed
the cast to have succeeded. A loud cheer fol
lowed, when tho master approached Mr. Craw
ford, the artist of the Washington Monument,
to congratulate him upon this success. Auolh
cr cheer was given to M. de Miller, the chief
of the Royal Foundry at Munich, who Lad
personally conducted the work."
Death for Cowardice. A subi rdinato
Pritish officer was recently tried by a Court
Martial, on a charge of cowardice, and sen
tenced to death. The accusation arose out of
circumstances at tLc reduction of Kinburn.
Mr. Denuchy, the unfortunate man, was sick
at the time, aud was not ou deck when Lis
services were required In his defence, ho
adduced numerous certificates of character,
but he did not attempt to refute the allegation
of absence at the ciitical moment. The Court,
according to the rules, Lad no alternative, and
a verdict of guilty was rendered. It is Loped,
however, that the penalty, that of death, will
not be enforced.
A singular fact contained in tho abstract
of births in Massachusetts in 1S54, is tho
great increase cf children of foreign parents.
Of the 32.00D torn, but JG.47U were of
American pareuts, while 1-4,0110 were of pa
rents, one o both foreigners and tho in
crease from foreign parents was more than
twice what it was from native parents. If
this is a correct statement, the Know-Notb-ings
of that Stato should take measures to
remedy it at once !
Plectrotypinu. Tho National Intelligen
cer states that some very important improve-
mcnts and discoveries have recently been ma
at the Coait Survey Office, in the art of cle
do
trotyping. The production or multiplication
of charts, which was once the work of years,
U now accomplished in a few days, while the
impression upon paper i.s quite 33 good as by
uie cm mciuou.
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