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THE BLESSINGS OF GOVERNMENT, LIKE THE SEWS OF HEAVEN, SHOULD BE DISTRIBUTED ALIKE UPON THE HIGH AND THE LOW, THE RICH AND THE POOR,
"NEW- SERIES.
EBE NSBURG, SEPTEMBER 21, 1854.
VOL. 1. IVO. 52.
M P:
' 1 1 I W 1 I I
T BUM 8 :
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EXILED.
My brighter hours, like pleasant dreams, have fled.
And left me here an exile, and nl ne;
I hear no welce me sound of bunion tread,
No voice except tl e echo of my own.
lily life has pnss'd its ncon of si'nny light,
And entered twilight shades: my hopes are gone;
I wntch'd thni till they vanish'd fr m my sight.
Like stars that fade, and mingle with the tints
of dawn.
And this I know, that when when on wood and
void
The setting sun his bright embroidery weaves,
And when tl e latest of his darts of geld
Is shivered m the brazen shield of leaves,
And. bke kind visi ns at the step of night,
Up n the thankless world the star-le:inis fall,
I know that all those mingled hues of light
Are onty Nature's paintings on my prison-wall.
I roam at will on wooded hill and plain.
Their leafy folds by gentlest browses stirr'd
But I would glaf'lr give this wide domain
To hear a single kindly-spoken word.
I count the waves, they are my enly fritnds;
All day I watch them perish on the shore :
Hut I woul 1 1 se the charm their music lends
To tec a form aa;n that I have seen before.
Or in the wood I wait, when: with soft tread,
The shades of twilight glide among ti e trees,
Stirring no leaf, like spirits of the dead.
Whose oi.ly voice is in the midnight breeze ;
When nil the pomp and glory of the day.
Like a bright p:d ice, not composed of stone,
Put built by sp-rits, has I ng sunk away.
And darkened its sola ruin, stays on earth alone.
A melancholy joy my bosom fills
When the bright moon, with perfect calm en
dued, Bunds her fti!l hefeht upon the misty hills,
Which are but pedestals for solitude,
And stretching o'er tl.ewoill her arms of light.
She. scatters llessiugs from the sky's broad
dome ;
For then I know that in the cheerless night
The same pile moon falls light upon the hills
home.
From the San Francisco (Cal.) Golden Era.
The Lament of the Irish Gold Hunter.
BT JAMES TIFF.S, OF FirKSVILLK.
I'm sitting on a rock, Mary,
Away up in the mine.-.,
A looking out fr lump of g-ld
And pockets a!l I finds
But the lamps I find is precious small
And very few at that.
And I feel that I have Wcu, Mary,
A most almighty flat !
There's lata o' changa up here, Mary,
Tho' you'll find none in me;
For I spent the whole that I was worth
In ctming o'er the sea :
And tho' they says you're roily got
To take your pan and pick
A po;ket full of gold.
You'll find it isn't quite so thick!
I bl jss you for that nice hung lecf
You put into my trunk,
For when I g t it 'tween my teeth
I felt that I was hunk.
I bless you for the sasxages
That 1 isted me so long ;
Tho' I'm thankful they are g me, Mary,
For they smelt a little strong !
I am very dirty now, Mary,
For water's hard to get
Unless it rains, and then you're sure
Of getting pretty wet ;
For there are no umbrellas here,
An 1 the rain comes thro' the roof.
And then you'll catch a cold or corf
Unless you're water-proof.
I Hess you for the bottled beer
That yon put in my head,
To keep my spirits up.
Though I found it "very dead.''
I bleMS you for the friendly cheese
You. put into my Ix-ker,
But 'twas filled chock full of
And one a perfect whopper !
I'm bidding you to keep quito well -
Until the time arrive
That I return again to you,
If I should be alive.
For tho' there' bread and work for all,
I would a great deal rather
Die in 'Ou!d Ireland' once a week
Than live here all the year !
And often n'ghts into the woods
I'd go If I coidd get
For here it is so awful hot
I'm always in a sweat ;
For, there is neither trees or shade.
And I find but little gold.
And so, upon the whole I think
I'm regularly sold !
TRANcnNDKVTALisM Trancende ntalism is
that spiritual cognoscence of psychological
ir.!"i-:?i ';i:fy, connected with corscientent ad
emp -.;.. oT i:K-"'!i:nb!eiit spirituality and ethe
ria V.-al cojnt'oj. : which is derived from a
;rc:j-rji co o:p'.a:;ori of the inegability of!
fees? :r.cc7:-T. . .:! :o divisions of the more
r.:r.--? pr.-iio.".Y o? fiVivMel particles rf I
invisible' a'"-::-', tiii Wco'rta nnatamieally
tr.2aIUV? in the i'inran arc sola :i:jr eot;:rfto- ;
tion of cr;
ternol in tuu tecu
a da. pMoijijjtoa v:
lmed identity. trAJU
r-.Mv p:-rti
tus 1,1 ror. ' -
ernj vis"'..',, cnTultv VrationaUo
cn in-
t-.'nsest inir;.:-:T-c? of l?nvriDtboti'n!
tion. palerr.orJal s----t Alliiv on i coo,p
Governor Bigler in Montrose
One of the largest assemblages ever con
vened in this county met at Montrose on Tues
day, the 29th ult. At three o'clock in the
afternoon the multitude convened in front of
the Academy, where a platform had previous
ly been prepared for the occasion. The
meeting was called to order by G. A. Grow,
whereupon Hon. M. G Tyler was chosen pre
sident, Amherst, Carpenter, Calvin Letts,
Lewis Brush, Isaac lleckhow, Thomas John
son, Torrey Whitney chosen Vice Presidents,
and A. J. Davis chosen Secretary
The President then introduced his Excel
lency, Wm. Jisrler, who spoke upon the to
pics of the day in his usual able and states
manlike luanner, being frequently interrupt-
f ed by cheers front' the crowd; '- - V
The substance of his remarks upon seme
of the topics touched upon by him were as
follows:
"He first gav a general review of State af
fairs spoke of the prosperous condition of the
Commonwealth of the condition of her fi
nances, showing jr.ost clearly that but for pro
jects of expenditure commenced before his in
duction into office, over two millions of the
public debt might havo been paid within the
the last three 3-ears. He declared himself
unqualifiedly against the construction of any
additional improvements by the State that
individual enterprise and capital were equal
to the accomplishment of all feasible schemes
of this kind, and the people should be no
longer lurthcncd with taxation for such pur
poses He next alluded to the monetary con
dition of the country to the bank failures
whjch were daily heralded through the news
papers, and said that it should not be forgot
ten when he came into office,. a project was on
foot tinder the auspices of his predecessor, a
Whig Governor, to introduce into our State
the Free or to use the classic language of the
New York papers, the Wild Cat System of
Banking. He showed that had this measure
of Whig policy lecn adopted, Pennsylvania,
and especially her commercial Metropolis,
would now be the scene of these commercial
disasters that even had he yielded to the de
mands of the Legislature for an extension of
our present sjsteni we should' now Ve in the
condition of some of the surrounding States.
He defined his views and the Democratic po
licy on the subject generally. lie spoke of
the loose S3-stem of granting corporate privi
leges in practice when he came into office a
S3tem which gave undue rghts and advan
tages to capital, in its- relations labor that
enabled the shrewd and designing to impose
upon the honest and unwary. He spoke most
feelingly and cloquenibj- of our Common School
System. Said he had not supposed that it
would ever be necessary for him to define his
position on subject, or repel the accusa
tion, that tlic Uenioeracy desired to make in
roads upon the sj-stem, but he had mistaken,
for there were those who had shown themselves
bold and reckless enough to make the charge.
He repelled it with feeling and manifest in
dignation, and declared that he always had
been, was now, and ever should be the devot
ed friend of our Common School system
that it should be his pride and pleasure to
labor to perfect and extend it, and he looked
forward to the day when the Commonwealth
should be prepared to provide for public edu
cation of all grades.
lie next alluded to the temperance cause
to the cfi'ort that had been made to turn it to
political or partizan account, He said his po
sition was defined in his letter to the State
Temperance Conventiou. He deplored the
evils of intemperance, and was willing to
sanction any reasonable measure to mitigate,
and if possible to exterminate the vice. But
he could not pledge himself to sanction a
law which he had never seen. lie could
not, under the obligation of an oath, saj
that a statute was just and constitutional,
not one word of which he had ever seen,
and for this he had been abused by certain
politicians and pretended temperauce men.
He said the question had been feferred to the
people, and their voice would decide so far as
related to the policy of the measure. Should
tho3' demand the law, and the representatives
j of the people put it in a constitutional torm,
neither he nor his opponent wouiu nave tue
moral courage to reject it.
He next alluded to the strange political
dogmas promulgated by the Whig, Native
American and Know Nothing Mayor of Phi
ladelphia to the effect that no citizen, not
born in the country, should be permitted to
hold office, no matter how pure his character,
how strong his love of country', how valuable
his services. The accident of birth was to
decide the civil rights of the citizen. We
shall Dot attempt to give an idea of the biting
sarcasm and burning eloquence of this part
of his speech. It was truly great. He ex
hibited the flagrant injustice of the idea, de
nounced it as immoral, as unjust, as a propo
sition to disgrace our country, by breaking
the faith of. our fathers as plighted in the
constitution. The secret order of "Know
Nothings," who embrace the doctrine of
Mayor Conrad, together with another dogma
that seeks to proscribe citizens from civil
rights, because of their religious belief, was
next reviewed and rejected as a most insidious,
dangerous and unjust measure. He inquired
why a secret and oath bound association was
necessary in this country, and argued that if
there be "political or moral evils amongst us
which needs correction, that it should be a
day-light business, that the end should be ac
complished in a manner consistent with, the
American character, that they were out
spoken, and gloried in the liberty of speech
and the freedom of the press. He invoked
all denominations andall classes of people to
.-l ew Vy t'le constitution, that thev hadaner-
iim'-nt Trmp niv
.i ' "-r tl- r
!'::?' i -.'i viiS c;t cr class, x.
larrs orsfciziiijr tac ten :'-:ie; t
Wiiala and Kam-as we nxt ret'iired
the Governor. He said he was well tware
that this was the absorbing topic in theSor
them part of the State. He said thaCoffi
cially he had no connection with the subject,
ft was not part of the stewardship for which
he must account, that he had not covenanted
with the people to organize territories,"' nor
to control the action of Congress on i any
questisn. He should not claim for himself
any of the honor that might flow from Con-'
gressional action on this or any subject, and
he did not intend to bear the responsibly,
for this was the work of members of Con
gress and they must account for it to their
constituents that he should not ask theni r
the President to bear the responsibility j.iis
errors of State"poliey".' II did his duty with
out consulting them, and they certainly, did
not and ought not to take his word as a rule
of action on any subject. . He said he never
had or probably never could have an3 official
connection with this subject, and that it was
scarcely possible that the election of a Gover
vernor, whoever might succeed, could have
any influence whatever upon the future polic3'
of those territoiies. This much he thought
it right to say as to his. official relation to the
question, but as a citizen and a member of
the Democratic part3", aniongst whom a diver
sity of opinion exists on this subject, he should
most cheerfully say what h? tho't about the
question. He did not think his views of spe
cial importance, for he made no pretensions
to experience in national politics, that from
1848 to 1850, however, he had given the j
slavery question some consideration. That the
national controversy growing out of the at
tempt to adjust the question of slavery in the
territories acquired from Mexico, absorbed
all other topics, and seemed for a while to
threaten the stability of our national Union.
It was at that time that .Gen Cass, the patriot
and statesman, proposed the doctrine of non
intervention that Congress should forbear
to act on the subject of slavery in the terri
tories, and that the whole question should be
referred to the people accup3'ing the territo
ries that such territories at the proper time
should be admitted as States with or without
slaver3 as the people might decide. He said
that he thought this doctrine wise and safe.
He became its advocate that he had so said
to the people in 1851, when travelling the
State as a candidate. All, however, re
member that he endorsed the Compromise
measures of 1850 That he was still the ad
vocate of the doctrine of non-intervention
that he was willing to trust the people with
a question of morals or politics that he had
more confidence in their judgment, patriotism
and love of freedom than he had in that of
Congress. Indeed, if we were to believe half
that is said of the impressible character of
that bod3', we should be compelled to regard
it as unsafe on any question. He thought
the reference of this vexed and dangerous
question to the people well calculated to allay
the excitement, and give greater stabili- to
our national confederacy. 'And as to the
extension of slavery, he did not embrace
the doctrine of non-intervention, believing
that it would extend the institution he be
lieved just the reverse, that the tendency-
would be to restrict, to drive it south of the
Missouri line. That such was his estima
tion of the -value of the Union, such his
ideas of the blessings which it has bestow-
ed on the American people such-the bless
ed influence which our institutions were
exercising in other parts of the world, that
for one he was willing to lalxr for its pre
servation, and be sacrificed, if needs be, to
secure its perpetuity. Its dissolution, in his
opinion, would be the most horrible calami-13-
that could befal both races it would be a
sad calamity to the North and the South,
to the master and to the slave.
He next wect on to say that had it been
his business to organize the territories of Ne
braska and Kansas, he shauld have done so
in terms of the Compromise acts of 1850,
without, disturbing the act of 1820, fixing
the Missouri line. Whilst he said this he
was also bound in candor to declare, that he
did not believe that the policy of the territo
ries would bediffereut from what it will be
under the present law that he firm!y believ
ed that sJaver3" could not extend there that
nine-tenths of the people would decide against
it that the laws of Nature were not congenial
to the institution that some of the wisest
opponents of the measure held this opinion.
lie said he never had and never should ask
to strengthen the institution of slavery that
he regretted the existence of the institution
as sincerity as any man, but he had .and he
should maintain the clear constitutional rights
of Southern as well as those of Northern
States. He should not ''acknowledge the
overshadowing influence talked about so much
whether that influence came from ' the South
or the North
To the question by some one in the crowd,
whether slavery did not exist in the territo
ries at this time, he replied that it did not
that . individual slaves might be there doing
what white men directed them to do, but the
institution was not there in anj- legal form,
and could not be without express local law,
that it had no legal existence there that the
Constitution of the Tinted "States, in his
opinion, did not -carry it there that Congress
had not and could not establish it there that
it could only derive a legal existence from the
local law-making power that it was the crea
ture of law that when the people of the ter
ritories constituted a law-making power in
the shape of a local legislature, that power,
and that only could give the institution legal
existancc in the territories that he sincerely
believed and hoped that when that power act
ed for those territories the institution would
pc rejected.
stum ue
desirous of "oi-in? sustained
'..U f.wa .T - Vi 4.r.i tit
. "Vi:;.-; .a.-1
..- .' i- I.!- . 1 I':.! '
"; Si- . 1 i 1 ii l--
Sitd urge
it ta o'ojecii'1?! to
all; but not so amongst members of the same
party within the family each should de held
responsible for his own acts.- If . Democratic
members of Congress had voted wrong, that
is no reason: why Democrats should strike
down a Democratic Governor if he has done
right. Difference on great National questions
is very common. We have differed about the
Tariff, and now about the Homestead bill, but
that is no reason why we should reject the
State administration if it be a good one. This
argument might do for the Whigs, but it will
not answer for the Democrals. If the Demo
cratic party arc defeated, it will be claimed
all over the Union as a Wnig triumph, and
nothing raore or lessr"cxcrptihat the Whigs,
Natives and Know-Nothings may dispute as
to who produced the result. lie said he had
not been an agent in the repeal of the Mis
souri Compromise, and those who cast their
votes for him did not therefore, by any fair
construction, endorse it. He would have or
ganized the territories could he have control
led it, uuder the act of 1850, and not dis
turbed the Missouri line.-"
The Germans.
The people of Pennsylvania take pride in a
bold and manly avowal of principle. To be
honest is a part of German character, and
this class cf our citizcn3 look for it in jolitics,
as well as in the common and ordinary pur
suits of life. A large portiou of our citizens
arc Germans, and who expects their suffrages
must not screen himself behind.the nn'sterious
operations of an association whose principles
would strike them down without cause. We
do not speak of Germans of foreign birth
merely, but also those whose native ancestry
date back to a period antecedent to the Revo
lution Our National Independence brought
with it the right of emigration the right to
worship God according to the dictates of con
science the right of free speech, f c., and to
say that the descendant of a German "who
had assisted in producing this result, would
stand b3T the grave of his ancestor and declare
he had fought for principles which are a curse
to the. country, would be a libel apon the
German character To sever the ties which
bind a man to his native land to break up
the associations of his early life, is not so
eas3' as some imagine. . There must be some
powerful iuducement, and when this induce-
ment is the enjoyment of the freedom of our i
institutions, it is a base traud to suppose that
the3 would contribute aught to their destruc
tion At this day, no one sees so well and clear
ly' the value of our institutions, as he whose
lot has been cast in a country less favored.
Bound down by the galling yoke of tyrann3,
he sighs for the freedom which we enjoy and
longs to be a citizen where he can exercise
the rights of a human beiug. Instances are
rare of slaves released from slavery, returning
again to a state of boudage. - It is so with
ninet3--nine to this country, lleleased from
the control of governments which mke the
poor classes worse than the slaves of our own
Southern States, thc3' would not willingty re
turn again to that bondage, nor would thev
lend their aid in so changing the institutions
of this country as to destroy tire liberties of
the masses. The- understand well the value
of American liberty, and they would die in
its defence as soon as a native born. The
history of our Revolution the war of 1812
'13, and the war with Mexico proves this.
The fear therefore expressed by some, of fo
reign influence is unfounded, and is only
made use of for the benefit of a political
part 3'.
We have said that the German character
was that of honesty. It is true and will de
mand at the hands of Mr. Pollock, the Whig,
candidate for Governor, a candid avowal of
his sentiments in regard to the Knew Nothing
order. If they and their children are to be
excluded from all participation in the offices
of the Government if the Constitution of
this State and the United States are to le
violated to their serious injury, and to gratify
the disappointment of men, whose principle
is "rule or ruin," they wish to know it, in
order that when the election conies, they will
also know how to vote It may be a principle
with Whigs to call the Germans "dumb
Dutch," but a short time will tell, that they
know how to treat those who join secret
political associations, to put them down. Let
X r. l'olloek, like an honest man, come out
and tell the people what he is, and in what
le believes. Nay, t if Whigs were honest,
they would call their candidate out, and de
mand from him au honest avowal of political
sentiment. Trickery will no longer do. Such
a game has been played too often. It has
lost its virtue, and politicians to aueceed must
be honest. Platform.
The Religious Press and the Know-Nothings.
We notice that several of the leading reli
gious Protestant journals are "defining their
positions" in relation to the new political ele
ment, st3'led know-uothingism. We have
already staled th t the Churchman, published
in New York, had declared his ojten opposi
tion to all such combinations, and now we
find a communication in the New York
Christian Inqnirrr, styled "a letter to the
know nothings," taking similar ground, from
which we make the following brief extracts :
"The idea of ignoring a man's individuals
ty and of giving him a badge in the society
according to the accident of hut birth, was
one of the mail results, as it is one of the
chief props, of arrogance in man and of des
potism in governments.
"A man is born a Christian, and he has
all the characteristics ot a Jew. , A man is
horn a Jew, and he has all the impulses of
the Christian. A man is born a Roman Ca-
I'hv'ie. v.ho dotfots Pc r.e and JsguitLsni. . A
uuru a i'rue.-.iauf, 'uiu .taio'is v;aturo
cl ' ii. to t'." f.t u ' '.. u.? rci A
I f-a;i ? ' in M'.uopu witii ail t.e H-ii::i;ts Oi
. a r-pubiieau. A man is born in America
with proclivities to exclusiveuets and aristo
cracies. ;
"Don't you see 3-our short-sightedness?
Vou cannot judgi men from what they pro
fess to be. You must judge them from what
they are. If 30U wage war against all who
are corrupt, whether born here or abroad,
whether Catholic or Protestant, yn will suc
ceed, because there is justice and common
sense in your war. From the moment you
descend from that comprehensiv j platform,
and single out one or the other accidents of
birth, as your special enemy. -ou will not
only fail in 3'our endeavar to reform, but j'ou
uuiy uu in 3-uur euueavar 10 reionu, oui vou
will destroy the republic which you wUh" to
save, by destroving the principles of religious
liberty and political equality upon which it
sav
liberty and political equality
is tounded.
" You argue further, that they cannot bear
allegiance to two powers to the Pope of Rome
and the constitution of the United States.
The Animal principle of Gavazzi has mate- j
rialized your understanding Your senses j
are fascinated by the gesticulations of the i
Italian, and your reason does not pay homage :
to the genius of the American. Your reason !
does not pay homage to the innumerable J
agencies of enlightenment which the pulpit,
the school-house, the pro s, the forum, the
whole atmosphere of American life provide !
for defeat ing the most tortuobs machinations !
of the Jesuit, as well as the most God-defying j
ravages of the infidel. Like all that is di
vine, those influences are silent, and you -do
not see how they work. But, like all that is
ungod 3', resentment and intolerance are bois
terous and noisy, and thus have for champions
all those whose minds's c-es ' are shut, who
are blind, and who do not hear unless tbc3'
hear a noise.
" The talk about the oath of allegiance to
the Pope is sheer nonsense. If the old man
himself had the slightest notion of the validi
ty of that oath, the first thing he would have
done when he fled in 1849 would have been
to call to his assistance all his subjects, or, if
they had cared a straw about him, they would
have rushed e 7na.sne to Rome to his rescue.
You libel 3-our American intellectuality 03'
repeating the trash of Italian quack-eloquence.
"Uf course, popular passion is blind al
ways. Mobs follow those who are most suc
cessful Crowds of needy politicians who
now declaim against you will soon crouch at
3-our feet. But there is a God in Heaven ;
and as sure as He, in His coodness. never
deviates from His divine principles, and sends
everr day his sun to illuminate this wicked
world, lest darkness might make wickeduess
more wicked, just as sure will those with
Christ in their heart andWashington in their
mind never deviate from their divinely in
spired principles ; and long hence, when 3-ou
and our efforts are forgotten history will
speak with emotion of the national men who,
b3' waging war against all corrupting influen
ces, and by shunning invidious distinction
created by accident of birth, brought the
county- back to the practical Christianity of
our Saviour, and to the dignified and modest
virtues of the republican Washington "
James Pollock a Know-Nothing.
There is scarcely a Democratic pajter in
the State that does not charge James Pollock
with being a member of the Know-Xothing
order. We have said we would give the most
ineontestible proof of this allegation, if he
would dare deny the charge, and have waited
for some time for that denial.
It has not vet been made. Tha leading
Whig papers of this city have kept a studied
silence on the subject. Why do they not
speak out? We are anxious to serve up for
thus piebald candidate one of the nicest jolit
ical dishes he has ever tasted ; but before do
ing this we desire to have him in a position to
convict him of a most gross moral perjury.
We have been told from various quarters
that the intention of Pollock is to deny this
charge in each count3' a few dajs before the
election, so as to prevent the possibility of
getting the proof before the people. Against
such an attempt we caution our friends
Pollock has now been charged with this
crime against the Constitution, more than six
weeks. He has had more than ample time to
den3' it. Again we-sa3' to him, deny the
charge, if it is not true. We are aware that
the rules of the order permit a member to de
ny his membership and count it no falsehood.
Still we sa3' deny it but do it in time to per
mit the evidence of the falsehood to be dis
seminated. An eleventh hour denial will not
do. It will not satisfy the voters of this
State. . -
Farms Burning Up.
The pine swamp west of Hud on has been
burning for several weeks, and within a few
days lias done an immense amount damage.
Whole meadows to the amount of several hun
dred acres have burnt out four feet deep, and
will of course, when the swamp fids up w ith
waiter, become a lake. The fire would com
mence eating uuder, till whole acres were un
dermined, when a vent would occur, through
w hich the flames would rush out for many feet
in height, and the whole ground, timber and
all would be consumed. Large trees would fall
in a mass, and be burned to ashes. President
Pierce,
of the Hudson college, was in the vi
cinity when he saw some trees apparently on
solid ground, but a short distance from him,
commence trumbling, when he started to run
They continued to fall behind him. and so
near was he at one time to the danger, that the
limbs of a falling tree brushed him. The in
habitants arc in the utmost consternation, not
knowing where or when this terrible state of
things will end. Like calamities never before
visited this county, and unless we soon have
rain, the situation of many neighborho(ds will
ho worse tliaa if tiiey lived ia tho lui lst of
c.u -t:-. uakt-ri. Gou gr-ut rjlu iaay mxu couu.
Oicuvciukd Pluiu Dcslr-r.
iTsh'ii ran bcxj. il
not their expenu
ir
kne vb-d-e.
0UB, PARTY.
The Democratic part3" has been from, tho
begining, and must always be, the irty of
equal rights. The broad doctrine of equality
is the foundation ou which Democrac3' rests.
How is it at the present crisis? What party
except the . Democratic at this time upho!ds
j the cause of equal rights and impartial pro-
lection, and bids defiance to the secret as well
j as open enemies of the Constitution? Not the
j Whigs not the AboHtiouists-sliJl less tho
j Natives All these parties or factions are cog
j inzant of an organization among us, a grand
oath-bound cc i)hpirc3' to disfranchise and
proscribe a iarg portion of oar fellow-citizens
i .,
j Pfosc'r,be.i
i Yt.ause
i tU.e,r ,?nce
they will not abjure the religion of
stors. or were not born within cer
tain lines of latitude ahd longitude And do
these factious denounce it? Do the3 oppose
it! Not one of them. On the contrary, thcy
are at this moment engaged in abetting the
villany, and bargaining with the conspirators
for their votes and influence. If we cculd sup
pose for a moment the success at the polls of
these combiued factions we should find them
proscribing ever3- Democrat within their reach
in cver' possiy le manner, socially as well as
politieallv. Every adopted citizen, whether
native born cr not, no matter though he had
always been an adherent to the Whig partv
would be as completely, deprived of all share
in the enacting of laws, and the administra
tion of public affairs, 11s if he were a tuljcct
of the most absolute Depotism on earth
It is duty of every true republican to reflect
for himself, and to urge upon his neighbor a
consideration of this matter. If the cause of
corruption, ignorance and bigotry is to tri
umph? if the Democratic banner is to be al
lowed to be struck down, and the principle of
republican equality torn from" the Constitu
tion, or even tampered with without reLuke
from the people, no man living, can forsee the
consequences? but it is clear that civil war
might readily be one of them. The American
people will fight, if need be, in defence of the
equal and inalienable rights of man. Yes, it
might, in the contingency suppored, cost the
present generation as severe a struggle to re
store liberty as it did our ancestors originally
to establish it.
Let every good citizen remember that in
the Democratic parry talo!ie is safety. In it
alone is hope. The anti-Democratic party,
composed as it at present, of every discordant
faction, is entirely corrupt, and cannot be
trusted Devyou want proof of this? Look at
the Whigs. Mark their conduct toward Mr.
Chandler, a man who has efficiently served
them in various ways for a quarter of a cen
tury. It so happens that Mr Chandler, some
years since, become a Catholic, or married a
lady who belonged to that commuuion. This,
we venture to presume, he had a perfect ri ht
to do; and for this the bigoted "Know-Nothing''
conspirators have decided that he shall
not again be nominated for Congress; and the
Whig delegates did not dare to pive him a
single vote. Their masters, the "Know-Nothings,"
cracked the whip, and they crouched
in obedience. What base corruption or cow
ardice, or both, was this on the part of the
Wh:gs!
The Democratic part- has never been guil
ty of such baseness. It neither buys nor sells.
It shows its color openly, and always stand
b3' them; and it is the only party in our coun
try that docs so. The Democratic majority is
unquestionably a large majority of the Ameri
can people. When united, it is always vieto
ious; but the danger His in division or supi
iieness. Let divisions, if they exist, be heal
ed, and supineness be shaken off. It is, at
this crisis of political affairs, the especial duty
of every man to give the Democratic ticket a
hearty support. Let all minor consideration
be set aside
The Democratic part3' can alwa-s be relied
upoa in times of danger It is the nation's
right hand in war. and her refuge of safety
in peace. Democrats! contem j lcte the his
tory of the past. Think of the Alien and
Sedition Laws, and the immortal Jeffesson
of the Uuited States Bank, and the glorious
Jackson. Then think of the proscriptive,
vulgar "Know-Nothing" tyrants, and resolve
as one man to crush them into nothingness
But we must cast off all lethargy, and pre
pare in earnest for the conflict. Remember
the momentous consequences that are stake-d
upon the contest, and doubt not the victory.
Be resolved; above all, be united ! We shall
then plaen our Leol up ,n the head of the foul
I monster, religious intolerance ; crush in the
egg of an ignorant and vulgar aristocrac3',
ami scatter to the winds one of the most odi
ous conspiracies that ever disgrace! a free
country,
fallen f"
Awake ! arise ! or bo forever
Before a Jury.
We should liko to kuow what kind of a
chance'a Catholic will have before an Alleghe
ny county Know-Nothing jur3" hereafter The '
oath they take in their dens w ill prevent their
doing justice to their neighbors. What a
couditiou for honest men to contemplate?
.. , l'ittsbunj ChronuU.-
The Sultan and his Warriors.
In a French paper we read : Some one
lately asked a squadron of Turkish lancers if
they duly received their rations?
"Yes," they answered.
"Are vou contented ?"
"s."
"What food do yea get?"
"Bread."
"And what elsa V
"Nothing but bread the Sultau cannot do
an3"tu;ug more for us." . :
"Ar.rvou paid ?"
"Y?s.'"
"How much''"
T ?ntv-cijLt piastres (is. 8d.) per
li)C:i;..;.
"Arj "oa p: M rrgul-.rty V
tVe huff ha i ivjpuy for nine months, tha
i?a!'c. is 0: e' ' ;.- ui '
Wit r. r i-.j.J tv-a-jl-:g than thw
patriotic ref ci&iaai ?