i .
II
1 I!
i
THE BLESSINGS Or G0VE3HMEHT, LIKE TEE DSV3 OF HEAVES, SHOULD BE TCSIpicTOED AUKS OT03 THE HKH ASdTdi
- "" , . " ! i. " '
LOW, THE RICH AND THE PCOIL
Ml'
SBENSBUIIG, SEPTEMBER 14, 1854.
VOL. 1. ISO. 51.
....... NT- 'y ' t
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ADDRESS
of the State Central Committee Ko. 4.
To the Ptojtk of Pennsylvania :
Fellow-Citizens: Thcro have been f.nta
gonistical principles and antngonistical parties
in governments, from thoir first institution to
the present time. The one, lading from the
people all power of self-government, and in
effect denying their right as well as their ca
pacity to govern themselves. .The oilier,
claiming in the language of our Declaration
of Independence, "that all men are created
equal ; that they arc endowed by their creator
with certain inalienable rights ; that- amongst
these arc life, libvrty, and the pursuit of hap
piness. That to secure these rights govern
ments, are instituted among men, deriving
thoir just powers from the consent of the go
verned ; that whenever any form of govern
ment becomes destructive of these ends, it is
the right of the people to alter or to abolish if,
nd to institute new government, laving its
foundation on such principles, and organizing
its powers iu such form as to them shall sem
most likely to effect their safety aril happi
ness "
It was these antngonistical principles that
led to our war of Independence. The great
mass of the American people then asserted.
distinctly and unequivocally, thai ail power j
was inherent in the people. That they not
only"possessed the rich of self-government, j
hut the capacity also to exercise the right.
Tho British of "that day and their adherents
in this country, denied this right as well as
this capacity. Our fathers heroically main
tained their positions, and established their
governments upon the principle? for which
they fought, and the right of man to govern
.himself, and his capacity to do it. in this
country at least, are truisms which no man
dare deny.
liar although we HiUored from reluctant
England, and obtained from all the govern
ments of Europe the recognition of our govern
ment, thus established, yet th despots of the
clJ world have ever looked with a jealouf eye
upon our republican institutions, end v.e had
n party among us during the war of the re vo
lution, and we have never been without tueh
rtv since, that practical!-,- have ueniea
man s right and aLuity to govern himsou.
"When tbe constitutions of the several sta'es
of the Union Vere under consideration, this
frnrty, without an exception, were sirenuor.s
n their endeavors to clothe the government
with strong, if not with arbitrary power; to
keep, ns they said, the people, in check. They
took all the power they could from the people
and vested it in the governments, thu? revers
ing the declaration that governments derived
their just powers from the consent of the go
verned ; and it has taken the friends of the
j -
people from that rime to the pre: cut to correct
ttiese arbitrary provisions in ineir organic
law. In some of the States, the aristocracy
has so intrenched itself behind the barriers of
wealth and exclusive privileges, that, even in
this ago of progress, the people have not yet
been able entirely to dislodgo them ; and, if
not in their organic law, in their ordinary
legislatiou the people of those states have be n
subjected to a restriction of their lights, and
a tyranny in their government scarcely ex
ceeded in those countries where despotism
"prevails.
In framing the constitution of the United
States, these opponents of tho people's rights
endeavored to establish a consolidated govern
ment, which .ehonld tend to centralize in the
general government all the powers and rights
of the several states, as well as of the. people.
They claimed to establish a strong and mag
nificent government with numerous offices,
high salaries, a standing arm-, and a large
navy, and whenever they were in power, and
had the opportunity, they carried these views
Into effect.
The other party, in the days of the revolu
tion, was composed of those who asserted an 1
maintained the rights of the people, who put
forth the Declaration of Independence, and
based their government upon the principles
contained ia it. Ours was the first govern
ment ever established upon those principles,
and it has been a model for all subsequent
governments. In the stormy days of the re-
-olution, the Union of the states was held to
gether more by a sense of mutual danger, and
a sense of mutual dependence, than any coer
cive authority existing in the government of
the Union. In the organization of the seve
ral state governments, the friends of the people
endeavored to make them as democratic as
"they could. Still, the influence of habit, an
attachment to the ordinary forms to which
they had beeil accustomed, a partial ignorance
of the forms in which their principles could be
best carried out, and a disinclination to enter
upon new and untried theories, prevented as
full and complete a reform in their govern
ments as experience has since shown to be ne
cessary, and enabled those of the other party
to Bucceed in their views to a greater extent
than they ought to have done. - AVhen the
throes and the troubles of the revolution were
passed, and it was found necessary to establish
Sietter m government for the Union
t e o)d articles of confederation aSrdoeK
3$isffIIimifmis.
i, ..,...iV . C "I - v OO 111.
try was host governed in which the govern
ment was least felt by the people, were in fa
vor of re taining to-the people and to the state
governments, all power not necessarily requi
site to the transaction of the business of the
general government They wished to confer
upon the general government only certain spe
cific and enumerated powers, that were abso
lutely necessary for such a limited govern
ment or confederation. Their opponents, as
has been stated, were fcr clothing the general
government with almost unlimited powers,
which, if granted, must have m a Jo it a con
solidated government, and in the end swallow
up the state governments' entirely. The re
sult of that convention was to establish a go
vernment for the Union, of unrivalled excel
lence, which combines the federative and the
democratic principle, and makes it a govern
ment of compromise, in which the powers of
government arc limited, restricted and con
fined, to those .expressly granted, or which
follow by direct and necessary (not meiely
eonvcT.ient) implication from those granted.
This government, when properly administer
ed, has all the powers necessary for its pur
poses, and yet loaves to the people and to the
states all their rights uninfringed.
The immortal Washington was, by unani
mous consent, placed at the head of the go
vernment, lie ca!3f around him the states
men and soldiers of it; revolution yet in his
cabinet were found vyfy discordant materials.
Both the antagonistical principles to which we
have before alluded- were there represented,
and it required the win lo weight of that emi
nent man's character to prevent their opera
tion to the prejudice of the country
Col. Hamilton, a man undoubtedly of ta
lents, who tad been conspicuous for his ser
vices in tho revolutionary army, during which
he had enjoyed much of the confidence of
io:i. AVi'bhiiigton, had lecn selected for the
situation of secretary of the treasurj-. In the
convention of 1787 S8 lie lias, however,
shown his predilections fr a strong govern
ment, which, if alopied, would have made us
little Letter than an elective monarchy, wish
a president and senato for lif . He of course
headed the party who coincided v.ith his views,
and distrusted, or affected to distrust, the
power of the people to govern themselves.
They assumed to themselves tho name of fe
deralists, fulat-ly alleging that they were the
exclusive friends of the form of -the general
government thrn orgauiz'l and in practice
The immortal Jefferson, the great apostle
of republicanism, the author of the Declara
tion of Independence, was selected for Secre
tary of ftatc. He espou-;e.l the cause of the
people, and favored a stiet construction of
tho constitution. lie v;ts aide, to a very
great extent, to eounleraet the iuiluence of
A'exander Hamilton, lie was not. however,
:.bl: to succeed in all thin'
m l Kami'to:),
to tli great regret of the republicans of that
day. succeeded in establishing the oil Dank
of' the Unite 1 S.ates, which very soon pro.-ti-t-ited
it -elf to political purro es. Dea-re the
litieat p;
c:o-e oi LiOii. a-:;.iP.g- 'ii s iUtuiuist.ra'iou
jlr. Jefferson withdrew from
lt,
II
as he was
.mlliou anl
unablo to affiliate w;
A.
t'aojc who held his political views.
In 171)6, Gen. Washington having declin
ed a second re-election, John Adams, then
vice president, and Mr. Jefferson became
competitors for tlif presidential chair. As the
law then stood, the candidate who received
the highest vote became president, and he
who received the next highest vote the vice
president On counting "the electorial votes
it was decided that Mr A lams was elected
president and Mr. Jefferson vice president.
Many persons however were even then strong
ly impressed with the belief that this resu't
was unfairly produced. Mr. Adams entered
upon the presid mtial duties on the 4th inarch
1707, and affiliating to a great extent with
the views of Col. Hamilton, selected his cabi
net frcm those entertaining like views, and
disposed of the patronage of the general go
vernment among those of like character With
the powers of the government and the mouicd
influence of the bank combined, this admini
stration soon began to show their disposition
for arbitrary power By the sedition law
thev sought to prevent the freemen of the
country from speaking their thoughts, and
made it a criminal offence punishable by fine
and imprisonment," to cither verbally or in
writing comment upon or investigate the im
proper acts of the government ; thu: effectual
ly crushing the liberty of the press, the great
palladium ef the people's rights. By the
alien law they gave the president the power
to order any foicigner oat of the country at
his own discretion, an 1 in case of refusal, to
suffer imprisonment so long as the president
might think the public saf :ly required. They
raised a large standing army, unnecessarily
expended millions in the increase of the navy,
imnosed direct and indirect taxes upon every
thing which the citizens owned, and filled
. i . .rr.
the countrv witn iiosts oi revenue omcers,
that, like the locusts of Egypt, ate up their
substance and became the pliant tools ot go
vcrnment in being spies upon the people and
prosecuting them for alleged sedition and trea
on, under the laws tOjjvhich we have already
referred
The reign of this party, emphatically and
truly styled "the reign of terror," happily
was of short duration, and expired J with the
term for which Mr. Adams had been declar
cd to bo elected. Federal vituperation and
abuse bad been resorted to without stint, to
calumniate the great republican portion of our
citizens. The horrors of the French revolu
tion were held up as bugbears to frighten the
timid and declared to be the necessary result
of the democratic tendencies of the republi
can party. The Terms democrat and Jaco
bin were heaped upon them as names of re
proach. The republican party, believing
that the term democrat, which in its signrfi
etion meant aji ad-vocatf of tha government
uiu ui'iMcuLiun vi noirci assc-mi iea to ac
complish this purpose. Here the same anta
gonistic elements were found at work. The
friends ef the people, believing that the coun
ot tlie people, was correct, assumed the name
and gloriously carried out its meanin
1 cunsylv;
sylvania, the keystone of the political
the election of 17P0, gloriously tri-
arch, m
umplied m her democratic principles and
gave an earnest of what was to folio m
the succeeding year. In the fall of 1800'the
people of the Union elected Thomas Jeffer
son and Aaron Burr, the two highest candi
dates for president and vice president of the
United States, each receiving an equal num
ber of votes, although it was perfectly .well
understood that the former was to be the pre
sident and the latter the vice president. The
election had to pass into the house of repre
sentatives to select the president and vice
president from the two, iind if we before had
specimens of federal arrogance and tyranny,
we then had exhibited the fullest: evidence of
their utter profligacy as a party.- Theywbis
pcrcd into the car of Aaron, who was a bold,
bad man, as the pcqual showed, that if he
would accede to their views, thev wculd de
feat the voice of the peop-e thoy would make
him president. They were enable! for along
time (the members voting by states) to pre
vent the majority of the rtates going for Mr.
Jefferson. They never were able to main
tain a majority for Burr. The democratic
members proved true to their trust, and the
federal members e f oiu statj at kngth yield
ed, and Mr. Jefferson receive! the nv-ioritv.
He was inaugurate! the -1th day of nnreh,
101. He frUi-roiuided himself with ths ablest
and be.:t men of his party, ai;d having obtain
ed the majority in each house of congress, he
repealed the obnoxious laws passed during
the administration of his predecessor, simpli
fied our government, reformed the abuses in
its administration, lessened its expenses, and
abolished all parade and ostentation in fact,
made it the model of republican government
it was originally intended to be, and general
ly has been since After administering the
government for eight years, be voluntarily
withdrew, and was succeeded by Mr. Madi
son. During the whole of the administration
of these two Matesuun, the federal party were
rancorous and maiignnnt in their opposition
to the government of the Union, in the doings
of the Essex Junta the Hartford Conven
tion the refusal to furnish men and means
to carry on the war in which we were encased
wi;h Great Britain from 1SD2 to 1815, em
phatically called the second war of Indepen
dence, and their constant apologies for the
acts of Great Britain during that war, mourn
ing over our victories and rejoicing at those
of our enemies. Jackson, however, ended
that war in a blaze of glory at New Orleans
on the ith January, 1815. Jackson fought
many battles, martial and civil, for Lis coun
try. I p to toe tune tiftii!. war, federalism al
ugh foiled and defeated, h-id held its crest
erect r.nd displayed a portion pf its f irmer
pride and arrogance. During this war, I10W7
ever, it nssum ed the name of the "peace par
ty," ar.i since then be. been known by almost
many names as there have been' political
coin. icts in tue country. AKout the couelu-
ion of the war, one
f it
beu!
Ieaom'T
editors 111
wmuii io auetiier.
eoualiv prominent
u its ranks, alvi-eln
change of tactics, urg
I ter to waive the proud
a:ae 1, of possessing
ing that it would be h:
pretensions they hal ;
an me i.ucnis, mi i;ie a-.-cney, an i a.i tne
Tljljl j 11.1 1 1 11.1
d-
learning of the country, and seek success "by
fanning the embers of discontent in the demo
cratic ranks." The bint was taken, the par
ty name was dropped, and since then they
have been found, upon evcrv occasion, fomen
ting liivi.-ion-s in the d
flaming the passions
mocratic ranks, by m-
nnl prejudices of any
portion id our citizens affe
ffeeU
1 either from
influence of circumstances and trade unon
tUeir pecuniary affairs, from political or per
sonal disappointments, from local pre judices
or habits, from sectarianism or fanaticism in
religion or any other cause. But they have
never changed their principles. Whiggery
of the present day is the federalism of 1790,
grown more cunning. It has stooped trom its
high percn, and is now a mere truckler for of
fice, in which, if once firmly reinstated, it
would show all its obnoxious traits of charac
ter over again. The attempt to elect Burr in
1801, and the attempt to defeat the election
in Pennsylvania in 1S33, by the acts connect
ed with the Buckshot war, are but diffeient
efforts of the same party "to treat elections
by the people as though they had not taken
place."
The democratic party have ever been true
to their professions, lie-cognizing to -their
fullest extent the right and ability of the
people to govern themselves, they have decni
el it the best policy to have the people go
verned as little as possible to abstain from
the passage of alljurbitrary laws affecting their
persons, property or rights to require the
citizen, to give up the fewest of his natural
rights, that will be consistent with the safety
of society, and clothe the public servants with
only those powers that arejabsolutely necessa
ry for these ends to require that all power,
delegated to public servants, should return at
stated and short periods to the people to whom
all power belongs, that tho same may be con
ferred either on the former incumbents, when
found worthy, or upon others more merito
rious. For although power does not always
corrupt, of which we have bad many admi
rable examples, yet its tendency is to corrupt,
of which we regret to say we have had not a
few.
The principles of these two antagonistical 1
parties are involved in the coming contest in
Pennsylvania. The democratic party, ercr
honest and candid, avow their principles in
open day ; they bear the same honest name
they have borne for more than half a century.
That name conferred upon them as a term of
reproach has won its way to public confidence
and esteem, and eo much is tho power of that
name felt, that ancient federalism, now mo
dern -whiggery, has often sought to steal it,
to deceive the people. Democracy advocates
the equal rights of all our citizens, it abhors
all cluve prirflegee to the recsr, it knovs Co
distinction between our native born and ti.i.
turaL'z-d ieiuzens, other than those which the
I ct
I w
constitution has created. One of its first acts
hen Mr. Jefferson cmie into nower was to
amesd the laws and facilitate the means for
the naturalization of foreigners. It remember
ed among the causes assigned, for declaring
our country independent, an Important one,
that the king of England had obstructed the
laws for the naturalization of foreigners ; and
in this as in all other acts they have carried
out the principles of 177G not the principles
of the miscalled 'sons of the sires of '7G."
Our adversaries are endeavoring to crawl
into power at this time by a concentration of
all then- own partizans proper and an attempt
to excite among other prejudices foreign and
inimical Lo the constitution of the United
States. ijrcloiio" ij-to vcUUivJ
toxeito ihe sympathies ana prejudices of
portions ot our citizens. J he constitution of
the United States left the institution of slave
ry, which had been imposed upon us by the
mercenary cupidity cf Great Britain, just
it found it a mere r
mnielpal
existed
rocrula-
tin of the states iu v. lilch it
l'cnn-
."-mama, immediately upon
the close of the
rovolution. abolished this insti
lution within
the northern
htr borders, and
dmost all
buies nave siuee uu
iowe
1 her example
Be-
f.iiv the revolution it existed in all the states.
If the true
abolition com! be
j reach;!, vr
mo;; ve? ol
fear that the northc
rn states will
not ha
cn
Lied to as much
credit as many
cuiai lor its aooiiiion. it was iouud tuat
.1 .
1 ,
slave Zabor was unprofitable for mere farming
purposes, and these, the motives of pecuniar'
interest, superadded to what were deemed the
principles of humanity, procured its abolition
ia all the original tit,s n)rtb ofMaryland and
Polar. ar'. The compromises of the constitution
upon this subject, which prevented any action
by the general government on the subject of
slavery, have been faithfully carried out ly
the democratic party, in every portion of the
Un'on. They hold that no one state has a
right to interfere with what appropriately be
longs to another.
T'e congress of the United States has the
power to admit new states into the Union,
and they have wisely determined that, iu
crea jog territories and admitting new states,
the people of such new states or territories
shad have a right to make their own law;
upui the subject of slavery, or any other sub
ject that belongs rightfully to a municipal go
vernment. Our adversaries taking advantage
of the agination produced on this subject of
slavery by the erection of the new territories
of Kansas and Nebraska, are charging the
democratic party with favoring the cause of
human slavery. They have done no such
thing. They have merely determined that
co'ugiess, according to the constitution, has no
right to interfere with the subject, an! that
to fie people of the territories and elates, re
spei'ively, this whole subject belongs, and
thej have unquestionably decided rightly.
lYiiisylvaiiia or any other state of the Union,
migt to-morrow revive the institution if it
wer thought right; Yet our adversaries are
en layering to excite your sympathies in the
ca-.m: ef humanity, so as to induce you, practical-,
to violate the constitution of our
couilry.
Tey are also ondeavoiing to foment tlifH
cuhis between different classes of pur citizens
audio array our native born and naturalized
ci til ns in opposition to each other, and to ef
fectthis they would bring to their aid secta
rian feelings iu religion Our forefathers
wisAy inhibited this, when, in every state
; coimtutioi we nna a provision sub.-.tautially
j deel.i-ing, that every man lias a right to cu
joy lis liberty of conscience and to worship
(tod in tao manner he shall think to be most
acceptable, and the constitution of the United
States prohibits the general government from
giving preference to any one religious denomi
nation over another. That constitution, too,
confjrs upon naturalized citizens blithe rights
eonfrrcd upon those who are native born,
with one exception. We, therefore, protest,
in die most distinct and solemn manner,
agaiist any indirect attempts to accomplish
that which the constitution and laws of the
Unied States anl of the several states so
point'dly and so properly prohibits. It would
be srping the foundations of our free institu
tions It would be loosening the bonds which
hold us together. It would be a practical
wrong upon a portion of our citizens, who have
coual rights with ourselves and making a !
distiiction which the constitution of the Unit
ed States does not make or permit.
Yvc should guard against all attempts to I
violate the principles of that constitution. It J
is the ark of our political safety It should j
never be touched with unhallowed nanus. 1
Open anl bold attempts to violate it are seen
through' and at once excite our
DUr resistance,
It is frni secret, insidious and undetected at
tempts to undermine it, that we shall be ex
posed t the greatest danger.
Opposition to those of foreign birth consti
tutes n.uch of the political capital of our ad
versariis of the present day. In this they
are cloie imitators of the federalists of '08.
By die 3d section of the alien law, every
master or commander of any ship or vessel,
which shall enter any port of the United States
cli.ll iiiv.r.dlntt.K- mnl-o wnnrt in writing to
cuau - ..0
the collector or otner chiet ollicer et the cus
toms, cf all aliens on board his vessel, specify
ing their names, age, the place of nativity,
the cointry from which they shall have come,
the nation to which they belong and owe al
legiance, their occupation, and a description
of their persons, and on failure to do so, to
forfeit the sum of three hundred dollars ; and
in default of payment the vessel was to be de-
twined bv such collector or other officer. The
collector was also required fortwith to trans
mit to the department of state true copies of
all such returns. This was virtually closing
our harbors to foreign emigration, at tho most
important crisis of the Irish rebellion, when
many of the heroes and patriots of that gallant
t people which rendered eo much service to the
cause of liberty m our own revolutionary
struggle, were engaged in imitating our
example, and being unsuccessful, were driu
from home and country, to seek an asylum
elsewhere.
Man- of that noble and generous, but un
fortunate people, after they had failed in their
exertions to emancipate their bleeding coun
try, relying upon the assurance -riven bv the
congress of 1775 to the Irish nation, that the :
tortile regions of America would afford them , your felloweuizcns will not forget the patrot
a safe asylum froni oppression,'' resolved upon ie part you took in the accomplishment of
making this country their residence. ltufus ; their revolution, and the cstablishmcni of their
King, a high-toned federalist, one of the par- ; government, or the important assistance re
ty of the "well-born," and a faithful roprc- ' eeived from a nation in which the catholic re
sentative of their intolerance and bigotry, I iigion is professed."
was, at that time, the American minister in! When, therefore, fellow-citizens. rc find
London, at the court of St. James, and re
sisted the emigration of these Iri.-b patriots
A-;""lur of them who were conGucsu imli
mal uungeons, and who had r.n offer of their
release on condition of their going to Ameri
ra, applied to Mr. King to withdraw his op
position to their so doing. In answer to a
letter written him ly one of the Iri.-h state
prisoners, Mr. King said :
"I ought to inform you that I really have
tto auth'tritt to give or icfuse permission to
you or any other f -reiguer to go to the Unit
ed States ; the ad minion and residence of
slrang-rs in that country being a matter that
by a late law, -( the alien law) "e.crhixirrl. l -
ifjug loir.e jna-mnr. it is true tiiat the. go- ;
vcrnment of this country, (Euglaud.) in the j
course of the last year, iu n?.riuo nre of in if
itui-rji.il ncc, uavo me assurance mat a jir
ticulur (7cs-,ij4iiiii of person in IrtbtnJ. n7i,
it Mas undcr.ttrid, irire qniitn to the United
St'tten, should not be allowed to proe-eed with- j
out our consent. This restraint would doubt- j
less be withdrawn in favor of persons against j
whose emigration J nhoxtld ntt ohjert. I am
sorry to make the remark, and shall stand in
need of your candor in doing so, that a binjc
fmrtioii of tin- cini'jninfsfi-om Inland, a,id es- j
jtccuitli tu the inidtllc states, hare urrctjed
themxiives on the aide if the ni'drnntiiUg, (i. c.
the democrats and adherents of Mr. Jeffer
son.) If the opinions 01 the emigrants are
likely to throw them into the class of malcon
tents, they might become a disadvantage in
stead of a benefit to our country."
This is tho leaven that has leavened the
whole lump. The democrats and their politic
al opponents have ever been at isue upon
this subject of foreign emigration and the laws
of naturalization. The one constituting as a
fundamental principle of their political faith
the free and full extentiou of the rights and
blessings they enjoy to all the human family
that desired to partake of them, who sought
our shores as refuge from oppression iu their
native land
The other party dreading the !
expansion of that spirit of liberty, and that j
hatrelto titled dignitaries and various forms j
of oppression iu monarchical
tnat urge contiunally the ti le of emigration i
from Europe, have always advocated such re- j
strictions upon citizen -hip, and pursuad such j
a hostile policy to foreigners, that had they i
continued in power, anl b en enabled to car- !
ry their views into effect, the new flourishing
and populous western states of this Union, !
would have still been territories, and our lie- )
tional character degrade! and disgraced, in. I
stcaJ of having a great name and power and j
glory among the nations of the earth. j
The first naturalization law, passed in 1700, ,
only required a residence of two years to be- :
come a-citizen. The act of 171J5 extended !
the time to five vea:
But the federalists
discovering that when foreigners were natur- i
. . . . ...
atized they generally voted the republican 1
ticket, conceived the idea of punishing them j
for their contumacy, and accordingly the time j
of probation was still further extended by the j
act June 18, 1708, to fourteen years, and a
declaration of intention yiu; years before the
admission of the applicant to the rights of ci-
tizenslup It is somewhat remarkable that
this act was passed on the 17 June, 1708, (
the alien law on the 25th June, and the se
dition law on the 14th July, of the same year.
It would seem as if the whole energies of fed
eralism were roused to one tremendous exert
ion to crush the spirit of the people, and des
troy the liberties of the country All these
acta were repealed on Mr Jefferson's access
ion to the presidency, and the time of resid
ence necessary for a foreigner to become a
citizen brought back to five yearsi at which it
has ever since remained.
Nearly every civilized nation has adopted
liberal naturalization laws, particularly where
bfv linvo lw..n ;tii.if :! ns we are with a snarse i
population, and extensive regions, millions of :
acres of uncultivated L-.:i Is. It is our policy !
to draw the power and productive industry of
other nations to ourselves. France, Holland,
Russia, ami even England, have all iu turn
I pursued this policy to great advantage, at eh-
liereni pcrrjus ui iuuu iumui . j.h m".
of the Edwards, the Henrys and iu the reign
of Elizabeth, alien citizens and manufactures
vtere invited to Kigland and naturalized with
out any previous residence, or even an oath
of allegiance.
But the miserable know-nothings of the
present day, have refined upon the cruelty
and tyranny of the federalism of 0S for they
would repeal all naturalization Jaws, ami pre
vent foreigners from becoming citizens at all.
I Thev WOuld also add reli'jiouS to political in
j ,, . .1 -
tolerance, incy wouui hui oui) t"' nnr
by which those not born on American soil
would beehorn of all the attributes of freedom,
but they would deprive native as well as for
eign born of the blessed privilege of worship
ing God according to the dictates of their owu
cionscicnce?. The comparison is manifestly
in favor of the. black cockade federalism of
j "the reign of terror, in the time of tue cider
d Pill S
The democracy respect all religions, and
in the spirit of our institutions tolerate all.
This was the spirit of our revolutionary fath
ers. They persecuted neither protestant nor
catholic, neither puritan nor quaker, bat ex
tended the broad aegis of the fundamental
law of tha land over them, for their protect
ion. In December, 1787, General Wa.hin-
ton wrote to tho Homan catholics of the Un
ited States a..-follows:
"As mankind become more liberal, thoy
wjll be more apt to allow that all those who
conduct themselves as worthy members of the
community, are equally entitled to tho pro"-''
tection of civil government. Ihojte tr$r to t
America a, noun thr f,
ih s of
, .
j that a consolidated government, a love for ex-
; elusive privileges and nioincd corporations, a
i desire io-xliwiiiipliod powcra from the con
; solution, and exe rcise them for their own sel
j lisli purposes, and to establish a restriction to
j ciLze :is!iip, constitute the favorite dogmas of
j our political adversaries, it is reasonable to
: believe that a change in our very system of
I government would follow their ultimate suc-
1 CCT-....
: This historical view of the parties, their
i principles and their acts, has occupied more
sra ee ilia-.) was expected, and we must hasten to
j the conclusion of this our' lust address. 11c
i member, fellow-citizens, that the motto of our
party is, "principles and not mea." Yet
in
popular elections men must be selected as tho
standard bearers of parties and of their princi
ples. Thev. however, are but the rcpresent-
t ttives of their p;.ity md ire bound to carry
out its principles. Test the coming contest
by principles let no false issues be introdue
ed into it. Confine the issue to that for which
our fathers fought and bled the rights of tho
people. Every other clement attempted to be
introduced into it is a device of the enemy a
stepping stone to get themselves into power,
which, whenever possessed, they have abused.
Eemember the cause cf the old democracy;
i its upright, straightforward course. It ear its
banner on high, march boldly m solid column
to the fight victory will crown your efforts,
and the cause of pular rights will be safe.
J. ELLIS BOXIIAM, Chasrma.
CEORGI C. welklr, K cretari.
From the St. Louis An-ciger, Auy.tlQ
Life and Death A Short and True Story.
One day last week, early iu tho morning,
that miserable conveyance which takes the
pour and friendless dead to the City Cemetery
at the city's expense, halte-d in front of a houso
in a street of the southern part of the city.
The driver alighted from the wagon, entered
the house, but appeared again soon after, car-
rving, in company with another alike disintcr-
estod looking man, to cofiiu made of rough
boards. The coffin was placed on tho wagou
and it made speed over the deserted streets
towards the cemetery.
Not one followed the wagon with a sorry
look not one stood at her grave with a feel
ing heart, when the earth fell upon the coffin;
and yet, this eofiin contained the corpse of a
lady who once was sincerely adored by hun
dreds who once was honored, extolled, en
vied in society who could command riches,
and who, but a few years ago, before she trod,
the shores of this continent, could expect a
happy and contended old age.
This Lady was llosa Ncscheuii, the daught
er of an immensely wealthy Polish nobleman.
In early youth she was taken to the Imperial
Court of Austria, where, iu her eighteenth
year, she was marriad to a French nobleman,
. .1 -r v- l
who was also very rich Rosa Neschemi liv
ed many long and happy years, partly upou
the possession of her husband purtly travel
ing through Germany, Spain, Italy, and Eng
land, and guve birth to three sons, who receiv
ed the best education, and upon whom the
t yes of the jiaronts rested with with great
pride.
Of the cons, the eldest one, au exceedingly
gifted young man , was surpassingly success
ful in Spain, and was at that time, private
secretary to King Ferdinand. Afier tho
King's death he removed to a villa in tho
neighborhood of Valencia, where, as Ls believ
ed, lie fell a prey to the dagger of an assassin.
The second sou, who had joined himself to
the ministers of the church, was an especial
favorite of thePopo Gregory. He died also
soon after that event.
The third son, yet very young, remained
with his mother, who found au asylum in Swit
zerland, whither she carried the remnants of
her ruined fortune. In las sixteenth 'car.
he left his mothe r and came to America. Iu
New Orleans he soon found employment and
cirned much money. Jau associauont., ana
bis own inclination to diss ipation caused him to
deviate from the proper path, and some five
vears ago he grasped at the last ana most con
temptible means to save his credit he pcr-
suaueil ii is u l momcr iu tm-s '"t un.au.
could not refuse the prayer of her only son.
She succeeded in bringing with her six thous
and dollars, which was spenb-by her son in a
short time. About a year ago, be ended his
career in New Orleans being employed as
deputy sheriff, he killed a Creole by stabbing
him He escaped to California, and bin old
mother, to whom New Orleans naturally be
came a place of extreme hatred turned her
steps towards St Louis.
One da'v last week, early in the morning.
l 11- 1 1 . .1. y.M.tMTl Silt
the miserably city hearse conveyed the remains
of Rosa Neschemi, to the last unwept for rost
ing place. Such is life.
J2T young man of good standing recent
ly proposed honorable marriage to a young
lady of tho West, when he recieved for an
answer: "Get out yot feller ! Do you think
I would sleep with a man ? FH tell your
mother!"
.rs-Dite-JDiir.LY Ignouast. A man who
profess.. 3 to be a Know Xolhin'j,
"ST An old man speaking of bin great knov
lede of the western country, the other df,,
said be had known the ":--'mi river since
it was a small creek.
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